Education and Social Change. Monograph 1. By- Orr, John B

REPORT RESUMES

ED 018525 24 U0 005 981 EDUCATION AND SOCIAL CHANGE. MONOGRAPH 1. BY- ORR, JOHN B. PULSIPHER, LYDIA SOUTHWEST EDUC. DEVELOPMENT CORP., AUSTIN, TEX. REPORT NUMBER BR2113 PUB DATE ST EDRS PRICEMF.40.76 HC -16.24 154P.

DESCRIPTORS- *COMPENSATORY EDUCATION, *POLITICAL ISSUES, *SOCIAL CHANGE, *CULTURAL CONTEXT, LITERATURE REVIEWS, SCHOOL INTEGRATION, NEGROES, SOCIAL FACTORS, FAMILY (SOCIOLOGICAL UNIT), POLITICAL POWER, RACIAL SEGREGATION, FAMILY STRUCTURE, SOCIALLY DEVIANT BEHAVIOR, RACE RELATIONS, CULTURAL PLURALISM, MODELS, LATIN AMERICA

THE PRODUCT OF A CONFERENCE WHICH CONCENTRATED ON THE ISSUES OF COMPENSATORY EDUCATION IN A CULTURAL CONTEXT, THE ESSAYS IN THIS VOLUME DEAL WITH (1) THE SOCIAL-POLITICAL ASPECTS OF COMPENSATORY EDUCATION, (2) RACIAL ISOLATION AND COAPENSATORY EDUCATION, (3) THE FAMILY STRUCTURE IN LATIN AMERICAN AND NEGRC AMERICAN COMMUNITIES, (4) SOCIAL DEVIANCE AND POLITICAL MARGINALITY, AND (5) EDUCATION AND SOCIAL CONTROL. THERE IS ALSO A REVIEW OF SELECTED BOOKS AND ARTICLES RELATED TO THESE ISSUES. (0) k, ,)

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This Monograph isone in a series published by the Southwest EducationalDevelopment Laboratory to Antpand the tolerances,sympo- thin and understandings ofpersons invoked in the education ofyoung people for successful encounter in the Twentieth Century

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PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIGINATING IT.POINTS OF VIEW OR OPINIONS

STATED DO NOT NECESSARILY REPRESENT OFFICIAL OFFICE OF EDUCATION

POSITION OR POLICY. Education and Social Change

John B. Orr and Lydia Pulsipher

Editors

Southwest Educational Development Laboratory

Austin, Texas

C) 1967 CONTENTS

Foreword, by Edwin Hindman 5

Preface, by f obn Orr 7

GOALS OF COMPENSATORY EDUCATION

Goals in Intercultural Education, by David Little 15

Compensatory Education: A Political Model, by f obn Owand Lydia Pulsipber 25

THE CONTEXT OF EDUCATIONALREFORM

Family Structure in the Latin-American and NegroAmerican Communities, by Munro S. Edmonson 43

Racial Isolation and Compensatory Education, by John Orr and Lydia Pulsipber 55

Socio-Political Relations in Intercultural Contact, by Lawrence Goodwyn 61

The Negro Family, by John Orr and LydiaPulsipber 89

Social Deviance and Political Marginality:Toward a Redefinition of the Relation Between Sociology andPolitics, by Irving Louis Horowitz and MartinLiebowitz 93

Education and Social Change, by John Orrand Lydia Pulsipber ...... 117

EDUCATION AND THE INSTRUMENTS OFSOCIAL CHANGE

Techniques in Effecting Social Change, byKenneth Marshall 131

Review of Selected Books and Artides,by Lydia Phlsipher 142

1. FOREWORD The Southwest Educational Development Laboratoryis a new institution in the educational community, one oftwenty regional educational laboratories in the United States dedicatedto the tasks of broadening educational opportunity throughresearch and development, innovation anddemonitration, leadership and dissemination. Serving the two-state region of Louisiana andTexas, the Soui, west Educational Development Laboratoryseeks solutions to voids and deficiencies in educational opportunitiesof boys and girls in the Southwest. In particular, its problemfocus is intercultural education, which means "!ucation responsive tothe problems created by the interaction of cultures. The Laboratory has identified interculturalconflicts and de- privaUon as components of a significanteducational void in the Southwesta void made all the more seriousby the fact that cultural diversity is also an important assetfor the region. This volume has been edited by John Orrand Lydia Pulsipher, who have been designing and conductingStudies in Intercultural- International Education within the Laboratory.John Orr has been head of the Department of Philosophyand Humanities at Texas A&M University, and LydiaPulsipher is a Latin American Studies specialist. Studies inIntercultural-International Education is a program designed to provideinterdisciplinary discussion on the most fundamental issues of theLaboratory's problem focus. It is a program to provoke a constantevaluation of the goals and strategies of the Laboratory activitiesthrough consultation, research, and organization of intra-Laboratoryevents. This volume represents the Laboratory'sinterest in the cultural context of compensatory education.To implement this interest, the Laboratory sponsored aconference on "Education and Social Change" in Houston, Texas,May 5 and 6, 1967, and the essays and discussionshere are the product of that conference. The essays by John Orr and LydiaPulsipher served as advance study material for the conference,and the other papers were presented to the participants. 5 ... The papers are intended to be provocative, designed to raise important issues within the Laboratory's problem focus. If the papers draw disagreement, they have succeeded. These stimulating discussions about the educational enterprise should encourage educational innovations products of agreements formed through intelligent debate. Because the development of intercultural programs is relatively new to the educational community, the Laboratory wWcomes the possibility of fresh and lively discussion about innovation for planned change.

Edwin Hindsman Executive Director Southwest Educational Development Laboratory PREFACE This volume is more an eventthan an example of sustained logical argument. The eventis an attempt within the programof the Southwest EducationalDevelopment Laboratory to bringedu- cators and other specialiststogether to speak about broad issuesin compensatory education to provoke controversy, inthe belief that controversy gives birth tofresh new vistas in the problem- solving process. In the essaysthat follow, there is anotable absence of discussion aboutprograming, and that is bydesign. Interdisciplinary and inter-professionalconversation usually pro- ceeds in the hothouse atmosphereof developing programs, andthe very atmospherediscourages reflection aboutfundamental issues. These are often dismissed as"interesting," but too abstractand distant to consume a sizeable partof the agenda for personswhose interests are pragmatic. Thus,the present volume represents a remarkable effort on the partof the Laboratory,particularly because it also isworking in the programhothouse. The Laboratory's assumptionis that education isfieid-encompassing. That is, educationalcompetence draws from theskills of many disciplines, forthe simple reason that socialpolicy- making----of which educationalplanning is a specienever can;be limited to the comfortableconfines of any onespecialization. While educators cannot possiblybe practitioners in all thehumanistic arts and sciences,they cannot afford to ignorethe contribution of those who are practitioners.Indeed, the educator's pro- fessionality is established at least in partthrough his ability to bring together the workof many disciplines and torelate these to the educational process. This volume is evidence bothof the fruitfulness andthe pairi of interdisciplinarycollaboration.It is innovative,iconoclastic, and construciively critical oftraditional approaches tocompenSa- tory education. But it isalso diffuse, its implicationsfor programing not always clear. The diffuse character ofthe volume is, in part, aproduct of the Laboratory's desire torecruit a heterogeneous panelof consultants : a theologian, aphilosopher, a sociologist, anauthor, an area studiesspecialist, a civil rights activist,and an anthropologist. Although each was assignedpart of a well-articulatedoutline, each 7-- was encouraged to speakfreely and provocatively from his own experience. Thus, the Laboratory chose to sponsor anevent in which the confusion of tongues became almostinevitable. To mix metaphors, it chose to sponsor an event inwhich each participant would be playing a different game. Theexpectation, subsequently confirmed, was that there would be "familyresemblances" in the different games ar '1 that the variety woulddemonstrate the many sides of compensatory education. In the simplistic view ofinterdisciplinary cooperation, the problem of describing any social situation isduly delivered to the social mientist, who then turns his data overto the philosopher for normative comments, who thendelivers the package to the "operator," whose task is decision-making.Each of the essays in this volume, however, demonstratesthe inadequacy of this view. Each claims the right to develop its owndescription of the educational situation, althoughsometimes the descriptive foundation is only implicit. And the variousdescriptive comments do not always fit neatlytogether, as if the theologian's jobends at some predetermined boundary where thesociologist's begins.Thus, David Little speaks about compensatoryeducation as an arena of moral decision, where theproblem of unity and diversity looms large. Lawrence Goodwyn describes("confronts" may be a better word) the compensatory educator as a manwho is alienated from himself and from his brother, andwho fails in his attempt to establish communication across socialcleavages. Irving Horowitz describes compensatory education inthe context of social deviance, and Kenneth Marshall describescompensatory efforts as exten- sions of weak institutions who havenot as yet been confrontedby the fact of organized ghetto power.What is the best description? Is there a best? Is one any moreobjective than the other? At first blush, it seems reasonableto think that the social scientist does a better job of describingthe educational situation, in view of his highly sophisticatedinvestigative procedures.It seems reasonable tothink that he is the mostobjective that he provides the most non-interesteddescription of the social system. That view, however, cannotbe defended, at least in itspris- tine form. It is true that the recenthistory of social science has been struggle to recognize and to compensatefor the influence of value judgments. According to oneof our contributors, Irving Horowitz, "Social science in thetwentieth century has matured

8 in a self-imposed ethical vacuum." But it is also true that criti- 1 cism of social science in the twentieth century has often been directed toward its astonishing naivete concerning metaphysical and ideological assumptions. One does not have to argue the rough- hewn doctrine that social science is essentially artistic and subjec- tive in order to recognize these assumptions and to deny the vir- ginity of social scientific documents. Scientific inquiries simply cannot be pursued without what James B. Conant calls "conceptual schemes," implicit dogmas which are usually more potent for their being only implicit. Reinhold Niebuhr has ably argued that "any social theory...has some kinship with the procedures of a Rorschach test, which is more revealing about the state of the patient's mind who takes it than about the inkspots which his imagination interprets in terms of various configurations." The point is backed up by Alburey Castell's The Self in Philosophy, which shows how metaphysical views of man and society affect. the kind of data a social scientist will utilize and the conclusions he will draw. There is little to be gained, though, by parading (and probably exaggerating) the dogmas of social science. Every attempt to develop meaningful communication must rest upon certain pre- suppositions which are more or less arbitrary, and we should not expect social science to be an exception. The issue is not whether the social scientist necessarily selects some aspects of social relatedness to write about; or whether the social scientist writes with bloodless detachment or not ; or whether he can transcend his pre- suppositions. The issue rather concerns the grounds on which the social scientist recommends that his conclusions should be believed. In approaching social scientific material, the important thing is to discover the manner in which the researcher moves from data to conclusions, to discover the arguments which are utilized in order to justify the conclusions. These will bear various degrees of authority, measured in terms of the credibility which they can command. Thus, social scientific conclusions will range from simple generalizations about observation, through statistical analysis, to impressionistic statements, and each of these logically-disparate types will deserve different levels of affirmation. When attention is drawn to the warrants which support various social scientific conclusions, a ground for comparing these with other forms of description is established. The situation in which -- 9 -- the compensatory educator works can and should be described from many perspectives, and these aescriptions will inevitably carry different degrees of authority, because different kinds of warrants will be utilized in their defense. For example, David Little's description of compensatory education as, the tension of unity and diversity makes its appeal to values that are widely shared in a -pluralistic democratic society, and his conclusions are authoritative in so far as his perspective is shared. The educator who drafts policy on an appeal to Little's presentation will be appealing finally to a perspective-establishing doctrine of man and to a pluralistic image of the public interest. Lawrence Goodwyn's essay provides a remarkable case in point, also. Goodwyn'sdes- cription cf compensatory education as a place where alienation is perpetuated depends heavily upon the reader's insight, into: racial alienation. Thus; Goodwyn adopts the short story form, directed toward creating the very experience which will lend authority to his assertions.. What are the grounds upon which some judgments about the educational situation are more entitled to credence than others? The answer to this question divides critical thinkers into at least two groups: (1) Those who hold that the authority of a statement should be proportionate to the degree to which the statement approximates scientific explanation; and (2) those who argue that statements which describe human behavior are so complex or so unique that they require no reference at all to scientific methodologies. The one who has the most experience or the most wisdom about human relatedness is the one who can do the best job of desdribing (and even predicting) situations. For example, the participant in ghetto life may be a better interpreter of social deprivation for the compensatory educator than the supposedly more objective observer. I do not believe, though, that the compensatory educator needs to drive himself to make sophisticated decisions as to the possibility of a scientific understanding of human behavior. In fact,, the educator may gain a great deal in his refusal to limit himself to the most "credible" (by scientific standards) descriptions and in his willingness to expose himself to descriptions from a variety of perspectives e.g. theological, artistic, socially activist.Social scientific studies, in their methodological self-consciousness, often seem to miss the feel of a particular experience, andscientific

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Observation may be directed unintentionally to -the phenoinena that are most readily measurable. While there little 'virtue in spawning interdisciplinary competition' andoverlap, there is -Much virtue in looking at a phenomenon from a number ofperspectives, Merely because the human experience of anyobject is,Pluralistic. That is, there is no one correct way of looking at anyobject., The fullest Understanding is developed throUgh theability to view, objects at the many levels and from the differentPerspectiyea that,establish their. identity for perions. Perhaps the most striking thing about Compensatory education today is juit that: the incredible number ofperspectives= from which Compensatory programs are viewed andevaluated-in our society. It is not possible to establishbOundaries around . such programs; ,and to identify these as the private domain ofedUCa-,..- tors. For example, compensatory education is animportant spear- head in the national campaign against poverty and racialisolation, and educators; for all their sincerity and professionalsacrifice,. often *find themSelves subject to the devastatingcriticism of lin: patient activists: Likewise, compensatory programsfare, rapidly beCOming floodlit arenas tor working out relationshipsamong federal,- state, and local authorities in thecontrol and financing of schools; and compensatory educators find thatideological -c3ii= flicts.about "the extension of federal control" become-matters for everyday :decision. To extend the list,compensatory programs quickly raise issues Of racial and cultural identity; whichin" turn raise wails about middle class conformity, Mass society, andsocial vitality. The compensatory educator who believesthat he can keep his attention fixed solely on the strictly limitedobjective of measurable skills is. one who is unmindful of theturbulence and ambiguity which in actuality provide the centext forhis Work.

The compensatory_ educator's use of consultantsalways within situations where policies are on the block.His interests are practical connected with the development of programs,curriculum, teacher training, home relationships, and soforth. He turns to the consultant to discover how Negro familypatterns affect stik dent motivations, how ghetto communitiesprobably will react to bussing, how much and what kind of handicapsegregation imposes upon students,whether self-motivation can be augmented and sustained over long periods amongdisadvantaged groups. 11-- But the educator poses his problems always with an eyeto the development of program. That is why his choice ofconsultants should always reflect the many-sided character of hispragmatic- political situation. The important function of consultants will notbe in their ability to advise the compensatory educator about hispolicy-making activity, but in their ability to usher him inperspectival spheres. The educator's normal impulse might beto look for conclusions that have practical import, but thereal payoff in consultation comes as the educator's vision is widened.The consultant's arguments are probably more important thanhis con-. elusions, how he establishes his authority more important thanhis casual prescriptions. The purpose of consultation shouldbe to deepen, broaden, and extend the educator's awareness ofhis environment and to provide him with the skills necessary toconsider this environment critically. That, in brief, is therationale for the essays which follow.

