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Géographie Et Cultures, 58 | 2006 La Question Culinaire Aux États-Unis 2

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Géographie Et Cultures, 58 | 2006 La Question Culinaire Aux États-Unis 2 Géographie et cultures 58 | 2006 Multiculturalisme/ mondialisation La question culinaire aux États-Unis Peut-on parler de multiculturalisme alimentaire ? Gilles Fumey Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/gc/7813 DOI : 10.4000/gc.7813 ISSN : 2267-6759 Éditeur L’Harmattan Édition imprimée Date de publication : 1 octobre 2006 Pagination : 33-49 ISBN : 2-296-01810-6 ISSN : 1165-0354 Référence électronique Gilles Fumey, « La question culinaire aux États-Unis », Géographie et cultures [En ligne], 58 | 2006, mis en ligne le 14 décembre 2018, consulté le 22 mars 2021. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/gc/ 7813 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/gc.7813 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 22 mars 2021. La question culinaire aux États-Unis 1 La question culinaire aux États-Unis Peut-on parler de multiculturalisme alimentaire ? Gilles Fumey 1 Après le melting pot, la métaphore sociodémographique de la grande salade composée (le salad bowl) est celle d’un plat d’assemblage, riche en ingrédients variés mais distincts qui ne perdent pas leur identité dans le mélange. Dans l’alimentation des Étatsuniens, ce pêle-mêle de saveurs issues de sushi rolls californiens et de jambalaya (plat créole dérivé de la paella) de la Nouvelle-Orléans est aussi américain que le hamburger et l’apple pie. Il exprime ce jeu entre le présent et le passé et n’a pas de vocation universaliste. Il se diffuse au gré des migrations, sans qu’un système particulier n’explique le fonctionnement de son extension. Mais cette juxtaposition est-elle pour autant une expression multiculturelle ? 2 Connaître les goûts et les saveurs qui perdurent dans les plats des Étatsuniens est possible par les recettes. Elles sont prises comme des documents sur le choix des ingrédients, les façons de les assembler et les cuissons recommandées. Elles dessinent une géographie marquée par des noyaux durs de saveurs qui entrent dans la composition de l’identité culturelle régionale. Cette distribution se lit en négatif d’une immigration qui, dans le passé, a constitué aux États-Unis un patchwork de pratiques à partir desquelles a émergé une alimentation standard pour les populations les plus mobiles. C’est dans les villes que les cultures culinaires ont le mieux résisté et qu’on les identifie le plus facilement à l’échelon des quartiers comme à l’échelon domestique ou du restaurant (Newman, 1986). 3 Aujourd’hui, tous les plats sont issus de contacts et de brassages souvent transmis par de puissants diffuseurs comme les industries agroalimentaires. Les classes sociales aux États-Unis ne jouent pas de rôle social distinctif, le protestantisme n’ayant pas favorisé l’éclosion d’une gastronomie de type eucharistique où le repas commun a une fonction quasi sacrée. Ici, pas de princes – ou peu –, de prêtres, mais beaucoup de marchands qui diffusent des manières de manger rapides, simples et décontractées. Géographie et cultures, 58 | 2006 La question culinaire aux États-Unis 2 Le principe du salad bowl 4 Les recettes informent sur les usages et les conditionnements de la culture américaine, sur les lieux d’origine des plats, les modes de préparation et les habitudes familiales1 (tableau 1). Comment une culture s’empare-t-elle des pulsions humaines pour en faire des désirs structurés ? 5 Pourquoi en un lieu donné les individus trouvent-ils une bonne viande cuite ou crue ? Et quelle viande ? Avec quelle cuisson et quelle sauce, quelle garniture ? Les livres de recettes donnent des indications sur les goûts qui sont recherchés dans une certaine tradition, en fonction d’une norme sociale, d’un prestige, de règles diététiques, de contraintes techniques ou d’approvisionnement. On atteint avec les recettes le goût d’une culture locale qui ne se confond pas avec une autre. 6 La métaphore du salad bowl paraît appropriée pour les plats, les produits et les saveurs dominantes qui se mêlent au fur et à mesure que se construit le territoire. Mais le salad bowl ne s’est pas construit de la même manière dans les différentes régions, certaines compositions restant identitaires à cet échelon local à côté de pratiques plus globales, « américanisées » parce qu’appartenant aux Étatsuniens tous ensemble et jouant comme identité « américaine » à l’étranger. Tableau 1 : Corpus de livres contenant des recettes et traitant de l’histoire culinaire locale ARNOLD, S., 1990, Eating up the Santa Fe trail, Niwot (Co), University Press of Colorado. AYTO, J., 1993, The Diner’s dictionaryfood and drink, Oxford, Oxford University Press. BUTEL, J., 1994, Jane Butel’s Southwestern kitchen, New York, HP Book. CARSON, D., 1996, New native American cooking, New York, Random House. CORUM, A. K, 1983, Ethnie foods of Hawai, Honolulu, The