John B. Orr

12 Goals Of Compensatory Education fnt

GOALS' IN INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION David Little In a recent essay entitled, "The Goals of Integration," Prof. Oscar Handlin, American historian of Harvard University, wrote: "Whatever may happen in the more distant future, Negroes will not merge into the rest of the population in the next few dec- ades. Those who desire to eliminate every difference so that all Americans will more nearly resemble each other, those who imagine that there is a mainstream into which every element in the society will be swept, are deceived about the character of the country in which they live. As long as common memories, experience and interests make the Negro agroup_,they will find it advantageous to organize and act as such ...(Indeed) the deletion of all mem- ory of antecedents, the severance of all ties to thepait, and, the liquidation of particularistic associations is not only unfeasible but undesirable."2 It is clear to me that, right or wrong, Handlin's remarks 'summarize very effectively new attitudes towards intercultural and interracial relations that are abroad in the land. Quite obviously, Handlin expresses the fundamental spirit of the "Black Power" movement in this country, with its claims ton behalf of black identity, and with its deep suspicion of the "mainstream" of white, middle-class American life if, in fact, such a mainstream exists. But these attitudes are not simply manifestations of the "New, Left." I quoted Oscar Handlin, and not Stokely Carmichael, precisely to illustrate that point. Quite frequently, in liberal intellectual circles (at least where I come from), the person who puts in a word for integration is regarded with the sortof supercilious sneer normally reserved for defenders of United States policyin Vietnam. Those who take Handlin's line of argument are inadvertently focusing attention on a perplexing issue that is, it would seem to, me, a perennial one for American citizens, whether we aretalk- ing about education, political life, housing patterns, or whatever. The issue is rather nicely summarized in our national motto, e pluribus unum, "from many, one." That is to say, how much 15-- "pluribus" and how much "unum" are we to recommend for our country? Or, a little more subtly, in what way ought we regard Americans as one, and in what way ought we regard them as plural? At the risk of oversimplifying, we may say that inrecent years the intergrationists have represented anemphaiis upon the oneness of Americans, regardless of racial orcultural divergences. On the other hand, those who follow Hand lin haverepresented the pluralistic strain in the American tradition. They emphasize the differences which, they believe, characterize and enrichAmeri- can life. The development ofpolar positions on this subject does not, of course, mean that the positiOns are mutuallyexclusive. As we shall see, each point of view shares somethingwith the other. Yet neither is the apparent tension just a distinctionwith- out a difference. There are important issues at stakeabout which Americans must attempt to be clear. With respect to education, which is our specific concernhere, the tension between unity or commonness and diversity orplural- ism manifests itself in sometimes contradictory policy recommendations. On the one side, there are many examples of astill vigorous defense of cultural and racial integration inAmerican schools. Not only, it is argued, will desegregation on awide scale improve the educational process itself, it will also haveimmeas- urable benefits for the development of "democraticpersonalities," or personalities that develop someinclusive appreciation for peoples and groups beyond the confines of their ownimmediate circle.Professor Philip Paenix, of Columbia Teachers'College, makes such a case in his book, Education and theCommon Good. "The method of progress from injustice towardjustice in inter- group relations is throughpersistent efforts at desegregation in all phases of cultural life ...While desegregation must proceed on many frontssimultaneously, in no segment of life is it more crucial than in education. Educational opportunityin a democracy should be the same for everyone, withoutregard to skin color, religious affiliation, national origin, or anyother allegedly 'racial' factor. These superficial and accidental traits ... arein themselves educationally irrelevant and shouldbe so treated in the allocation and conduct of schooling."3 While Phenix does advocate that policies ofdesegregation in schools be carried out rationally and sensitively,he nevertheless 16-- urges such 'policies with all deliberatespeed. He would. appear to be much less interested in preservink Cultural pluralisM, which he regards as "superficial and accidental," than in nurturing. a common consciousness among allAmerican students. As he says, "A major goal -of democratic education should be to inspire twal . ty to universal values which dissolve artificial diVisiOns between persons and unite all in commonservice of the -geod."4 Here is "unum" with a vengeance. On the other side, the pluralists have their readyresponses: Here we may be' allowed to quote at length several passages from- Handlin's essay, since it is one of the most persuasive examples of the pluralist position, and since Handlin is to be taken seriously. on the matter- of cultural pluralismbecause of his status as -the leading historian of American immigration movements. .-He states: "There is no evidence that racial balance itself improves the capacity of the underprivileged to learn ; nor that the enforced contact of dissimilar children has significant educational advantages. There is abundant evidence that deprived children have distinctive needs that require the special attention of the-school. Yet the drive for integration has obscured, and sometimes actually impede, the- task of providing for those needs; Ihdeed the argument is now often being made that racial balance is desirable to meet the needs of the white children."5 Handlin advances the theory that racial and cultural: diversification...rather than: integration; is not only of greater benefit educationally, but also of much- greater utility in perpetuating the goals of an open society. He calls, above all, for the awareness of a "group's identity" and "for a determination to deal with its own problems." He is not, of course, opposed to 'equal access to the general opportunities of the society, but he would incline, it seems, to emphasize the greater importance of relatively independent subsystems Within the society. "The fact that the (American) pluralistic order (has taken) account of actual differences within the population made it possible to preserve the concept of equality. Not every man was equally qualified in terms of inherited capital, cultural traits, personality and intelligence to pursue equally the goals of success inAmerican life. But the pursuit of happiness was not a single, unified scramble in which every individual sought the same prizes and in which only a few could bewinners while the rest were doomed to frustration .. .The children of Irish or' Italian parents did not count them- -17 --- selves failures if their lives did not follow a course identicalwith that of the children of the Yankee:. They had their owncriterion of achievement and their own sources of gratification."6In short, according to Hand lin, this pattern of cultural and ethnicpluralism minimized "conflict-provoking contacts." Consequently, Hand lin, like the proponents ofBlack Power; is satisfied with a pluralistic, if not a segregated,educational system which can, in effect, meet the special needsand wishes of the independent cultural subsystems that make up America.He does not intend to coerce people to live in such a patternif they do not choose to.At this point, of course, he would opposelegalized segregation. On the other hand, he is inclined to feelthat most members of these cultural subsystems, including theNegroes, do wish to educate their children in relativeisolation, and should be allowed to do so in good conscience.? Indeed, onHandlin's general thesis and again he is close to the advocates ofBlack Power it almost seems as if, for the sake of thecommon good, they should be encouraged to educate their children inrelative isolation. In- terestingly- enough, Handlin is joined in thisview not only.by an apparently growingnumber of civil rights leaders, but alsoby some prominent RomanCatholic educators, albeit on somewhatdif- ferent grounds. With the two sides before us, what method can we aseduca- tors and as American citizens employ to go about settling the apparent conflict between the demands ofintegration and the demands of pluralism? The first maneuver thatmight occur to one is to locate those statements in thedebate that are empirically testable and then consult the evidence.Handlin invites such,a move, first, when he saysthat "there is no evidence thatracial balance itself improves the capacity ofthe underprivileged (Ne- gro) to learn," and second, when he arguesthat the pluralistic pattern in America has made possible ageneral attitude of equality among the members of independentcultural and ethnic systems with their own particular prestige scales. Concerning the first statement, several seriousquestions are raised by the publication of the 1967 Reportby the Commission on Civil Rights, Racial Isolation in thePublic Schools, In the light of the Report, it would be hard to say anylonger that there is no evidence on this matter. On the basis offairly impressive surveys

18 the Commission's conclusions are veryimportant. "There is a relationship between the racial compositionof schools and theachievement and attitudes of most Negrostudents, which exists whenall other factors are taken into account.a) Disadvantaged Negrostu- dents in school with a 'majority ofequally disadvantaged whitestu- dents, achieve better than Negrostudents in school with amajority of equally disadvantaged Negrostudents.b) Differences are even greaterwhen disadvantaged Negro studentsin school with a majority of disadvantaged Negrostudents are comparedwith similarly disadvantaged Negrostudents in school with amajority of white students."9 The reportalso argued that "Negroesin predominantly Negro schools tend tohave lower educationalaspira- tions...than Negro students withsimilar backgrounds attending majority-white schools."19Finally, the Report didnot put much. stock in the capacity ofpurely compensatory programsto alter appreciably the plightof the Negro.11 Several things must be saidhere. This data, like any, is open to further examination andverification. But what is important for our purposes is that at least someaspects of the largerprob- lem are testable. Presumably, we maylook for "hard" answers as to whether desegregationplans do improveeducational performance or not. At the sametime, we must be wary ofexaggerating the importance of the Civil RightsCommission's Report in helping us solve the larger tensionbetween "unum" and "pluribus."The Re- port does not consider alldimensions of interculturaleducation.. It deals only with certain patternsof Negro-white relationship,patterns that are, in manyrespects, quite special.We will need a much wider range of studies so asto weigh the relativebearing of intercultural education amongdifferent groups' attitudesand achievement. My own intuitionis that such studies,particularly among cultural groupsof the same socio-economicstatus, would not conform very closezywith the conclusions ofthe Report. As to Handlin's second claim that American pluralism generates a general attitudeof equality amongindependent groups --- the Report has some furtherrelevance if, again, it is notfinally conclusive with respect to ourgeneral problem. In a passage reminiscent of the famous clause oninferiority in Brown v. Board of Education, the Reportstates that "Negroes inpredominently inability to Negro schools ...more frequently express asense of influence their future by their19 ownchoices than Negro students with similar backgrounds attending,majoritY=White' schools."t2 That sort of finding hardly confirmsHand lin's blanket_ assertion regarding a sense of Equivalence between different COlturat:groups:- On the contrary, the Report .docinnents the'perpetuatieii-:,of "identity of inferiority" in Negro ghetto schools: If:the:Iteport may be believed, it is not at all clear inwhat way continued between Negroes and whites helps, tomaintain the "coik cept of equality." A recent four-year study of suburbansChoOls in New York casts further doubt on the validityof Handlin's 'arginnent.13 =Ac= cording to a report of the findings, "The' child, of theitiburb. :divides humanity into the black and thewhite, the 4ir and 'the He is often coniPiCuOuily self- Christian, the rich and the poor. . . . centered."14 There is, in. other words,, very littledevelopment .of a -"pluralisticconsciousness," of, an openness to and tOlerinCe,Of other cultural patterns. The authors _do 'note arelatively ",higher awareness- of diversity in religious-matters, but that is- precisely because Protestants, Catholics and JeWshaVe, to 'a degree, been "integrated" ini the public schools. As the report puts jt,fithougk, other races, other nationalities, -other-generations have a-'great' deal to teach -(the subUrban- children)", there; islittle, intheir education, formal or otherwise, to ifamiliarize themwith _the :rich diversity of American life. In-this sense; the :children ofsuburbia are beingShort-changed,"15 In short, it would seem that the Subur- ban -school, far from nurturing -aspirit of equiValence and tolera- tion, is nurturing an identity ofsuperiority, exclusivism' and ,'self centeredness. Now, again, thesebits of evidence can hardlY Sub-; stantiate-much of theory.- But at leasttheigive,promise of getting. at part of -the problem Of unity and diversityby mails of -empirical investigation. However, illuminating as this material is,it has not really helped us to answer the deeper aspects of ourproblem: with respect to education, in what way ought weregard Americans as one, and in what way as plural? In trying to dealwith this question, I want to suggest that we need a method ofanalysis that the empirical maneuvers we have just discussed. Let us begin by stating a proposition: the ethos andassump. tions of the modern educational process indicate a sourceof unity in relation to which cultural diversity should beunderstood. It

20 cannot,' I believe, be doubted that the process of education goei on in this country (and elsewhere, of course) in the general spirit of rational, scientific inquiry. Quite obviously, rational, scientific inquiry, in turn, could not proceed were it not for some common assumptions, shared among all those engaged in the enterprise. One indispensable assumption of particular interest to us Is what Robert K. Merton refers to in his essay, "Science and Democratic Social Structure,"16 as "the imperative of universalistn." ton puts it: "Universalism finds immediate.expression in the canon that truth claims, whatever their source, are to be subjected to pre - established, impersonal criteria : consonantwith' observation and with previously confirmed knowledge. The acceptance or rejection of claims. entering the lists of science is not to depend on the personal or social attributes of their protagonist, hi race, na- tionality, religion, class and personal qualities are as suchirrele- vant., Objectivity precludes particularism ...(Or, as he puts it at another point) ethnocentrism is not compatible withuniVer- salism...17 As Merton rightly impliei,, once ,the. imperative of, universalism has genuinely been learned, there is, as it were, kloss of innocence so _far, as the absolute sanctity- of inherited, ethnic and cultural traditions goes. By becoming conscious o_ fcriteria that transcend and arbitrate the claims of _particular, tradition's; members of different traditions become conscious at the same time of a common standard under whichas 'underthe'.God .of Si. Paul "the whole world may be held .accountable: ", With respect to the educational yirocesS, then, Americans ought to be regarded as one under the common standards of objective, rational inquiry. In the light of the :imperative Of' Universalism the claims of particular ethnic, cultural, racial and religious tilt.-- ditions will, of necessity, be subjected to certain sorts Of iinpar- tial tests. We are far from suggesting, as we shall make clear, that the canons of reason Can finally adjudicate all of these claims,, but we are suggesting that the literature, the imagery, the history;- the truth assertions of these different traditions will no longer be able to authenticate themselves in all 'their particulars simply on their own say-so.18 The "scientific study" of Scripture; or of folk- lore, or of ethnic customs, that is so much a part of the modern world is a manifestation of this fact If individual groups are going to enter into the public education proems at all, they will simply have to become aware of the imperative of universalism, which --21 transcends all particularism, and which is shared interculturally among all groups participating in the same process. But it is one thing to understand formally the relevance ofthe imperative of universalism to the matter of intercultural unity in education. It is another to institutionalize this imperative in the educational process itself.As we have suggested, the canons of rationality introduce a certain capacity for objectivity, fordis- tance, with respect to one's particular cultural tradition.Among other things, one becomes aware that his tradition is indeed particular---that there is a multitude of other cultural, ethnic and religious options. Yet, it is doubtful, I believe, that the full consequences of the imperative ofuniversalism can be appreciated in an educational setting that does not actually confront a student with the particularity of his reference-group.The acute problem identified in the suburban school study wementioned earlier, was precisely a lack of awareness of cultural diversity. The white middle-class patterns and values were acceptedwithout question as the superior normative pattern, for students were never, in any appreciable way, madeconscious of, or exposed to, alternatives. Obviously, the suburban schools weretraining the children well in the arts and techniques of rational, scientificin- quiry; At the same time these schools were not enablingthe students to transcend, or get any distance on their reference group. The students were being trained to live with thewhite middle- class way pretty much on its own say-so. What I am suggesting is this : it is likely that the .imperative of universalism will be taken seriously in evaluating cultural traditions only when special efforts are made to enable students tolive with cultural diversity. Only then will there be sufficient pressure to force members ofdifferent subsystems to transcend their own inherited patterns and confrontconsciously their own particularity. The Irish-American or the Italian-American, the Protestant or the Catholic is compelled to applyimpersonal criteria, and not just sentimental criteria, to his history, to his attachments,when he identifies himself in relation to another ethnic orreligious option. It is only then that he sees himself, quite literally,through the eyes of another. In such a situation he can no longertake his tradition uncritically. As we said, he loses his innocence.Yet is that not precisely the force of the imperative ofuniversalism in an educational process? Seen in this way, unity anddiversity appear to complement one another.22 We are not arguing that the canons of rationality either should. or need to "liquidate all particularistic associations" to use Handlin's words. Even if that were desirable, which I certainly do not believe it is, it would not be possible. Whether one ought to be a Protestant or a Jew, whether he ought to be loyal to and identified with Italian or Negro or Mexican traditions are not questions that can finally be settled on purely rational, impersonal grounds. Although reason is by no means useless in such ques- erence and emotional commitment that fall beyond the reach of rationality. What we are urging is that theprocess of answering these questions be consciously conceived asa matter of choice, of personal decision, of freedom, if you will, and notas a matter of inherited necessity over which one had absolutelyno control. In both the case of the suburban child and the ghettoized Negro, what is missing is exactly the capacity for some transcendance over the reference-group and the opportunity to make a real choice as to whether one wants to identify with that tradition. Now, to be sure, there is a danger of standardization in the kind of intercultural engagement weare describing. But standardization is a particular threat when the schools do not consciously and systematically expose students to the cultural, religious and ethnic diversities of this country. Iam very doubtful that the American Negro is going to developa very adequate identity off in some self-perpetuating ghetto. The same applies to the suburban child, the Jewish child, or the Mexican child. On the other hand not much will be accomplished if children from diverse backgrounds are physically lumped together in thesame standard school without being taught to conceive of their diversities. Ac- cording to the canons of impersonal criteria, they must learn in school to examine sensitively and consciously the differences among them. As a matter of course, they must come to know Negro history and identity, alongside the history and identity of the Ger- man-American and so on. They must come to know what the middle-class way means in relation to other class styles of life. And certainly they must study religious diversities. If theyare taught in this sort of atmosphere, they shall be learning according to the full consequences of the imperative of universalism. Students of diverse backgrounds shall be working out the problem of cultural identity in relation to one another. What unifies them will at the same time require serious and conscious attention to their di,

23 versities. The demands of rationality do not abolish pluralism. On the contrary, they produce an awareness of it. I hope I have made the meaning of my central propo clear: The proposition was, you recall: the ethos and assumptions of the modern educational process indicate a source of unity in relation to which cultural diversity should be understood. By ex- amining this notion we have attempted to go a few steps toward recounciling "unum" to "pluribus" in the sphere of education. 1When, in this paper, we speak of "intercultural education," we are using the difficult term "culture" more or less as Prof. Clyde Kluckhohndefines it: "the essential core of culture consists of traditional (i.e., historicallyderived and selected) ideas and especially their attached values." ("Conceptof Cul- ture," Culture and Behavior (New York, 1964), 73. That is, we shallunder- stand a "cultural subsystem" to be a group with a particular and:significant self-identity or self-image that is maintained, in part, by a set-of historically continuous ideas and values. Thus, on the American scene, we includereligious, ethnic and racial groups under this broader notion of cultural subsystem, insofar as they each possess a significant self-identity which sets them apart. If this is vague usage, it is, I believe, necessarily that. Forexample, 'we may call the AmeriCan Negroes a "cultural group" to the extent thatthey develop a distinctive body of ideas and values which identify what aNegro is via a vis the rest of society. That contemporary Negroes seem'bent on doing just this illustrates our point. amedelus (Winter, 1966), 284,. 276. *Jew York: Harper & Row, 1961, 184; (Italics added). 4.11,k1., 187. 5Handlin, op. cit., p. 281. eibid., 275, 6. ?I bid., see 271. SA report of the United States Commission on Civil Rights, 1967. 3/bid., I, 204. 1o/ bid., I, 204. nsee, esp. 205ff. I may add from personal conversation with Dr. Alex- ander Plante, of the Connecticut State Department ofEducation, that the experimental suburban, bussing plan in Hartford,Connecticut"Project Con- cern"is very much confirming the conclusions of theCommission on Civil Rights. 12/bid., I, 204. 13Alice Miel and Edwin Kiester, Jr., "The Short-ChangedChildren," New York Times Magazine (April 30, 1967), 99ff. tine, 99. 15/bid., 99. Is1n Social Theory and Social Structure. London: Free Press, 1964, 550-60.

24 17Ibid., 553 Is Among other things,cultural traditions developinterpretations of historical events that enhancetheir imagein short, that makethem "look good." Rational historical inquiryposes a threat to the tendency of all cultural groups to sentimentalize their past. Therecent flurry of antagonism among some Italian groups toward the discovery ofthe Vinland Map, and the fact that a Scandanavian, rather thanan Italian, was the first European to reach American shores, is an illustrationof the tension between cultural loyalty and historicalaccuracy.

COMPENSATORY EDUCATION: A POLITICAL MODEL John Orr and Lydia Pulsipher

What follows is rhetoric. Itis discourse at that level which troubles the soul with itsabstraction, groans with arbitrariness, and offends thesense of those who like to proceed cautiously.But rhetoric is justified. It is thetool of troubled spirits whowant to provoke argument in orderto clarify the dimensions in whichde- cisions are made. The subject is compensatoryeducation for disadvantaged chil-' dren, and the intent is to developa model against which the success of compensatory programscan be measured. We are fully aware that we are stumbling into thatnever-never land of discussion about goals in education,a land where the sun never sets except amidst the fogs and thebogs. What constitutes the improvement of education forany group is a flammable issue thatnever seems to be resolved. Whether public schoolsshould or should not teach a certain system of values; whether and how they should develop the social, emotional,intellectual dimensions ofpersons; whether students should beencouraged to resist the statusquo these are questions whichcontinue to bring conflict and whichre- veal the ambiguity of fundamentalgoals. In the realm of goals, "Whirl is King, having drivenout Zeus." But the need is plainly tobe unpragmatic in developinga model for compensatoryeducation, because ambiguityconcerning goals opens the frighteningpossibility that compensatoryprograms will be shaped accordingto unexamined guidelines. Theeduca- tional community cannot-blithely assume that it knowshow to --25-- spot "improved" education, and that the main problem of the compensatory program is getting enough money and technicians to work in adapting materials, stimulating pupils, involving parents, and training teachers. Toward what ends? Why? Experimental muddling-through is an approach appropriate to situations where there is a broad harmony of interests and where decisions can be made within a consensus concerning the measures of progress. It is the policy-making approach of a society that has witnessed "the end of ideology." But pragmatism is not entirely appropriate to compensatory education, because to raise the problem of compensatory education is to bare a host of issues which probe pulsating nerves and which revive classical ideological debates. Here there is no broad harmony of interests, nor is there consensus concerning goals. Sensitive persons cannot speak about compensatory education without dealing in matters of cultural relativity, the autonomy of school districts, the assimilation of minorities, civil rights, social and economic mobility, the Protes- tant Ethic, freedom, equality, paternalism, political strength and weakness. These are issues that shatter consensus. To avoid facing the philosophical cri:res of compensatory education is to embrace a "technical rationalism"that faddish dogmatism which holds that the right value choices are obvious, and that the hard work can be farmed out to technicians, whose job is to develop procedures, means, programs, and various species of gadgetrynecessary for achieving commonly agreed Upon goals. It is the dogmatism that wants to race through discussions about principles, because these appear abstract and irrelevant to the real problems. Technical rationalism constitutes a prime heresy of bureaucracy; and this heresy may well be the major communicative barrier between many educators and persons concerned about broad social change (persons, who, to say the least, are very concerned about principles of action).Technical rationalism is always escap- ism, but it is particularly destructive where the experimentalism of existing institutions has failed to remedy large social abuses. A Political Model The model we are proposing for compensatory education is un- ashamedly political, in spite of the fact that a good bit of effort has legitimately been spent in protecting education from the firey pits of political boondoggling. Other models can and should be de- - 26 veloped, and we make no presumptuous claims about the exclusive- 1 ness of the political modelonly the claim that political dimensions have been tragically absent in literature aboutcompensa- tory programs. Other reasons for a political model are more basic. (1) Edu- cation is political in the classical sense. Its directionsare established by elected officials. It L serviced by state bureaucracy,responsive to political decision-makers. It is financed by taxation; and its workersfrom top to bottomare government employees.i If there is a compensatory job to be done, that job has beencre- ated through the failure of political institutions? Remedies will be initiated politically (there is no other way), and these will involve new and different allocations of funds, talent, and capital (all being "political" properties, in some sense of the word). Likewise, barriers to the effective development of compensatory programs are political-pressures of the budget, limited personnel and facilities, barefaced prejudice, priority choices.(2) The political model for compensatory education is appropriate if only because education is a social process.3 Whenever people interact, problems of social order (that is, "political" problems) arise, and people are involved in wins and losses. To ask that education be politically neutral is to ask that it be non-social, and thus to look for what can never be.(3) The political model allows for ew ivation of compensatory education in the most general terms. The problems of disadvantaged communities are massive, and it is literally impossible to conceive of these as a whole. Reformers inevitably separate an element from the whole, then speak about it in categories which the mind can handle. Simplifying procedures are necessary, but it is important that the synthesizing effort never be surrendered.4 A political model allows for this effort in a useful way. Political Goals for Compensatory Education Politically, the only defensible goal for compensatory education is the extension of freedommaximizing the number of significant choices which persons can realize. At the very core of democratic society is an implicit pledge to nurture the conditions of liberty, because shared liberty is a presupposition of the democratic community. Democratic society, which builds upon diversity, finds its deepest vitality in the affirmation of personality, and this affirmation implies a correlate commitment to individual liberty. -- 27 Stated in another way, the broad goal of compensatory education is to get power to the weak, power being defined as the ability to implement one's choices, weakness being defined as impo- tence in the face of forces that make for poverty, limited choice, and limited hope.5 Being disadvantaged in an industrial society is, by definition, being part of a community that has not been effective in economic, political, and social interactions. Compensatory education is the process of granting the power which educational systems can grant in order to make persons more effective in realizing their life choices (recognizing that educational agencies cannot grant all the power necessary for this transformation). This power has to do with self-image, the awareness of a range of options, the development of attitudes, resources, and skills for job mobility and social mobility,6 the understanding of inter-relationships in one's world, and the knowledge of how people make themselves felt politically.

Undergirding this political concept of compensatory success is an assumption about the assimilationist problem, and this ought to be aired. We are assuming that it is not the province of educators to decide whether they should enhance or underemphasize cultural identity, preserve or attack cultural value differences, encourage or discourage universal middle-classism. Educators should not have to be committed either to an assimilationist ideal or to the cultural relativist position simply because politically they have no right to enforce such a commitment on other persons. Governmental officials do not enforce private moral decisions; their concern is to protect the environment in which moral decision- making can proceed with as much individual initiative as possible. The task of educators is to provide an educational environment within which persons are enlightened concerning life possibilities and within which individuals are encouraged to decide concerning matters of self-identity. It is true that to some extent education cannot avoid being a process wherein relationships and experiences shape self-images--schools do function to acculturate and social- ize the citizenry. But a program which refuses to decide on the assimilationist issue will be different from one that embodies con- victions on the matter. The difference will be evidenced especially in the way cultural history is taught, the manner in which students are identified in relation to cultUral groups, the manner in which conflicting value systems are discussed,7 the extent to which

28 value is placed upon mobility, and the character of that which is celebrated.8 The assimilationist problem is most difficult to resolve. Choices rest upon issues over which Western philosophers have long agon- ized. And the choices are complicated by contact with a host of questionable intellectual fads : the panning of middle-class conformity; the depreciation of mass, urbanized society into which the minorities are supposedly being assimilated ; the elevating of minority cultures as a la;'t hope for stagnating Western culture; the rhapsodizing over diversity; and the liberal celebration of ghetto vitality. The political model suggests that there is little to be served in quarreling over the irresolvable, and, that the best solution is to withhold judgment. Positively stated, the political model is pluralistic, but not in the sense that equates plurilism with relativism. It is rather the pluralism suggested by John Stuart Mill, which finds in the pluralistic search for truth a proper degree of humility about the limits of knowledge and the risks of ethical prescription. It is a pluralism that provides the appropriate setting for an encouragement of freedom. There are important qualifications, however, to this "decision not to decide." To the extent that cultural identity is the product of social, political, and economic weakness, compensatory education may indeed be assimilationist in character. It may well be that certain traits associated with minority culture are the traits of poverty or are traits whose origins are to be found in the institutions of slavery. If such be the case, rhapsodizing about cultural diversity becomes a thinly disguised defense of paternalism, or worse. The wisdom of the compensatory educator will be to dis- cern those elements of cultural identity which arise from weakness and to separate these, from elements which represent a defensible cultural configurationadmittedly a wisdom usually reserved for the gods. Likewise, compensatory education will be assimilationist in preparing students for mobility in urban institutions. Reading, writing, calculating, and problem solving are skills that have an economic value, and their enhancement provides for a wide range of economic movement. In teaching the classical skills and in measuring these, schools are culture bound. Thus, James Coleman's Equality of Educational Opportunity was constrained to report,

29 (These achievement tests) are not, nor are they intended to be "culture free." Quite the reverse: they are culture bound. What they measure are the skills which are among the most important in our society for getting a good job and moving up to a better one, and forfull participation in an increasingly technical world. Consequently, a pupil's test results at the end of public school provide a good measure of the range ofopportunities open to him as he finishes schoola wide rangeof choice of jobs or colleges if these skills are very high; a very narrow range that includesonly the most menial jobs if these skills are very low, Extending freedom might possibly be assimilationist, bydefinition, particularly in a society where the maintenance ofcultural identity has so little economic advantage. "Extending freedom" is a goal, however, which caneasily become a slogan devoid ofsubstance. And the political model for compensatory education can only become usefulwhen it is spelled out in terms directly related to educationalsituations. This is the task to be accomplished now: to suggest waysin which compensatory success can be measured as an instrumentof freedom. Three levels of compensatory success will besuggested: (1) improvement of measurable skills; (2)"maximum feasible participation of the poor" ; and (3) activities inillumining the political world of the disadvantaged. (1)Upgrading Skills Upgrading skills is a political happening ofthe first order a significant extensionof freedom. To a significant degree compensatory success can be measured in the mostobvious of possible ways, through the useof standardized achievement tests.Good compensatory education will raise themeasurable performance on examinations administered to students from thetotal community. The sharpening of teaching and learning,the heightening of self-confidence and motivation, and the extensionof horizons represent a significant transfer of power;and urban society depends heavily upon this transfer to initiate its youthinto the complex skills required for urban effectiveness. Thesimple premise of compensatory education is that culturallydisadvantaged youngsters must be given a saturation of services tocompensate for the multi- ple impoverishment they suffer. They do notarrive on ;,11formal educational scene with the skills or motivation necesse jfor optimal learning, and they must be surroundedwith an educational environment designed for remedial support.Comrensatory educa-

30 tion is based on the assumption that the most important cause of educational disadvantage is the poverty of the child, the limitations of his environment, and the snowballing character of educational handicap. Thus, the typical package of compensatory programming evolves generally as a combination of approaches to the multi-faceted disadvantage of the child. The various approaches are ably characterized by the Civil Rights Commission's report on Racial Isola- tion in the Schools: One approachremedial instructionis to give more intensive attention to students in academic difficulty. Remedial techniques usually include reduction of the number of students per teacher, provision of extra help to students during and after school, counseling, and use of special teaching materials designed to improve basic skills. Many of these techniques have been used in schools for years and currently are employed in suburban as well as inner-city schools. Another approachcultural enrichmentexpands activities which schools traditionally have offered to students. Cultural enrichment programs attempt to broaden the hcrizons of poor children by giving them access to activities which ordinarily might be beyond their reach, such as field trips and visits to museums, concerts, other schools, and colleges. Such programs also commonly are found in middle class schools wherethey operfite to supplement the normal cultural experiences of the pupils. A third' element of many compensatory education programs involves efforts to overcome attitudes which inhibit learning. Many elucators have recognized that lack of self-esteem is a major cause of academic failure. A number of compensatory programs attempt to improve self-esteem (through the study of Negro history, for example) and to raise confidence by providing successful academic experiences and recognition.Some programs try to raise the expectations of bothstudents and teachers to overcome negative and defeatist attitudes. A fourth approach to compensatory education, incorporating manyele- ments of the other approaches, is preschool education. Thisapproach seeks to provide disadvantaged children with training inverbal skills and with cultural enrichm. t activities before they enter theprimary grades. Although the importance of preschool education long has beenrecognized, such projects recently have become widespread with the supportof funds from the Office of Economic Opportunity's Head Startprogram10 Although educators are relatively new to the wholeenterprise of compensation for cultural deprivation,much progress has already been made. A number of projects have beendeveloped such as Higher Horizons in New York City,Baltimore Public Schools' Early School Admission Project, andSamuel Shepard's --31 work in St. Louisand these have already begun to funnel information about the compensatory ersperience into educational literature. It is important, however, that compensatory skills continue to be developed in the light of politically realistic sensitivities. The writings of Reinhold Niebuhr, Hans Morganthau, and George Ken- nan ought to be high on the list of required reading for educational innovators, precisely because compensatory education has to do with establishing new balances of power among portIons of the American population. Political realists risk the appearance of cynicism. But there is primal wisdom in their reminder that redistribu- tions of power are always potentially explosive, and that iedistribu- tors of power easily deceive themselves concerning, their own bene- volence and neutrality. Political questions ought to be asked about the mix of elements that characterize compensatory programs: Who is granting power, and why? Which forms of power are being given, and more important, which are being denied? What- are the expectations that are shaping programs? Are skills being granted that are most relevant for effective mobility within, urban institutions? The most haunting issues that surround efforts to upgrade skills have to do with their implicit theory of social change. Compensa- tory educators are fully aware of the environmental character of their problem, and compensatory literature is replete with ref- erences to political, economic, and social forces that perpetuate deprivation and exclusion." Compensatory education, however, seems to be developing in the United States as a self-help phenomenon, its mechanism for social change being the renovation of individuals through the heightening of skills and motivation. A few projects like Higher Horizons relate themselves to politically acti.: vistic associations, like Haryou-Act and thus deal with "structural" reforms, but theSe are the exception rather than the rule.12 The im- pression which compensatory literature gives is that collective acti- vism is ignored, and that compensatory education is committed to a gradualism in social reform (at least with regard to the schools' involvement). The possibility that individualistic gradualism will shape the ethos of compensatory education may well be the greatest danger that this commendable movement in American education faces. In- dividualistic gradualism is safe politically (particularly in areas