Bess Press. DE WALD, L., 1988, Arizona highways heritage cookbook, Phoenix, Arizona Highways. DOOLEY, B. et L. WATSON, 1995, Savoring the seasons of the Northern Heartlands, New York, Alfred Knopf. FERGUSON, S., 1989, Soulfood classic cuisine from the Deep South, New York, Grove Press. GLENN, C., 1986, The heritage of Southern cooking, New York, Workman Publishing. MEGUIRE, P., 1970, The German Texans, San Antonio, The University of Texas Institute of Texan Culture. MILLER, M. C., 1989, The official fajita cookbook, Austin, Monthly Press. PATENT, G., 1996, New cooking of the Old West, Berkeley, California, Ten Speed Press. Géographie et cultures, 58 | 2006 La question culinaire aux États-Unis 3 PEYTON, J., 1990, El Norte, Santa Fe, Red Crane Books. SIMONS, H. et C. HOYT, 1992, A guide to Hispanic Texas, Austin, The University of Texas Press. TRILLIN, C., 1979, Americanfried, New York, Vintage Book. WHITE, J., 1989, Jasper white’s cooking from New England, New York, Harper & Row. WOLCOTT, 1., 1985, The Yankee cookbook, Lexington, Massachusetts, The Stephen Greene Press. Le fonds indien et préhispanique 7 Il n’a pas disparu, mais s’est fondu dans les manières alimentaires des immigrants dans tout le pays, excepté dans les Rocheuses. Même dans les tribus navajo et hopi de l’Arizona, chez les Pueblos et Zunis du Nouveau Mexique, on ne consomme pendant les fêtes – comme les powwows – que le maïs, les courges et les haricots, la « triade indienne », combinaison nutritive et agronomique. Le maïs avait surtout une fonction rituelle2 et curative. Ce sont les Algonquins et leur chef Powhatan qui, en 1607, offrirent aux colons un festin composé d’un plat de maïs en grains, de fèves, avec du gibier et des baies. Des fêtes rituelles anciennes, ces plats sont passés dans l’alimentation courante avec l’accession des populations indiennes à l’alimentation abondante. La cuisine des premiers immigrants 8 Le salad bowl était un plat plus consistant à l’époque des premiers immigrants européens. Les populations qui arrivent à partir de 1620 sont celles qui ont marqué le plus la cuisine du fait de leur rapidité à avancer, de leur force économique et de leur nombre. Le système mercantiliste (Claval, 1989, p. 65) favorise les plantations et donc les excédents qui circulent loin dans le pays. En même temps, les esclaves noirs emportent leurs aliments préférés comme l’igname, les graines de sésame, l’okra (petit légume vert qui devient gélatineux à la cuisson), les cacahuètes3 et les cornilles. Ils travaillent comme cuisiniers et créent un système culinaire métis qui fait disparaître la spécificité africaine. Le cas de la cuisine gullah illustre l’exemple d’une cuisine à la graisse de porc fumé (apportée par les maîtres hollandais et anglais), avec des fruits de mer comme ceux que l’on trouve dans le frogmore stew (plat de crevettes et de crabes à la bière, de saucisses et de maïs, agrémenté d’épices). Le creuset du Middle West 9 En dehors de la côte est, les regions marquées par l’apport européen sont les grandes plaines du Middle West. Les pionniers européens qui ont édifié au XIXe siècle ce grenier à blé et la Dairy Belt ont appris des Indiens la récolte du riz sauvage, les méthodes de chasse et de pêche. Ils ont apporté de Pologne, de Suède, d’Allemagne et d’Angleterre, le ragoût, le pain rustique, les pommes de terre – qui reviennent en Amérique avec eux. Ils ont fabriqué des fromages, embossé des saucisses, fumé des viandes et des poissons, brassé de la bière. L’autre vague migratoire issue de l’Europe médiane et du Moyen- Géographie et cultures, 58 | 2006 La question culinaire aux États-Unis 4 Orient, installée plus tardivement et plutôt dans les villes, renouvelle certaines manières de travailler les céréales4, les fruits comme les kakis d’Amérique que l’on retrouve dans des puddings. Plus à l’Ouest, dans les grandes plaines, les communautés de mennonites russes et les Scandinaves reprennent les plats sioux comme l’hominy (maïs concassé et bouilli), le jerky (morceaux de bison épicés) et des haricots secs cuits à l’étouffée. Les plantes locales, telles les huckleberries, les merises, les noyers noirs, les vignes Isabelle, les figues de Barbarie et les topinambours sont repris à cette époque et présents aujourd’hui dans les conserves domestiques et sur les marchés locaux des petites villes. Dans les Rocheuses, l’apport indien s’atténue, l’immigration est européenne et de l’Est américain. Sur la piste de Santa Fe, la nourriture simple des pionniers est encore de rigueur, mais l’axe commercial attire des hommes d’affaires venus du Sud, des réfugiés politiques allemands, des Mexicains voire des Amérindiens. Le champagne français, les sucreries méditerranéennes, le gingembre chinois et les olives pénètrent sur les terres du maïs et du piment. Déjà en 1835, on pouvait déjeuner sur les rives de l’Arkansas à Bent’s Fort – La Junta aujourd’hui – de viande de bison séchée, de gâteaux de maïs arrosés de vins de Bordeaux.
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