32 where deprivation is the most pronoune9d), and it is acceptable ideologically to the majorities whoare most heavily represented on school boards. Nevertheless, individualistic gradualism violates the most penetrating insights into theway social change occurs and into the mechanisms by which minoritygroups are in fact affecting their own collective destinies. (2) Maximum Feasible Participation of the Poor There is a carefully nurtured tradition inour society that measures justice in terms of the procedures followed. The substance of decisions and contracts may be less important in the final analysis than the conditions under which these decisions and contracts are contrived, Thus, the particular conditions imposed by a labor- management contract will probably be accepted by a union's mem- bership if it can be satisfied that representatives bargained within a balance of power. A judicial decision will often be accepted as just if "due process" is observed by the judge. The political model for compensatory education suggests that educators might profitably consider the "due process" theme in American politicsto consider whether compensatory education ought systematically to seek the "maximum feasible participation of the poor" within its planning. Perhaps the context in which educational reform occurs is as important as the development of teaching-learning skills. The trouble with disadvantaged communities is that they have been ineffective in shaping their own social destinies ; and they have not had the successes which spawn high social expectations.13 Compensatory educational programs offer an invaluable opportunity to provide a laboratory for the exercise of initiative among those whom the programs serve. The best compensatory program will be the one that carves a planning-advisorr role for the disadvantaged community, that moves beyond the en- listment of parents to cooperate with the schools in furthering education for which the schools have been the sole designers. The very need for compensatory education represents, in part, a failure of professional educational agencies, and one should not overlook the possibility that some of that failure derives from those agencies' very perception of educational disadvantage. As Bertrand Russell jokingly remarked, there is no such thing as "im- maculate perception"only perception that is affected by the values, biases, and life history of the observer. For this reason, "maxi- -83 mum feasible participation of the poor" is far from an academic exercisean artificial device to stimulate artificial involvement. Planning for compensatory education needs the sensitive interpretation of issues from the perspective of the disadvantaged, and the disadvantaged can provide an important sounding board for proj- ected plans. One homely illustration may suffice to buttress the point. At a recent meeting of anti-poverty workers and academicians in Houston, the problem of teaching Negro history in compensatory education was raised. Surprisingly, there was little agreement as to the desirability of this practice. One person, a white academician, believed that emphasizing the history of Negroes in America would only serve to remind students of their slavery background, ("Ne- gro history is a pretty meagre thread"). Another believed that emphasizing Negro history would perpetuate an unhealthyrace consciousness. Still others believed that Negro history should be paramount in compensatory education, as a means of instilling pride in students' obvious cultural identity. For the purpose of this essay, however, the interest of this discussion centers on the fact of disagreement. At many points in compensatory education, decisions are made that are analogous to that concerning the teaching of Negro history. These decisions are fundamentally value choices, and they ought to be made in consultation with the families of those whose self-identities are involved. Whether and how to teach Negro history is not merely a technical decision fora neutral planner. Likewise, the whole problem of identifying goals for compensatory education is laden with choices that the technician is simply not capable of making responsibly. Needless to say, "maximum feasible participation of the poor" is risky business. In an analogous case, participation of thepoor on anti-poverty boards has proved to be an invaluable addition to community action planning. But few would deny that the involvement of ghetto representatives in community action has been troubled. Their presence has effected a major shift of power away from city hall, and city hall has often reacted in a manner befit- ting the politically threatened. Whether the shift of power has been too threatening is a question still to be answered, yet the lesson learned from the war on poverty has been clear: public institutions cannot long use public funds in ways, that hurt public officials. A few flashy victories may bewon (e:g., impoverished

--- 34 people finally believing that they can spendfunds to affect their own collective destiny)but undoubtedly funds will sooner orlater be cut off. That is why educators dealing with compensatoryeducation need the wisdom of Job in involving thedisadvantaged. The prizes to be won are far too valuable to suggestRegleeting the effort. But involvement will have to be judicious. Itprobably will have to be represented as "advisory," in order tomaintain the reality of school board authority, delegated at pointsto educational professionals. Still it may be that compensatoryeducation should give rise to a new image of educationalprofessionalismone that emphasizes mediation abilities, bringing the voiceof the disadvantaged into consideration at the point of compensatorystrategy-making. (3) Community Action Occasionally in the literature of compensatoryeducation, one feels that he has wandered into the classroomof the venerable Puritan divine, Richard Baxter. Before him emergeshapes and forms and admonitions appropriate to theso-celled Protestant Ethica work-oriented value system,buttressed by the vision of rewards for labors well done. Work is thesign of salvation, and successful minority professionals provide apanel of patron saints who have demonstrated that "it can bedone."14 A solid case can be made for using theProtestant Ethic as one more rifle in the arsenalof compensatory weapons, particularly in light of the need for heightened motivationand for identifi -ation with inspiring personalities. It is necessary,however, to exercise caution with "work, work, work ethics."Urban society is beginning to discover that preoccupationwith work leads to disability in handling leisure; and in fact, Protestantdenominations are re- vising their ethical stance with regard to*the value of work.15 More seriously, the Protestant Ethicunder-emphasizes the need for collective action to meet collectiveproblems. Institutions are improved by individuals, but also throughthe activity of groups. To dwell upon the need for individualinitiative is to make the gift of liberty paltry, because manyhuman ends are achieved only through the vigorous work of associations.Effective participation in social change is always through groupsand sub-communities. Compensatory education can hardly afford toignore the political, economic, and social pressuresthat play upon the impoverished,

35 maintain the ghettoes, and, in turn, perpetuate the need forcompen- satory education. The frightening prospect, however, is that the closer programs move toward dealing realistically with thesepres- sures, the more subject they become to opposition. Thus the political dilemma of compensatory education: In their effort to compen- sate for various forms of disadvantage, the schools cannot sponsor marches against the local school board, nor can they organize boycotts against the commerce of power structure barons. Their refusal to do so is not a failure of nerve, but is merely the expected behavior of institutions utilizing public funds (and wanting to have those funds replenished via the action of school boards and power structures).The school cannot avoid being an establishment, and so, by definition, cannot help but reflect the power balance achieved in particular communities. It is part ofa complex of inter-related establishments often branded as the Establishment by minorities who are alienated from politically effective neighbors 16 But the school is also an equality-giving establishment, formally similar to other governmental agencies. As courts deal in the trade of granting equal justice and due process, at least in their better moments, the schools in their better moments grant self-images and skills which encourage relative equality in self-determination and ability to affect one's environment. We believe there is a range of activity that public schools can encourage which takes seriously the social character of deprivation, but which nevertheless remains within the classical function of public education. It is in the exploration of this range that the greatest hopes for maturation in compensatory education are to be found : we want to argue that public schools have always assumed responsibility for teaching citizenship"civics"and that in the context of compensatory education, this "civics" task is vastly expanded. Public school civics is necessarily rationalistic. It must be based on something like Plato's maxim that knowledge is virtue that creative citizenship is served through illuminating one's political environment, and through training in the skills necessary for political effectiveness. Plato, of course, concluded that virtue could not be taught, but this conclusion did not shatter his belief that philosopher kings needed a sophisticated education in the ideals and skills of republic-building. For Plato, the key conceptwas illumination. His educational system was directed toward illumination of what was already present: putting the searchlight on man's environment in the conviction that self-awareness was a form of liberation into political effectiveness. Need lift:), to say, the political environment within the ghetto is vastly different from that in which the majorities live. But compensatory civics ought to be directed toward the same end as that which informs civics in the middle class school: illumination of the political environment in which students actually operate. In the course of their formal education, compensatory students should become knowledgeable about their legal and political rights, the agencies which serve the ghetto, alternative techniques to effect social change, organizations who purport to represent their interests. Middle class schools as a matter of course speak about presAure groups, voting, and letters to Congressmen : the tools of effective citizenship. Compensatory civics ought merely to provide some level of discussing the same thing for another kind of political world, where different organizations, techniques and issues have assumed importance. Civics skills are as important as job skills within the disadvantaged community, and education about community action ought to be one of these areaslike vocational trainingwhere the total disadvantaged community becomes the student body. Democratic society depends for its justice upon a relative balance of, power, and it is in the interest of the democratic ideal that disadvantaged persons should learn how they can maneuver within the policies and procedures of urban institutions. Thus, there is a case to be made for Civics Extensiondeveloping civics instruction along lines suggested by experience with agricultural extension : civics consultants, community civics instructors, organizers of civics seminar-workshops. Several activities suggest themselves as being well within the scope of public education : (1) illumination about community agencies, services, and institutions; (2) education concerning skills by which communities are improved or by which persons may operate more effectively within the community (e.g., community organization, consumer skills, financial procedures, home buy- ing procedures) ;(3) illumination concerning the major issues which affect the poor and which are being considered at various levels of government. One could also imagine a compensatory civics teacher atempting to enlighten school boards, service clubs, and

87 "power structures" concerning issues within a community's minority population. Compensatory civics ought to take as its working principle the "strangeness" of the disadvantaged political world. The illuminating civics function of public education may not best be carried by teachers, who live in one social- political environment,but who teach persons from another. Just as the county extension agent makes a special effort to be aware of his client's mental set and way of life (even to the point of cultivating a rural accent and "country manners"), a compensatory civics consultant probably should seek to blend in with those he is trying to help. He would depend heavily upon various persons and agencies within his community, and he would see his function primarily as one of a liaison between community educational resources and persons in need of these educational services. Conclusion The political model for compensatory education does not relate to several issues that are pressing and important. It avoids problems of nationally legislated guidelines, segregation versus integration, school board autonomy, and educational strategies. Its intent is quite limited : to suggest a framework within which goals can be discussed. The assumption has been that some symbol is needed which can provide a coherence for the multi-faceted structure of compensatory education. And the image of education as politics seems particularly useful for this purpose. The image draws attention to the political character of the schoOls, and thus places the matter of compensatory programing within the larger context of society's growing concern for civil justice.

FOOTNOTES COMPENSATORY EDUCATION: A POLITICAL MODEL iDavid Minar, "School, Community and Politics in Suburban Areas," in B. J. Chandler, Lindley J. Stiles, and John I. Kitsuse (eds.), Education in Urban Society (New York: Dodd, Mead & Company, 1963), p. 91. 2Kenneth B. Clark, Dark Ghetto (New York: Harper and Row, 1965), pp. 152-3. 3Nathaniel Hickerson, Education for Alienation (Englewood Cliffs: Prza- tice-Hall, 1966). 4saunders Redding, On Being Negro in America (New York: Bobbs-Mer- rill Co., 1951), p. 37. SSaul Alinsky, address at University of Texas, March, 1967. Alinsky's definition of poverty is "lack of powerinability to control one's future."

38 ...,.,..,- f4-4..--::,,,:t.i;',.

6Hickerson, chapter 4. 7Hickerson, p. 51-60. sHickerson, p. 58. 9James Coleman and others, Equality of EducationalOpportunity, U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare (Washington,D.C.: U.S. Gov- ernment Printing Office, 1966). zou.S. Civil Rights Commission,Racial Isolation in the Public Schools (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1967),p. 116. Ilse% for example, David E. Hunt,"Adolescence: Cultural Deprivation, Poverty, and the Dropout," Review of Educational Research,Vol.- XXXVI, No 4 (October, 1966) ; also, issues of the Journai of NegroEducation. imegina Barnes, "Higher Horizons:A Promising Program for Secondary Schools," Clearing House, Vol. XL (October, 1965). 13Clark, chapter 5. Also, Hickerson, chapter5. 14Paul Friggens, "Sam Shepard's Faith," The P.T.A. Magazine(March, 1964), pp. 19-20. 15e.g., The Church, Work and the Christian(Philadelphia: The United Presbyterian Church, U.S.A., May, 1967). isLuvern Cunningham, "Community Power:Implications for Education," in Robert S. Cahill and Stephen C. Hencley (eds.), The Politics of Education in the Local Community. (Minneapolis: The Interstate Printers and Publishers, Inc., 1964), p. 27-50.

-39- ::

:-,

The Context Of Educational Reform FAMILY STRUCTURE IN THE LATIN AMERICAN AND NEGRO AMERICAN COMMUNITIES Munro S. Edmonson There is lively and growingawareness in American educational circles of the importance of culture in theprocess of general public education. To a considerable extent, this is becausewe have come to realize the ways in which cultural diversity impedes education. It is important therefore to underline the fact thateducation itself is a cultural process and to understand its relationto other cultural processes with which it coexists. For cultureis in the last analysis communication, andany form of communication among men is an instance of it. I agree with Dr. Little that the educationalprocess is primarily a rational enterprise. It essays to draw each of us out of the parochialism and particularity of hisown tradition of discourse and to place us in firmer and broader contact with the great traditions of all mankind and withone another. It is inimical to the prejudices and blind spots of individual cultural experienceand by the same token is dedicated to the diffusion of the language all men share by virtue of being humanthe language of reason. Inevitably in this context the existence of strong local, tribalor national cultures is an educational problem. For ifour sensitivity to the widest intellectual horizons that human potentialopens to us is the essence of education, our deep and intensive involvement in time and place, in the traditions ofour own immediate societies and the loyalties of our own intimate contexts, directsour attention and our energies to less catholic goals, less ecumenical aspirations and less rational concerns. The ethnic cultures to whichas humans we so profoundly "belong" rootus to attitudes and values which all men do not share, perhaps cannot share. From the stand- point of general human culture, ethnicity is irrational. It isnone- theless a powerful and real counterforce to the expansive impact of eaucational rationality. A belief, even a faith, in human reason has beenan axiom of modern thought at least since the 18th century. Nonetheless, it is one of the most profound conclusions of 20th century science that human beings are not only rational animals. Weare also, all of -48 the time and in highly predictable and systematic ways, wildly irrational animals. Much of the effort of modern social and behavioral science, indeed has gone into the exploration of this fact and its consequences. One general conclusion may be drawn which is relevant for our present purposes. Reason and unreason are markedly different in communicative terms. Rationality is highly contagious. Even a casual contact between two human beings may be quite sufficient to communicate a rational proposition, while irrational ones can be conveyed only through prolonged and intensive contact. A new conclusion about some aspect of nuclear energy can be passed from one scientist at an international conference toanother who does not even share his language with a minimum of confusion or difficulty. By contrast even the rudiments of American political philosophy have proved virtually incommunicable despite an extensive missionary effort. It seems clear that if we could reduce the human communication network to the minimal contacts necessary to sustain rational discourse, the aims of education would be vastly furthered. But we cannot. All human beings participate with their fellows in societies more intimate and more intensive than those of international science, and it is in these local societies that they build and maintain their most deeply held attitudes and values. It is when we attempt to share these cultural ideas despite intense differences of experience that we typically fail to communicate at all. We may contrast, then, two very general forms. of cultural communication which have markedly different consequences for us. One, I should like to call hypothesis; the other is metaphor.Both involve relational statements, but in a hypothesis the relation is logical and empirical ; in a in , ;hor it is analogical and traditional. An hypothesis is a statement about somethingwhich is, so to speak, really "out there." It can be proved, or,if it is a bad hypothesis, disproved, by the evidence of our senses about the world they contact. A metaphor cannot in this sense be tested at all. It asserts a relationship which is cultural, not environmental, and its validity rests in the fact that it communicates, not in its objectivity. If I assert that the object before me is a table or a battleship, I may be right or wrong, but the matter can be investi- gated. If I assert that it is a crouching jaguar, investigation becomes unnecssary and irrelevant.Hypotheses are thus the mini- -44 -- mai units of the larger structure we may call science ;metaphors are organized into the larger structures wecall myths. It is intrinsic to their nature that science is one and myths are many. Both hypothesis and metaphor are automatically communicable among men, and both are communicatedall the time. Because of the ambiguities of human judgment, any statement I maymake to you will convey both scientific and mythicalinformation. Try as I may to purify and rationalize it, I shall inevitablyinclude some proportion of metaphoric statement if I am to speak to you atall. The particularities of metaphor are built into the very language we speak. Our tribal metaphors areinherent in our grammar. At base, then, metaphor is the central problem of intercultural communication. Paradoxically, it is the defining characteristic of metaphor that it is hard to communicate. While relatively loose contact between people suffices to guarantee easy transmission of scientific information, only special circumstances, special channels, are sufficient to guarantee the creation and perpetuation of myths. We do not share metaphors because of superficial and casual contact with each other; we share them because ofand througha profound and intensive sharing of intimate experience. It is in the nature of man to live in groups so constituted as to guarantee this kind of sharing of experience. We all communicate with at least some other people in the profound, enduring and intensive way that generates metaphors and builds them into myths. Our general sociability guarantees our capacity for science, our ability to communicate symbolically. Butit goes much farther. We communicate with each other far more than, for environment- ally adaptive purposes, we need to. And thus we share metaphors : attitudes, values and symbols to which the universe is indifferent but which matter fundamentally to us. And these cultural assumptions which we share only with some other men make up our more intimate and more intensive cultural identity. We are not only men ; we are men of particular cultures. The pattern of values and of style imprinted on us by the particularity of our experience, we share by virtue of particular institutional experiences capable of sustaining intensive communication. Generally speaking this means we share culture in this intimate way with people brought up in the same familystructure.

45 No other experience that we have as humans is usually as prolonged, as intimate or as intensive as our training within families. An organized system of family life is thus capable of transmitting itself from generation to generation, and along with it are trans- mitted attitudes and ideas of enormous subtlety, but of enormous vitality. Such ideas may be perpetuated in this fashion for virtually indefinite periods of time. In considering problems of intercultural education, it is clear that differences in family tradition are close to the heart of the matter. It is well to remember that the family is not necessarily the only institution which can function in this fashion. Although we seem at times to believe otherwise. there is in fact nothing in- herently sacred about the family. The impact of the family upon ethnic culture is very important, but it is important because of its communicative, not its moral properties. If we encounter cases in which the family does not possess these properties, we may have to look for other facts of social participation, other orienting socialinstitutions, to understand the traditions of particular groups. It is, however, rather generally true of all societies that family life is sufficiently intensive and organized to be the major factor in cultural identity. And it is in the family, therefore, that one finds perpetuated the basic values of a culture. This phrasing of the matter may help to clarify how we can generalize about cultural groups in the face of their obvious diver-. sity. People, even people of the same culture, are not alike. and it is jarring to our common sense to hear statements about how all Americans or all Russians or all Latin Americans or all Ne- groes may be expected to behave. From the foregoing discussion, it will be apparent that the sense of such statements the only sense they can have is that all Americans are alike to the degree that all Americans are trained alike. The primary agency of training for this purpose is family life. Hence there are as many different types of Americans as there are different types of family in the United States. How many this is, is a matter for empirical description. It is my task here to summarize the relation of such family experience of Latin Americans and Negroes in the United States to the enterprise of education and by implication to the family experience of the dominant Anglo-Saxon minority upon which the national educational system is based. Although it may seem --46 trite, let us begin with a very general look at the Anglo-Saxon ethnic tradition. The general conception of family in English speaking coun- tries is strikingly like that in the other ethnic traditions of northwestern Europe Germany, Scandinavia and the Netherlands. One's family, or anciently, his kindred, includes all the people who are related to one through blood or marriage, traced bilaterally and equally through both sexes to an indefinite degree. These relatives are felt to be measurably "close" or "distant," and marriage between close relatives is forbidden. In many but not all American states first cousins are too close to be marriageable. The closest relatives are those of the isolated nuclear family, and although this grouping is peculiarly adapted to the high mobility and small apartments of modern America, it is an ancient Anglo-Saxon form. The effect of this system is atomistic and egalitarian. Once he is adult and married, each individual has a unique family, only a part of which is the same as the family of even his closest relatives. In social terms he is completely in- dividualized. And the principle which governs relations among individuals is that of equality. Children inherit property equally, and justice demands that they should do so. It will be apparent, I think, that the values expressed in this structure are peculiarly and profoundly Anglo-Saxon. They are the axioms of our national cultural existence and the premises of our identity as a people. They are, in fact, the principles which, we have tried so hard and generally so fruitlessly to export to the other cultures of the world as "American democracy." It is small wonder that our peculiar blend of individualism and equality has proved so mystifying and elusive even to our friends abroad. It simply does not correspond to their experience, however deeply it is. woven into ours. In comparing this dimension of our national experience with Latin American values, it is perhaps important to deal first with Latin American diversity. Latin America is a huge area bigger than the United States and much more varied both culturally and politically. Some scholars challenge the usefulness of talking about Latin America at all, while others calmly continue to pour forth books about it as though it were a single entity. In a sense both are right. The area has both unity and diversity. But for our purposes it is necessary to insist that in family organization -- 47 -- Latin America is importantly unitary. The style of family found in Spanish, Portuguese, or even, in part, in French America is fundamentally derived from the traditions of Mediterranean Eu- rope, and its major features are shared by the peoples who today speak variant versions of vulgarized Latin. It presents a marked contrast to the northern European family. Because of its relevance to the United States, I shall deal here principally with the Spanish American family. At first glance the Spanish familia appears to be completely cognate with the English family. Both terms may be applied, for example, to an indefinitely extended group of bilaterally traced blood relatives. Fully half the meaning of the Spanish word, however, has no English counterpart. Spanish relatives by marriage are emphatically outside the familia while in-laws in English are vaguely and ambiguously considered kin. And although the Spanish family includes relatives on both sides, it refers primarily to patrilineal inheritance of surnames. In Spanish the patrilineage is vitally important. It is quite possible that the kinship system of the aboriginal Iberians of Spain was generally similar to the Germanic and Slavic patterns of European kinship. Such northern tendencies in the basic culture of Spain were certainly furthered by the Visigothic invasions of the early centuries A.D. But Spain has been throughout its history a crossroads between Europe and Africa, and the influences of the Mediterranean on Spanish life are deeply imprinted upon the Spanish family. Other parts of Europe from Italy to Norway have felt in various degrees the impact of Medi- terranean and Middle Eastern culture, but Spain has been subject to intensive exposure to these influences. Phoenician, Carthaginian and Greek trading stations; the Roman conquest which gave Spain its language, and above all seven centuries of occupation by the North African Moors have repeatedly reinforced Spain's non- European kinship ideas, and impressed upon it a marked commitment to non-European values. There is more than metaphor to the Spanish adage that "Africa begins at the Pyrenees." At the time of the discovery of the New World Spain was very far from being a culturally unifiednation. It spoke no less than six different languages besides Spanish (Catalan, Galician, Basque, Arabic, Hebrew and Ladino). Even within the Spanish speaking kingdoms the customs and laws of Castile and Leon 48--- differed significantly from those of Extremadura orAndalusia. Even today, the peasantry of Castile maintains familytraditions, closely similar to those of England, while Andalusia,which' eon.; tributed disproportionately to the earlysettlement of the Nevi - World, has long maintained the patriarchal and hierarchical ditions of the Middle East. Both modes oforganization are repre-, sented in the New World in various mixtures. ' Even in the ancient world these confliCting tendencies-Can-, be clearly traced, the upper classes taking on thepatrilineage itrui ture, and the lower classes maintaining the'bilateral. ancient Greece, the basic bilaterality wasoverlaid' by the of the great families. In Rome the plebeianfaMilies-were bilateral but the gentes of the patricians werepatrilineages; _So -=was also in medieval Europe, where thenobility- Were- organiied,in patrilineal great families, while the peasantsoften: lacked.-__:even-: patrilineal surnames. In northern Europe:the gediterranean :traditions were superficial And restricted,and have Virtually disap.: peared in modern times. InSpain,' too, the. patrilineage' is'- aristocratic tradition, but the militarism ofcenturies of Warfare converted most of the Spanish populationinto petty aristoera hidalgosand the Spanish commitment to lineage wascorrespOnd, ingly general and profound. The fundamental difference betweenbilateral and patrilineal patterns of kinship between the lineage and the kindred may be illustrated inrelation to marriage. The bilateral-ay isolates the individual so that he is freeto'-choOse aMate on at: individual basis; the lineage system Makeshim a- rePreSentatiVe,-of -.- his corporate family and his marriagebeconies ;a-Matter tor-tiire,:-; ful negotiation between sovereign-lineages. Equal inheritance'of property tends to eliminate thatconsideration frOin Marriage- choice in a bilateral system;primogeniture and' entail itfideiline,= the importance of clear propertysettlements Ins-a Clearly a lineage system cannot be madeto work at allwithOut a definite systemof authority, and all lineagesystemal-inVolVe:', very explicitrules of precedence. To be older: is tobe senior;- to be younger is to be junior,and hence every person hasan:unequivOcal rank in society, depending uponthe rank of his -limit, ;and his own rank within it.Although this might appear-to-settle' :the. matter, this aspect of the systemis in faCt: its 'greatest,prOblein,,, because it means that whatever myposition in. society, haVe::' -49 liftifilatAIMUSSMICIIIIEtaftlemitarmansfr,,

everything to gain by doing in thechap ahead ofme usually my older brother. Nor is this merelya theoretical problem. When the king of Yemen dieda few years ago leaving seventeen sons, a battle royal broke out which endeda year later with sixteen of them dead. The survivorwas of course the new king. Two methods have been invented forcontrolling the instability of lineage systems with regard tosuccession. One is age grading and the other is bride price. In thefirst method, one takes all the young men ofa society off to the bush, scaresthe,wits out of them with horror tales and mutilation,and swears them to eternal blood brotherhood. The Mau Mauof Kenya is a well known example of the technique. Although breakingsuch an oath is attended by horrendous supernaturalconsequences, its success in controlling the cupidity ofyounger brothers is unfortunately limited. Accordingly, it is often combined withmethod number two. Intl-eduction of a high bride pricemeans that a young man cannot get married without going deeply into debtto all of his nearer relatives just for the down payment. Naturallyhis relatives will take a lively interest in his well-being untilthe debt is paid. Furthermore, since he cannotmarry a close relative, he spends years paying off his father-in-law in some distant lineage, and that gentleman and his kin will havea similarly tender concern for their new son-in-law'ssuccess. A generation or so of this sort of thing and most of the lineages ina society will be linked togetner by lines of credit and fiscal expectations, which will convert them into the staunchest supporters of the.status quo, and of the sacred ranking systein it represents. In thisfashion, a lineage system may achieve considerable stability. I have digressed to point out the workings ofan integrated lineage system, not because Spain landedon these solutions but because it didn't. The mixture of two contradictorysystems of family organization provides Spaniards and LatinAmericans with two modes of reaction, two attitudes, towards theirrelatives and consequently towards other people, and bothare found elaborately worked out in the pattern of society in Spainand in the New World. No resolution of the conflict between thetwo haa ever been worked out, and Hispanic institutions reflectthe temporary triumph of one or the other modality at particularplaces and times. The result is vola:ile and unstable, andcharacteristically Hispanic.

-- 50 --- The dominance of hierarchically ordered patriarchal institutions in Latin life is too well known to require detailed description. The authoritarian organization of the Spanish Catholic church, the man-on-horseback system of politics, the hacienda form of economic administration, the pattern of deference in address, the habit of arrogance in personalmanner; the attitude of machismo in relation to women all reflect the strong emphasis on lineal organization in Latin American life. The importance of egalitarian institutions in Spain has tended to be overlooked, especially by American scholars, in favor of these many instances of dramatic cultural difference. Equality is nontheless strong in Spain and just as Spanish as the tendency to rank The religious fraternity or confradia, was an important egalitarian society in sixteenth century Spain. The autonomous corporate pueblo or village organization and the democratic mu- nicipio or city government have a similar emphasis. The Mesta, a sheepherder's union of Spain, was an autonomous entity of sufficient power to challenge even the authority of the king. The significance of these tendencies in Spanish family life and Spanish culture lies in the fact that they do not result in a blend or compromise. Both sets of attitudes are present in full. degree. Nor is it that some individuals are aristocrats and some democrats : all Spaniards are both. Anyone who grows up in the Spanish family will have the experience of subordination and superordination but he will also experience the solidarity that knows no rank. The fact is beautifully expressed in the Spanish use of familiar address, which may subtly convey status difference or intimacy, and sometimes both at once. Spanish culture recognizes no resolution of the contradiction, and Spanish ethics leaves the matter open. Much of the drama of the Hispanic style can be traced to this. By way of illustration, the university life of Latin America springs to mind. On the one hand the principle of authority is greatly stressed. Exaggerated deference is expressed by students towards professors, and the authority of a rector greatly exceeds that of any North American university president. At. the same time the corporate power of the student body is overwhelming and rests firmly on the principle of companerismo or buddy-ism. One owes extreme loyalty to his fellow students. When the two principles clash, the results are dramatic and unpredictable. In -- 51--

11 F

one instance in my experience, the student organization demanded the resignation of a North American professor. The administra7 tion and the rector opposed the demand. After a:dramatic cOnfron-- tation between the rector and the students, the former declared_ that if the students refused to yield the college ,would be closed. Then and this is the astounding part the matter -was .-put to a vote! The school was kept open by a 'two vOte margin. Recent data from Latin America suggest that there may be 'significantly divergent patterns in the Latin -American family, particularly in the burgeoning slums of ,the great cities. Even' in these contexts, however, or in such peripheral instances a8 PuertolRican Manhattan or Mexican Los. Angeles, much,- Of the-- style of the traditional Spanish pattern remains -recognizably the same. Even where it is weakened by poverty1-gr.aeculturiationii the Spanish family is a powerful and -encompassing and the attitudes and values it conveys are inescapable .facts of Modern cultural life. By contrast with the Anglo-Americans or Spanish Ainerican family, the Negro American family is an entirely American his* tution, shaped by the pressures of slavery in the American tropics and subtrorics adjacent to the Caribbean Sea. This unique his- _- torical background has had two primary consequences, one spe- cificand one general. The specific impact of slavery throughout the American tropics has been the weakening of the role of the male within the family. The general impact has been to weaken

the family itself, 1-aving it open to a great diversity of influences _ which a more established tradition might well have withstood unchanged. The major features of the Negro family, Ithen,, are that it is matriarchal and that it is variable. The paradox is more op- parent than real. American slavery was an emasculating institution for the slaves. To a degree in all of the areas in which it was rooted, but to a very high degree in the United States, it subjected the Negro woman to sexual exploitation without legal protection. It made her a mother without allowing her to be a wife. The pater- nity of the Negro man was limited to a stud function, sometimes quite literally. The stability of the slave family was thus largely restricted to the exercise of motherhood by Negro women. The consequences of this system are widely represented today in the Negro populations of the New World in the dominating role of

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women in family life, a fact widelydocumented in variouscoun- tries longbefore the Moynihan report. Strktly speaking, the' matriarchalfamily as it is found among lower class. Negroes isnot a family at all; it isa :of *elf-. perpetuating women's club. Ithas little orno place-in-in it for males, either as husbandsor as sons, and it rests on the ideology that Men are utterly unreliableand undesirable. "Menare 4Ogs"--;:is- common adage, and the 'attitude.it expresses real.: GrOwink in a .matriarchal familyprepares neither -boys nor girls for the ,adjustinents of stableor enduring _marriage boys because they have been rejected intheir maleness --at --children,-2girta,'.be- arise they have been syStematieallYtrained' to-Mistrust:an in pants. The pattern- ofidentification: Perpetuated by this_=structure not an ' ethniC, pattern; it is ''st.-sexual one.. Growing such an environment --does = not proiride- a -core-area:of:1M* securi against which out groupscan be Measured.',Instead=itjeaVes

individual higH, suseeptible-to other-. influeneeS.Mitsitle,the;famr=-; 1y- as-sources of his basic attitudes-and values. ;This Paitticiitarly. ObViotts in thecase of the male. Morn. to a, inatriStchil-: rejected by itas early as his fifth ors:'ISixth.--Yeir, boy Must -necessarily seek his security-iir the streefgang-**iiie.:,:4it. rejection of femininityand female domination is -explicit*nd.':eirl--: tivated. In later life, onlythe strongest Masenline: SymbolS will activate his identification the army, the pOlice,'-the ;gang. His attitude towardswomen will be tough and unforgiving, .repeating the pattern of his backgroundin irresponsible-ZeXploitritiOiCot- Women on every available occasion.

The patterns of attitudes andvalues we are tracing are Stably;- maintained primaiily becausethey Matter to people. Airiong the Many ideas and influences whichshape any -individual's values only a few gain the kind ofsalience and importance thatcauses them_ to be reproduced in generationafter generation of people. The values typically associatedwith family life constitute the fundamental pattern of ethnocentrismin a- particular grOuP, and such values are,maintainedprecisely because they embodya -rejection of the availablealternatives. To see the world through Spanish eyes means tosee it familistically with the peculiar blend of Spanish arrogance, humilityand democracy. And itmeans to hate and fear the attitudes whichthreaten these, values-7such 53-- as the fuzzy and enveloping corporate individualism of the United States. To grow up in a matriarchal family is to live in a greatly sexualized universe,.in which weakness is despised and feared and only sexual solidarity is real, The weakness of the Negro matriarchy renders it incapable of resisting alternative ideas of organization. Thus,. although matriarchy is a deeply rooted idea in New World Negro cultures, it is a long way from being the only idea. Recent studies of the Caribbean islands have documented an extraordinary range of variation in the Negro family, and studies elsewhere, in South America and the United States, suggest that the whole concept of the Negro family needs to be challenged. Even within our own country, the influences that bear on Negro life are extraordinarily varied, and although satisfactory studies are not available, it is clear that there are several different kinds of family traditions among Negroes. The data available on rural southern Negroes in the United States not only do not justify the supposition that they are matriarchal, but actually suggest the opposite : that strongly patriarchal values and patriarchally organized families may in fact be the rule rather than the exception. The same form can be found in some parts of the Caribbean. While this suggestion is not adequately' documented, and in any case does not alter the clearly documented importance of matriarchy in the urban lower class, it is a good illustration of the variations to which the Negro family is subject. Even in the cities, there are other values which often replace those of matriarchy in particular segments of Negro society. The claims of class are sometimes so important as to take precedence even over family. The importance of marriage over- whelms the attitudes of matriarchy in a whole large segment of the upper lower class. Negro Amer-lea is in a state of internal revolution at least as important to its future as the civil rights movement. The shallow- ness of its historical roots and the variety of the influences that play upon it make it far more open to change and reorganization than is White America. And the suggestion is strong that it is in fact changing. Far better information is needed about what is really going on in the American Negro family, but it is safe to say that in any event Negro54 life is more importantly shaped by non-family institutions thanis the life of Angloor Latin Americans. The contrastamong the cultures we have been describing is neatly expressed by the peoplesthemselves in such forms as popu- lar song. The Anglo-Americansare obsessed with a cottage small beside a waterfall with the strong implication thata marriage license hangs on the wall. The Latin-Americansare troubled by illicit love and the ungratefulwomen who are to be punished by God for betrayal and abandonment ofhapless males.--Negro- Americans are haunted byan interminable battle of the sexes in which "I ain'tgonna give you none of my jelly roll." These images evoke with pathos but also with precisionthe profound differences in experience from which theyspring. The educational system of the UnitedStates has grown up on the premise that our population is,or is about to be, or would like to be Anglo-Saxon. Thesunny maneuverings of Dick and Jane, like much else inour schools, makes no contact withor impact upon the large numbers ofour children for whom the premise is false. Our cultural diversity doesin fact impede education, and as isour ethnic wont we Anglo-Saxons are determined to do something about it. But the matteris not so simple. Toun- derstand cultural causation is necessarilyto control it, whatever the experience of our ethnic ancestorsmay have been. However, the cultural adjustments goingon in this ceimtry will take place whether we understand themor not. It is clearly desirable that we should understand them as fully as possible. RACIAL ISOLATION AND COMPENSATORY EDUCATION John Orr and Lydia Pulsipher "Segregation" is rapidly becominga major educational issue in the United States. According to NeilSullivan, Superintendent of the Berkeley Public Schools, thetraditional view of educators has been that schools "should providethe curriculum for whatever students happened to show up." But that view,although still held by a vocal minority, has becomean anachronism. Edu- cators have found themselves forced to makedecisions about the racial composition of schools, whetheror not they have felt themselves responsible for segregation-integrationdecisions. -- 55 -- The most dramatic reason for educational interest insegre- gation has been the 1954 Brown decision, which struck downas unconstitutional the practice of school segregation imposedor permitted by state law. After 1954, a number of court cases, both in the South and North, have established that school segregation need not be complete in order to be. unconstitutional. Thus, the only major issue yet to be resolved by the Supreme Court has been whether or not adventitious school segregation is forbidden. Even apart from these legal pressures, however, educators are acknowledging that day to day administrative decisions almost inevitably involve questions affecting the racial composition of schools. School officials obviously are not capable of maldng significant changes in residential segregation patterns. But they do affect the location of new school facilities, transfer policies, boundaries of attendance areas, methods of relieving overcrowded schools, and bussing practices. These decisions, sometimes represented as neutral administrative practices offer school officials wide latitude for extending or reducing segregationist practices in the schools. And school Officials have had to accept much of the responsibility for perpetuating the extreme, ghetto character of American educational organization. The 1967 Report of the U.S. Commission ow: Civil Rights, Racial Isolation in the Public Schools, offers one more argument why public school administrators cannot and should not avoid movement toward reduction of school segregation. This report is an important contribution to the literature concerning education for the disadvantaged, if only because it attempts almost in Don Quixote fashion to refir%lthe widely-held notion that compensatory education is the best way to deal with disadv 41- taged minority children. Its point. can be stated :briefly : compensatory .education apart from racial integration, can raise academic and economic aspiration. Thus, the United States Civil Rights COmmission attempts to put the integration-segregation issue into the context of discussion about professional educational effectiveness. Integration provides an efficient approach to 'de-; veloping skills ; and on that ground alone, steps should be taken by professional educators (and legislators) to reduce racial isolation in the schools. 56-- To support its thesis, the Commission deals in four areas of measurement: (1) Performance on achievement tests. It finds that Negro children in predominantly white schools usually score higher on achievement tests than children in majority-Negro schools, even when the children in majority-Negro schools are receiving compensatory education. Negro children in schools that are majority- Negro often do no better than children who are totally segregated. There is evidence that the enhancement of achievement resulting from integration is most positive for children who have hadan extended experience in the multi- or bi-racial school. (2) Economic Opportunity. Negro adults who have attended integrated schools tend to have higher incomes and tend to hold more white collar jobs than these who have attended segregated schools. The Commission believes that this difference can be traced to contrasts in achievement levels and to the fact that association with middle class whites tends to heighten both aspiration and security in bi-racial economic situations. (3) Attitude. Experience in segregated schools tends to encourage attitudes that make both whites and Negroes prefer relationships that are segregated. The Commission believes that these .attitudes carry over into the adult life and serve to maintain and intensify broad forms of racial isolation. (4) Higher Education. Utilizing figures from the Office of Education survey in 1966, Equality of Educational Opportunity, the Commission claims that Negro students are less likely to have definite plans to attend college. They are more likely to been- rolled in high schools which send a relatively small proportion of their graduates into college; and segregated Negro schoolsare morelikely to have high ddrop -out rates. According to the Com- mission, the causes of this situation are many and complex, but a primary cause is the climate of opinion concerning higher education that develops in the schools. A student who associates with othoril who expect to go to college is more likely to have similar expectations than if most of his classmates do not value higher education. Racial Isolation in the Public Schools carefully avoids saying that compensatory educattion in the segregatedNegro school is either wasteful or useless. Students are obviouslyaffected by

...NM57IMMO, the quality of education they receive, and the Commission claims that elements of school quality can be measured in terms of those factors^which educators generally identify with "good schools." These include small classes, highly qualified and motivated teachers, well-developed curricula, and adequate facilities (particularly for languages and the sciences). The Commission does claim,- however, that the segTegated Negro school cannot provide one of the most important ingredients in a quality' education: the presence of .a highly motivated peer group which both aspires to highper- formances and expects to succeed. While integration is nota pan- acea for Negro educational success, and while the problem* of suddenly putting the races together may be :massive, ,the Com- mission claims the integration route is far more likely to be:effec- tiv,e than others. The best compensatory education will take .Place in the integrated setting. To support its point, Racial in the Public-- Schools quotes Samuel Shepard, who' hits developedan extensive compensatory program- in the St. Louis tiehOols:

Although' many Negro students are in racially isolated schools, their IRO- cipals, teachers, and parents will have to do their very best to help .them learn. But there is no question that this effort with Negrotudents in irate= grated. schools would, achieve far more. I have long held that my_ own eight-year-old son is being cheated because he, attends segreintted schcrl.

In Proposing remedies for the disadvantages imposed by the segregated schools, the Commission predictably recommends Vari- ous methods of reducing racial isolation.' It speaks about the practice of "pairing," creating central,schools,,bussing, *Sing segrel gated schools, altering attendance areas, avoiding racial: isolation in integrated schools. It ,strongly recommends consideration of magnet schools (schools offering part-time enrichment programs),, education complexes (broadening attendance areas by, grouping existing schools and consolidating their attendance zones), -and particularly educational_ parka (new centralized facilities: to., expand attendance areas and to provide for alliances of specialized skills). The most important legislative prescription is that Con- gress should establish a uniform standard providing for,the nation of racial isolation in the schools. The CoMmissiOn clearly favors the formula adopted in Massachusetts and New York, defining as racially imbalanced schools in *hiCh Negro' pupils con.;! atitute more than fifty percent of the total enrollment. Beneath these recommendations are two assumptions that deserve careful attention: (1) that desegregation should be com.r_

bined with -a general program 'of ,educational imprOvement,for the total community. The Commission's report effectively argues that it is not enough simply to mix youngsters. Mixing 'nits, con= stitutes enormous problems when not presented as part of as more universal program of improvement. (2) The solution to racial iso= lation must involve the whole community. De facto segregation is a community-wide problem, and its solution should not rest upon a limited number of schools or ,neighborhoods. The greatest impact of Racial Isolation in the ,PublieS ;hoots; lioweVer, is in its caution about compensatory 'programs that ,are, divorced from integration programs. Needless tviay, the COni=- mission's conclusions are disturbing, if only Ieeautso compensatory reformers often have, only limited control over, the forces -.that make for racial isolation. Compensatory education has ioPeared to be a happy solution to a terribly 'knotty ,retiolution- of the tension between the segregationist and the liberal reforiner.. If the Commission's observations are sccurate,, there now itilieed'i to rethink' the character of the compentatory. prograMs *Well are _presently consuming so much creativie energy and la': Many- luscious federal dollars. Racial Isolation in the Public Schools is currently being ques- tioned in some quarters as to the accuracy of its obseMitions, the major issue being whether the COmmisaion's 'conditions' were pre-determined and whether 'he report's statistical-, information was limited to that which would support the desir4, eon-. elusions. Of course, foregone conclusions are mot_necesSarily:Wrong. Procedural arbitrariness May simply be t_ he. sign that eo4cIualoni are self-evident. Neverthelesa, there 'does seem 'to be' need pir pro= fessional evaluation of the CominisSion's research procedUres. Assuming the accuracy and integrity of the report, compensatory educators now need to reconsider the' political dimensions of their task, and especially to rework their concept of the range of activity which compensatory professionalism requires. Profes- sionalism carries the duty of interpreting for policy-makers ,those elements that contribute to-teaching and learning in the disadvantaged community, and thus compensatory. educators 'should be responsible for interpreting effects of segregation and integration' on their own professional effectiveness. Pr.ofessionality, therefore, carries educators into a realm that is highly-charged polit. ically, and venturing into this realm will always involve a risk. I am not suggesting that Racial Isolation in the Public Schools should lead to an "either-or-stance" either integration or no compensatory action. The very heart of politics is the ability to compromise, and compensatory education in the United States may well have to proceed for a long time within a relatively segregationist context. But compromise is not the same as giving up the struggle. In spite of the humanitarian willingness to work with disadvantaged children in less than optimal situations, educators busily should be preparing 'the graphs and charts and control groips which will demonstrate the direction that compensatory development should Whether .or not such a professional demonstration would have Much effect on the variety of school board which actively resists integration is problematic. Perhaps compensatory effectiveness through integration must ultiniately be nurtured by federal or state legislation, or by the offering of tempting federal grants (althoUgh: experience with Title I breeds cynicism even here). What is at iisue, though, is the stance that the _sensitive educator should .take even in the midst of defeats:1 The Commission's report 'is correct in :Its claim that educators have no business im- proVing elements in disadvantaged segregated schools, unlefis they are also niaking patently clearthat the effort is less than optimal. Compensatory education in segregated schools should not be represented as a program in order to lead ultimately to integration' (that ,ii aform,of the old, and hopefully discarded gradualist game). It- ought to be represented as a remedial program, which unfortunately cannot provide a key element: an inter-racial, highly motivated peer group with expectationt of final economic sup.

cess. : For larger, regional compensatory projects, Racial Ieo4tion in the Public Schools -suggests that sustained attention should be given to the encouragement of integration as well as more traditional forms of compensatory education.If regional projects chaise to work actively within segregated situations, the decision should represent a deliberative conclusion, because the demonstration-effect should optimally derive from integrated Models. If segregation is accepted as a political reality, the regional Proj- -60 'L

ect should at least apply itself to the collection of local data, and elould attempt to establish comparison demonstration groups within integrated situations. I

SOCIOPOLITICAL RELATIONS PV INTERCULTURAL CONTACT Lawrence Goodwyn At the outset, may I alert you : the form of this presentation violates established procedures. The bulk of this paper consists not of a formal presentation of facts or ideas, but rather of a long and sometimes impressionistic short story. By way of explanation, and apology, may I say thrt whatever educational insights may be revealed by inspecting an intense inter-racial relationship, these insights are elusive and rather difficult to trans- late into terms having clear meaning. The separation of the Negro and white races in America has been a long one, and the psychological costs to both have been high. None of us has been exempted. Intercultural education one of the principal instruments of puri- fication is in itself impure, not only in method but in the day to day conduct of the students and teachers involved. The forms of these impurities which perhaps can be characterized as the sum of all the individual racist tendencies we carry in our respective personalities are substantially unknown to us. So, I have elected to tell a story that focuses on these tendencies as they appear in two imaginary Texans, one white and one black, in the hope that such a story is not irrelevant to the educational challenge the Southwest Educational Development Laboratory ultimately will have to confront. Two words are my salutation. Just as Franklin Roosevelt used to say two words of salutation, "my friends" and Harry Truman used to say "fellow Americans" so I have a salutation: Fellow Racists. At the outset, I would like you to participate with me in an experiment. I'd like to ask you your opinion of the way the United States Congress has responded in two celebrated disciplinary cases: the way the House of Representatives handled L.dam Clayton Powell and the way the United States Senate is handling the case 61 against Senator Thomas Dodd. I askyou to go over i: your mind what you would say about these twocases. To help you in your effort, let me suggest thatyou look at the person on your immediate right and imagineyou were responding to 'him..imagine you were giving him your opinion. All right, haveyou got something formulated, at leasta general outline or an instant reaction? Then, I ask you now to doone more thing to pick out any other person in this room who is of a different color just one person. Now, imagine you were respondingon the matter these two Congressional disciplinarycases to this second person... .Now then, is your response exactly the same? Or haveyou now decided to a d d a l i t t l e explanatory preface... orperhaps alter the order of your emphasis? If you can honestly sayyou would say exactly the same thing, with precisely the same emphasis, itmeans, among other things, that you have so conducted yourself thatyou have complete confidence that both your white acquaintance andyour Negro acquaintance will take your meaning in .thesame way that is to say, the way you intend it to be taken. If you can say this, kouare, in my opinion, a truly remark- Ale person. I willsay, in my opinion; that you are unprecedented in the field of "intercultural" relations. Youare a world-beater. I would also advise you togo to the bar and have a drink, or do something else constructive, becauseyou are manifestly wast- ing your time here there is nothing I can say toyou as you are way ahead of me. Let's dechlorinate the topic. It's too general, too distant it smells sweetly academic. Let's take the chlorophyllout. Instead of "Socio-Political Relations in Intercultural Contact,"let the topic read: "Tribal Wars Among People Who ExpressThem- selves Politically." Let a sub-title be added: "The Uncovering and Articulation of Pain, My Own and the Other Fellow's." Why pain? Is pain related to politics, and politics to education, and education to pain, Yes. At the center of the idea of learning is the possibility of meditation, of reflection, ofa tranquil environment. where a. dialogue can take place between teacher and pupil. At the opposite end of the spectrum is pain,a place where frustration, rage, sometimes inarticulaterage, make the learning process all but impossible. To surrender to pain is to lose one's hu- 7- 62 inanity. To conquer pain by admitting it, dredging it up, looking at it, (however fearfully, but looking at it), is to know the full measure of one's humanity. There is a folk belief loose in the world that to know a person better is to understand him better. I would think this is true only on the condition that the parties involved share enough attitudes and experiences to approach one another on a relatively open-and-above-board basis. If this condition is not present, to know a person better is quite likely to result in your getting angry with him, or at least, nit liking or being uncomfortable around him. I know a number of people, who think they know a great deal about people of the "other" race, who are kidding themselves, massively. I specifically wish to deal our Negro colleagues in on this piece of pain, too. The lack of knowledge is by no means a one-way street. The simple fact is and the evidence is extraordinarily abundant that precious few Americans North or South, Negro or white 1-s.ve a genuinely viable, continuing relationship, on an honest aLin-depth basis, with a single person of the opposite race. If two people have their defenses up when they relate to each other, not very much that is intellectually or emotionally meaningful is going to take place between them. It is in the nature of the American experience over 400 years of "intercultural" contact on this continent that, today; as people emerge into the early dawn of a new era, their defenses are still up. They are up by virtue of habit, if nothing else. They are also up for a number of other reasons, too so that the other fellow can't get through to hurt you, intentionally or unintentionally...because sometimes it is simply intelligent to have them up, in the light of past experience...and because people are naturally a bit reluctant and fearful timid, if you will in unknown situations. Let's look at the problem of establishing a viable human relationship as it really exists. Most white Americans know Negroes as employees ... asdomestic servants, as the guy you go down to the employment commission to get when you want some yard work done, as the guy who delivers your car. It is massive illusion to think one is going to establish a truly honest and viable relationship with people one meets under such conditions. I don't

63 think anyone in this room nurses such pathetic illusions, butmany white Americans do probably a clear majority of the residents of this state do. But it is manifestly impossible. Negroes in such circumstances have their defensesup way up. They are being underpaid for the hard work they are doing they know they are being underpaid, they resent it mightily, and they resent the man most immediately responsible for their present bitterness, that is, the man whose rocks they are hauling around or whose ditch they are digging. They will play a role with this mP and the alternatives for role-playing are many. They are net endless, be it stated the relationship is still that of emploim-with-thepolice-on-his-side to the employee-with-nobody-but-himself so the options open to the Negro employee are not endless. Butgen- erations of repression have bred a subtle skill at one-upmanship that has, in our time, become a highly developed talent almost an art form. In consequence, though both parties may be functioning on something approaching the same intellectual level, their intelligences are not engaged, they are divergent. They are not commnnicating at least one half of the twosome isn't he is fencing. Weil, enough of this. Suffice it tosay that the suburban kitchen, or the suburban garden, is not the happy place of genial conviviality for "intercultural relations" that white folk- lore would have it.

What else is open? Well, you might meetsomeone profession- ally. In the field of education, let us say. Here, relathe equals are presumably meeting one another. But are they relatively equal? Each trails behind him heavy institutional baggage. If I ama Negro school principal and youare a white school board member with control of my purse strings, I believe I'll forego the opportunity at honest intercultural relations in order to insure my future by a little judicious role-playing. I will be dignified (I am a prideful man) but I'm going to keep my head ducked. I will be as candid as the climate and the circumstances allow. In a totally free climate, I will be totally free. But, speaking as a Negro school principal, I must say that I have not yet encountered that totally free climate. I am looking; I am hopeful; but I have not yet found it. I have learned many things en route to my position as school principal, and one of them is to keep my hole card covered. And right now I am more interested in getting money for the science lab, or for some ,decent library books, than

64 I am in risking my neck on the altar of your sincerity. I can count books; sincerity is a bit harder to measure. Let's nudge a little closer. Instead of the relationship of school board member to school principal, let's substitute a staff member to staff member relationship. Two men, one Negro, one white, both making $12,500 a year in identical jobs, either teaching or in administration. Their desks are side by side. They eat in the same cafeteria, perhaps even (thoughthis is less probable) they drive home in the same car pool. Could they come to know each other in a truly intimate and human way? I think the answer is no; the chances are extremely remotein the middle of the 1960s. I think this will change and perhaps relatively soon, as historical time is measured. But for reasons that I want todiscuss now in the context of socio-political relationships I think the chances are negligible. Each of these various hypothetical examples ofinter-racial contact collapses, in the final analysis, because theunderlying power relationships inwhich the two would-be friends must live is an unbalanced relationship. The power,whether he acknowl- edges it or not, whether he wants it or not, is onthe side of the white person. To take our two identical staffmembers in the last example, they may sit side by side, but up front in theprivate office is the staff director, and that gentleman is white.The rules he is hired to administer are a carry-over from otherdays; they reflect old attitudes, either aggressively or passively,deperding on the climate in which thoserules' were promulgated. Our Negro staff member (if he is presumed to be trying to actlike a free man), must, to be honest with himself, lobby to getthose rules liberalized. He will lose respect for his white colleagueif the latter doesn't support him in this endeavor.Let's assume the white fellow decides to ride this particular Tiger.Let's say the two men meet over a beer at the end of the dayto plot strategy on just how they'll make their next move againstold fuzz-budget up there who is dangling all these rules. Imaginethem, sitting there in that corner booth. Look at them for a moment.Let the tableau come into focus. They'rein a little bar a long way offthe beaten path that fuzz-budget travels on his wayhome. They're having their beer, back there in the corner boothwhere they won't be overheard if their conversation becomesanimated. Just two old Texas boys talking over officepolitics, good old Sam White 65-- I who went to Austin Nigh School and the University of Texas, 1 masters at Texas, ;and Ph.D. at Columbia; and good old Henry it Green who went to Phyliss Wheatley High School, and Texas Southern, masters at Texas Southern, and Ph.D. at Howard or maybe, if he is young enough, Ph.D. at Texas. Sam White and Henry Green, two "good ole boys" as we say in Texas, plotting against old fuzz-budget, who used to be a "good old boy" but who is now a high-ranking bureaucrat who has been kicked out of the good ole boy union. Old fuzz-budget doesn't get any hearty backslaps when he comes around Sam or Henry; since fuzz-budget got his promotion, both Sam and Henry play roles in his presence now. They may be reWls, but they're not damn fools. They nod and look intellectual, when he makes pronouncements; they offer a few cautious opinions, after checking the way the policy wind is blowing. They play the game. But look at them, now, in that booth. They're not playing any roles now. Look again. By God, they are playing roles! Sam White is shaking his head, while Henry talks earnsstly. We slip into the next booth they don't notice continue talking animatedly. We overhear. Sam is saying: "Henry, it won't wash, it's too much. Too soon. Why old fuzz-budget would have a heart attack if you laid all six of those proposals on his desk at the same time." Henry interrupts: "Good, let him croak, fuzz-budget no. 2 is less of a fuzz-budget." Sam again : "No, no, think a minute. We've got to prepare a little groundwork, bring the climate around to a favorable position." Henry back to the attack: "Sam, you sound like some kind of moth-eaten gradualist. Man, we're talking about the way people live a whole generation of kids going down the drain and you sit there talking about climate. Man, look around, the climate is awful. What I'm talking about is changing the climate. And fuzz-budget calls himself a liberal. God, save the black man from his liberal friends." Henry drains his glass ; the gesture is not done with flourish; it speaks contempt and dis- missal. Let's leave Sam and Henry there, still in "intercultural contact." Sam's got his hand on Henry's arm, has pushed him back in his seat has ordered two more steins of beer to he certain he's got another 15 minutes for rebuttal. We know as we leave the friendly tavern that Sam has sev- - 66 may be quite good husbands and quitegood teachers or quite creative administrators but I don't have too much hope for them as pioneers in the field of intercultural contact,for we could tell as we left them there in that booth that neither one really had any real insight into the agony, or the motivation,of the other; or if they did, they weren't saying anythingabout it, which is just as conclusive that nothinghumanly meaningful is going on. Now, let's take Sam and Henry and place them in another setting. They no longer have those identical jobs. Let's take them out of that highly unusual and highly specialized situation and put them in something that is more likely, statistically. Henry Green is a waiter. He has 31/2 years of college, buthe is a waiter. That isstatistically much more the fact than Henry as the $12,500 educationexecutive. What with one little hustle and another, Henry makes $120 a week. He lives in asmall, old house for which he pays too much rent; the living roomis short on rugs, but long on records;there is a stereo, in the corner. Henry reads a lot; there are books around. Henry isthis kind of a fellow; he could buy a rug, but such an action for him would constitute spending money to impress other people; Henry spends his money on books, scotch whiskey and records. Henry is trying to find out who Henry is. He is very lonely. He is quite cooltoward almost all Negroes who are active in politics in his hometown; it is a dislike tinged with understanding; Henryknows how power works, and he knowswhat Negro politicians have to put up with, he understands allright, but Henry is not making ex- cuses fa: folks right now. In any case,he thinks the Negro politicians have been in the trencnes too long and during a long, bad era when the price of front-line duty was ahigh incidence of combat fatigue. He thinks the Negro politiciansof his home town have been brain-washed not only by The Man, but by themselves that out of their many failures to achievemeaning- ful change, out of their general despair,they have seized on false hopes to shore up their own morale.They are ruined men, Henry thinks. He does not have contempt forthem; he merely thinks they are dead. He calls them "ourwalking wounded." But he has to watch them, becausethey are out to get him. Henry is a threat to them because Henry is inpolitics, too. Once, a few years back, some white fellows beganmaking political speeches that caught Henry's attention. It wasn't somuch what he said though that was part of it but the fact of the matter

68 --- eral options. He can bounce off Henry's last crackabout "God save the black manfrom his liberal friends." He can affect an injured countenance, tinged with righteous indignation,and say: "Henry, quit calling names, I'm not that kind of personand you know it." This might have worked back in1962, but a lot of intercultural contact has gone over the dam sincethen, and Henry probably won't stand for it. If he does stand for it,Henry and Sam haven't got much going for them because in their own complicated way, they are still fencing, still playingroles. They haven't in short inflicted enough pain on each other t.k have peeled off all the defensive layers that loombetween them. Only when they have peeled and peeled, each layercoming off with great personal pain, pain to both parties,will they finally appear before one anothercompletely stripped that is completely human, without labels. Henry, themilitant Negro advocate, will have been peeled away to whathe is just Henry, an articulate man, tryingto express himself coherently and yet be faithful in his own right to the authentic ragehe feels; and Sam, the earnest young humanist will bepeeled too, down to what he is just Sam, a fellow who wants to do theright thing, who is appalled by the discovery of thepersonal sacrifices the right thing will impell himself, hiswife, and his children to go through; a man who willconsider making those sacrifices, and might, but probably won't; a manwho, even if he doesn't do the "right thing," will try to hold on toHenry (who by that time will have become symbol of Sam'svanished self-respect). Sam and Henry have a rocky future; it is notin the nature of Man to substitute anotherfor his departed self-esteem; out of his own interior needs, Sam may well turn onHenry, in order to free himself of the psychologicalburden that Henry has come to represent. Henry, out of his rage atfuzz - budget, or his despair at the activities of the whole staff,might denounce Sam (after all, Sam is the only one he can really getclose enough to to denounce).Or, Henry might try some other escaperoutes: he might have a wild affair, complicatingonly temporarily we hope, his marriage; or he might drownhimself in professionalism, try to get some power throughorderly promotion so he can make some changes himselflater on; he may do that, thoughit is in the nature of such rationalizationsthat the possibilities of subsequent changes have been compromisedenroute to the authoritative position that makes such changespossible. Sam and Henry 67 -- was he really didn't say anything that was too different. It was the way he came on. For one thing, hewas a great con man; he hustled Negro votes with thesame open-handed, back-slapping glee that he hustled white votes. Henry kept his hole cardcov- ered, he kept his mouth shut and kept looking, but hegave the politician a couple of points juston the grounds that his equal hustle was a step in the right direction. At least it beat the old dark-of-the-night-meeting in some backroom, which event had been standing political procedure around townever since black people got the vote. Well, as I say, this politician hit town one day and scheduled a noon luncheon with Negro leaders. Henry was a recognized leader (though, he himself knew he didn't have any followers to lead, he knew that all one had to do to be a Negro leader was to attend certain functions, make pronouncements, get your name on a mailout during political season, make your own mailout if you couldn't get on the standard one; Henry had played the game, he paid his dues, he accepted the label of leader, it didn't hurt and it might help later) and he went to hear the "hustling White Man." Three things struck him about The Hustler. First, the meeting was held in a nice white restau- rant. A bit discreet, not on the mainstem, and in a private dining room but definitely not secret. The Fat cats saw The Hustler go in and they saw all those black boys go in right behind him. Henry watched The Hustler closely, to see how nervous he was He wasn't nervous; he was shaking hands. Pretty soon he'd shaken all the hands but two, so Henry crossed the room, timing his arrival so The Hustler would be through with the last ors; when Henry got there. The Hustler took his hand and looked at him real hard (Henry could count on the fingers of one hand the number of white people whe had given him a frank, searching look in his lifetime ; all of them were policemen). The Hustler did more than look, he repeated Henry's name, as if filing it away in some cabinet of his mind. And he said: "I'd appreciate your comments to me, either privately or publicly, about my speech today."

In the speech, The Hustler said a few good things, said them alittlebetterthanhe'dsaidtheminthepa- pers.Henrydiscountedthemtotally.Henry'sfirstrule of politics was : closed door promises to black men don'tmean anything. If they don't say it out loud where all the whites

69 could hear, they don't mean to follow through (why payoff on a burden you ain't carrying?)But right at the end, The Hustler shocked Henry. First he said he was broke. Then he saidhe had a telecast that nit onthe local station, and it cost $268.40. Then he said the Democratic Women's Club hadpromised him $50.00 but he wasn't, going to let them off thatcheap when he got over there, he was going to shake themdown for $100. He named a couple of other meetings he had thatafternoon where he planned to put the arm on folks. Then hesaid the shocking thing. The Hustler said, "Fellow Texans, that leaves me $75.00 short. Gentlemen, this is no free lunch ; this is a $75 lunch,plus the cost of the lunch which is $60.00 more. $135.00,Yankee money. Your money." He said a lotof other things, mostly pro- motional, but Henry had quit listening. He was figuring upwhat he'd spring for. He finally sprang for $10.00. The Hustlerraised his eyebrows when he saw the number on the corner ofthe bill, and to tell the truth, Henry was a little surprisedat himself. He had settled on $5.00 and at the last minute, on animpulse, he substituted the $10. In his mind, Henry spoke to the Hustler. "You've done four things I like. Number one, you haven'thidden me in some fish and chips place;number two, you looked at me; number three, you're trying to remember my name; number four, you're not doing the Kentucky Colonel bit, taking care of your darkies. Instead, you want our bread. Now, that ain't very much in some ways, it sure isn't worth $10.00, but it's a start. You got a long way to go you hustle people too hard but maybe you'll learn. But next year, you got to do a hell of a lotbetter to get even $5.00." But Henry didn't say thesethings. He only thought them. It was too early to say what you thought outloud. All he said out loud was : "Where's your headquarters,I'm gonna volunteer myself." And that is how Henry met Sam White. SPin was one of a bunch of new young people that seemed to materialize out of nowhere to join The Hustler's campaign. The love affair ofSam and Henry was a slow thing. False starts. Awkwardmoments. But Sam listened...and when he disagreed, he said so. Sam was the first white man who had evertold Henry one of Henry's ideas stunk to high heaven. And then proved it. Henryabandoned the idea. Henry was the first man who evertold Sam he was a racist. After a long and heated argument, Sam surrendered. By

70 ------

the time it was over, they had consumed a large amount of Schliti beer and it was four o'clock in the morning in Sam's kitchen. The last thing that Sam said as Henry stumbled out the 'door- was, "thank you, but no thanks. It cost me eleven cans ofbeer and all I got was a chewing out." I can't remember what job Sam had. It was a pretty goOd one he was solid middle class seems to me he .was.a college professor, with tenure, or maybe a lawyer with some kind of plaintiff's practice...in any case, something out of the,' stream of the business world. He was a kind of semi-free man, you know what I mean. Nobody could get him in their.gUnlights with economic pressure. Only his anibition to get promoted, or make more money, could keep him reined in. But he was fairly free. Henry thought to himself: This cat may go for a good long- ride. I'm fixing to put him to the test. The testing went on for four or five years. It was, it developed, a twO-waii test: Simi was mean and arrogant and the more Henry pointed ':out' how Sam thought like a- racist, the meaner and more arrogant; Sam got, in self-defense in the beginning, but actually; there--,:wati more to it than that. 'There were a number Of things about Henry that Sam didn't like. In the first place, he flew Off the.handle too much. Sam learned how to ridicule him, turn Henry's far=out statements against him, tie him in knots.- One night he told Henry: "Buddy, the way you talk, you didn't learn too much in that lousy college you went to." Henry nodded: "Why do you thinkspend so much money on books? Think- I like listening toyour white, ideas? When I ought to be coming up with my own?" If this was a back-handed compliment (^nd it was) it did not give Sam much pleasure. He said, wearily: "Brother, you come up with enough ideis of your own to keep my tongue hanging out." And it was true. Henry's pain was such that it concentrated his mind wonderfully. He thought...and he studied .he studied how power worked in the white community. He saw the splits that were possible among the downtown businessmen and the real estate developers; he saw the splits possible in the labor movement, between the industrial union at the factory and the building trades ; he saw the71 generational tensions among the liberals...the old liberals and the young liberals (Huh! thought Henry; man they are all old. Even Sam).Henry 'studied ... and he thought he was a little daylight inall these splits and potential splits. He came up with ideas. Hetalked them over with Sam. Sam told him why the first oneweuldn't,work. Henry wasn't so sure, but he let it pass. He came upwith one. Sam again said it wouldn't -wash pretty convincing this time . .But t h a t f i r s t idea .. .Henry thought about it and found a way to handle theproblem- Sam had raised. Henry didn't go back to Sam with hisrevised idea. Sam was getting a little long on talk and alittle short on -..perfornance. Henry was a results player. And so it was that three morningslater -- ittwas the day of the filing deadline in city council races,Sam White leisurely opened his morning paper.. ..and almost fainted. There was Henry's picture on the front page.. He hadfiled for Mayor. Approximately- thirty seconds later, Samhad Henry on the phone. All of the, sentences started withWhat -or Why or When ..and-most of them tontained-a few expletives.of one kind or another, and all of them contained a measureAl the wonder that suffused Sam's voice. When Sam finallyran-down,e-Henry laughed and said -- "You must_ have slept late,I expected to have 'to" listen 'to all this stuff an hour ago." "But Mayor! Good lord! It's a wonder you-didn't file for Governor." Henry laughed again: "It's an off year,Sam, can't run for- Governor except in even-numbered years." Sam was not amused; "Henry,,wliat are youdciing, anyway? Will you tell -me that? Just what are youtrying to do except commit political suicide and maybe bring downa .few other good folks with you." , A note of irritation _crept into Henry's voice. "WhitebOy. laud then, Henry Softened) Sam. ..Sam, there are some- things that have te work themselves out at their own pace.Like water going down a hill.. And like 'a man deciding how he's gonnaget . free." And that ended that. Well, all things considered, it was a very complicated:cam.:,' paign. Sam was in very bad graces72 among all hispolitical friends. There were all their -friends on a political ticket challenging 1 inCUmbentt- and in the case of One incumbent -Sik-stOngAhey couldn't even find anybody to run against, they fin&Henryin,

the race. Henry as a running mate! Sam's friends were mad = . right4:-They knew Sam and Henry had sprung this one on them.:_:. ,-.Sati-i had a fight with his friends. He told ;them:: '"I didn't put Henry Green in this race. You guys are _so buried' in that Magnolia and-II/int julep syndrome that you can't conceive of Negro -deciding anything on his own. Henry Green is *free- man; you might at- well get used to it because he's gonnabe-tiroUnd::: here a long time, doing one thing and _another."-; 1:10t, Sabi teal himself that they were right in one sense, It was madness. -what HGnry was doing. So' SaM. -didn't see .Henry and he didn't see his friends._ Be -went fishing -three:: _- straight weekends, he took his wife shopping; he 'took Ins wife t,2-,-drive-in--theatres;- he took his wife bowling, -even! He tried to keep busy and not think- He was -very angry, but he couldn't seem to get it inlocus. He was mad at his friends, and at Henry, and at himself. Three times over the next three- weeks, Henry almost called Sam. Hating himself for his weakness, hating himself for the weight of all his needs, for the advice he needed, for the ques tion,s he couldn't answer, for the organizational talent *atilt,' himself, simply didn't have, never would have. Saying all these - things to himself, Henry would edge up the Phone to call Sam.

I'm not going to do it, he would say. And, he didn't: _ _Gradually, one by one, the old time politicos, the "walking- ivounded,". came by to offer Henry some helix_ They had already given him their advice which was that he was a fool, and overly ambitious for himself instead of for the people; theST--liad., .7 given him an earful of that Henry -reasoned with some, argued with -;others, got mad at one -, or two, then he had shut up and listened Patiently: Now they came_ to help him .meet- the Man in politics.- They had -a few ideas - some of them helpful but most of them not; they really' are dead; Henry decided. But- he was wrong. Ten days before the election, they were Henry had Something else- should be said about the "walking WoUnded." In helping Henry, they knew' they were digging:their own graves.. They had played the game of "Negro leader" since long before Henry was born. They knew that if Henry carried the Negro boxes against the Mayor, from that day forward, he would not only be a leader, he would be one of the top leaders. He might even be, in whitey's eyes."The Leader." But they helped. Some of them. About half of them didn't. And of this latter group, a rather imposing number actively signed on the Mayor'sband- wagon. As I say, ....hey hadbeen playing the game since long before Henry was born. Henry kept his head about these defections,injurious as they were. He wasn't reallyrunning for Mayor. He was running to get hintself known in the Negro community.Next year, in the county elections, Henry was going to runfor county commissioner. Precinct 4. Sixty percent of the registeredvoters of precinct four were Negro voters. "That's how dead the old leaders were," said Henry to his wife. "It's been that way for four years now and not oneof these niggers had the sense to see it. And Sam White's not sofull of life- either. He didn't think of it, either," Henry said. The next morning, nine days before the election,Sam White knocked on Henry Green's door. The subtleties in thelooks- the two men gave each other, I won't even attemptto describe. I can't. I wasn't there. You see, I'm a friendof Sam White's and I was one of these who was mad at bothHenry and Sam for messing up our ticket. But Henry's wife, somemonths later, told me about it. The first thing Sam said was: "You'rebroke, right? Right. Okay, we're going to have a beer party.We'll call it Guzzle for Green. Or maybe, Howl for Henry. We'llprovide the beer. I've got a friend I can shake down for threekegs. We'll invite everybody in sight. We'll make a flyer upfor an invitation. Today, get your high school kids over hereat 3 this afternoon. We'll have the invites ready then. Got to hurry,only nine days before the whistle blows. If we get 200 people, weought to loot them out of about $500, maybe $600. Mostof them are broke students, you know. But we'll reallyclip the professors." Sam didn't realize it, but he was coming on pretty strong,like a plantation owner, like whitey. "Now, Henry!" he said, (Henrywas apparently no longer listening). "Henry?" "I'm listening, massa," saidHenry. With

74 an absolutely deadpan face, their eyes clashed. Sam went on, then, but his voice was somehow softer now. "Henry. I'll get my wife to round up a passel of women to make up a huge mailing list they'll address them, bring them over here. Your kids can stuff them and mail them. OK? Two hundred at five cents a crack that's $1000." "You're not going to get 200 people with 200 letters," said Henry. "That's right. You're right. Let's see, I'll get another $10 from somewhere else and bring it by. You make up a list too. Let's shake down the Toms. They through chewing you out?" "They're through," allowed Henry. "OK. Next thing. With this $500, we can rent the Negro YMCA, get a sound-truck and another bunch of flyers and have a big mass meeting three nights from now. Got to mobilize the Negro community. Then, get in there; you hit them with a good speech, tell them we're trying to get on television next Friday, right before the election. Tell them we need $268.00. Shake the faithful down, Henry, for the money. If you can't get it, you ought not to be running for mayor." Sam was sounding like a drill sergeant again. Henry said three things. He said, "$268.00? That's what the old Hustler had to have that day, way back when this all began." He also said : "Spend $500 on a rally in order to raise $268.00? That's politics?" Sam waved his arms in disgust. "No, Henry, we spend the money to mobilize the Negro community then we get enough back to have the T.V. too." Then Henry said his third thing: "Sam, we're not going on television. I'm going on television." At the party several nights later, they raised $450.00 from the 100 or so guests. Sand made a speech a bit tense, idealistic, and boring. One of the older Negro leaders made a better one; in fact he had folks laughing and unbuttoning their wallets. They had the rally,' too, and they had the telecast. Henry was -- 75 a little nervous on camera, but his sincerity came thioUgh.- Sot thought it was pretty effective. _ At the end, finances were not the el.-Wiling Problent:thei. had' been. For one thing, the little_ flurry of' activity Sam- Ind..11enry- had stirred up caught the attention of some-peoPle-=_nOt but those who were interested enough watch closely and they began to come by Henry's house, volunteering tOlittiff--_en-' velopes, leaving a little money behind when_ithey'left. On election eve, -right after the telecast Henry andSam,and a.-bunch of -people Went Over to -Henry's house. The _d4ease.had hit Henry. Sam had seen it hit many- peOple.'It's- a PolitiCian's, disease and it always strikes right about the,-saMe thnethe.night before_ election. The disease -v as this: Henry began .to -think -he was going-to win. He thought over all the good things theY, had done, the things that Worked. The other thingi receded- frOM hilt- mind for the moment. He said, musingly:. Map* be shocked if I beat him?" He said a number of _other _things= Sam could- see the disease take hold, grab. its victim, 'carry away on its flight of _fancy like a man whose high feVer = had borne him into strange and :unknown clOuids. Sam felt ltheaSy, Henry's performance, so he -went back into--,the kitchen. When he came back, Henry was stillup there _in the somewhere, and people were listening, some quietly, and others,- rcatchint-the virus, beginning to soar a little bit, too. Suddenly, Sam heard himself talking. He was -surprised hear, his-Voice sounding so angry. _Later, when he thought about it, he was even-more surpriSed at the passion that had- animated his words. He said,- "Henry,you ran a good-tampaign-;.ipi .done some good things here in town; it's been good for .good foi the 'walking wounded';- good forme ;- and for the,: people- in this room. But, Henry, you're _gonna get clobbered = tomorrow: This town is 80 percent white, Henry. YOu are not their idol; The hearts of- women do not -flutter whenyou -walk-- by. They don't even see you, -Henry, whenyou walk- by. The s.PeoPle, here: in this room" (and here is where Sam's, voice reaUkibegan: take on a cutting edge) "the people ,in this room don't see,you either, Henry. They are putting you -on. They are: listening. to your crazy ramblings, and they are nodding. They are -piOving- how enlightened and civilized' theyare by not arguing, with you, Henry. They are _treating you likea nigger. They are not here 76-- for you, they are here for themselves so they will like Them- selves a little better in the morning. They are frauds, Henry, and you are participating in their fraud." Sam heard the words cascading out and the instant fina came he realized he had said unforgivablethings:: -He was, in fact, stunned that he had said them outloud, where they would have life. He finished his last sentence -- the word "fraud" was still vibrating around the room --- and he walked out; The door, got in his car and drove home. He was in despair. About what? . . .his friends? Henry? the south? Himself? He didn't know, 'The next day, election day, Henry-got 20,000'votes.- The1114Yer got -40,009. Henry carried one box near the Univereitiryaiid :rans very close- in one or two other all white precinets.'ile,:swept the .Negro. precincts. The daily paPer, 'Which- was not for_-Henry;_. analyzed the election and said Henry Green hadrun a strong rice:, "Waiter Surprises" the headline read. All this' -was some years ago, when Henry and Sarni- were young and in-,the twenties. Now they are_ old andin their art*. .thirties. They still see each other fairly frequently,:once a-week; or once every two weeks = fairly frequently as friendships,-0-; They have been through a lot, seParately; each in, his own= way; and they hasie been through a few thingst4ether, too:-- There is'a lot of blood 'on the carpet, for a lot of pain hasbeen-Aredied up,, brought to the surface; inspected sometimes_ feailully spected and, by this process, assimilated.- These things -that have seen the light of day are no longer active ingredients-4 the virus of fear and agony has been taken from them they are passive pains, now. The painremains for Henry, of course. -But it is no' longer hidden behind a hundred rationalizations, a thousand neurotic thought processes, a dogen flights, of fanCy. He has fewer of all three. But he has other things, now,too: Henry doesn't know it, yet, but he is tired. He lost his job' at the plush private club when he ran fOr Mayor. NO need to go into the details. They are not unusual, but they are not pleasant either. He lost his job 'at thedowntown hotel -dining room the following year .when heran for county commissioner. That was' a bad time for Henry he lost by:,a

.thousand votes,- and four thousand Negroes hadn't voted. "We're the most' unorganized folks I know," Sam and Henryagreed. 77-- In the course of O this, Henry's public image got rather scarred up. There are not too many places left wherehe can expect to get a job, even as a waiter. He pretends he doesn't, but he worries about money, about his wife working, _about his own in- competencies. He never thinks about it, and Sam doesn't either, but Henry is living. He is, if not, a whole .man, then as close to a whole man as most of us get in our allotted time onthis earth. His worries are authentic worries; his hopes and aspira-. tons are authentic, too. His failures and his triumphs are not illusionary; they are real. Sometimes, he is very tired of being black, of carrying that old monkey on his back every hourof every day. He is tired of peoplebeing white, too. At such times, he wonders if there is a place on earth where people are'really breathing, breathing. He is frightened some time 'when he looks at his nine year old boy. How can he spare him allthis pain? There is no way. But, decides, he is a good boy. Sam is tired too. He knows he is a verydifferent man from the one who, some years back, sat down at a table at theHustler's headquarters and met a tense, brooding black man namedHenry Green. For a while, Henry was Sam's eyes pointing out to Sam the things that Sam's eyes didn't see. Some of thisconcerned the havoc that 400 years of the caste system has wrought here in America. Henry made Sam see all the casualties, see how the "walking wounded" walked, and all the rest too tired to give battle. But, more painful than this for Sam, Henry made Sam see into himself. Henry stripped Sam of all of his righteousness, of all the built-in levers of paternalism that Sam didn't know, until then, had been governed his approach to matters of race. What Sam saw in himself was not pretty. Sam is not faint of heart. While he was being peeled, layer by layer, he fought back. For every racist thought process Henry uncovered in Sam, Sam matched him with one found in Henry. They dueled, they wrestled, they peeled. Finally, after three or four years, they had said it all. There were very few institutional defenses left for either one just two Southern boys grappling with the legacies of history. The nature of their friendship is a difficult thing to describe from the outside. Either Henry or Sam would probably know how to explain it better than I can. But I watched them pretty closely after all, they were interesting to watch and I know that

78 there was a time when one of the dominant things in theirrela- tionship was fear. I'm sure there was a time when Sam became afraid of Henry. Afraid of what Henry might uncover that Sam didn't evenknow he had. And Henry, too, knew fear. Sam is smart, articulate;he could lay Henry bare. Henry had reason to be afraid. What I couldn't understand for a long time washow their relationship could stand such abrasions. Why one orthe other one didn't just say: "No more. Itis too painful. It is not worth it" Then one time I was over at Sam's house when Henry dropped by in a foul mood. He was very aggressive. He baited Sam.He kinda made me mad, but Sam didn't seem to mind. Hedidn't "handle" Henry, if you know what I mean; he just keptprobing at him to find out what was really eating him. ButHenry wouldn't say, and finally he made anothercutting remark I forget what it was, but it sounded pretty raw at the time and Sam suddenly flared up. He just exploded. The words came out inshort sharp sentences, like bursts from a tommy gun. "I don't have to listen to this! I'm a free man! Who do you think youare! I'm not married to you! I can pull out of this circus!Anytime! I'm a free man! Any time I want, I can just go 'poorand be gone!" And Henry, his voice grim as dull ebony, said: "That'sright, white boy, you can pull out anytime you want.That's one option I haven't got. You are sure right, man, you canjust pull out. Yes,, sir, you are a free man. And you're a good man, too.Good!" Henry was heading for the door then, and I have no idea what jumble of thoughts and emotions were going through Sam. He sat deep in his chair, dark and scowling. But just as Henry got to the door, Sam said in a low voice: "You are not a goodman." And Henry stood there a second it was just an instant and then he said slowly, and not in an unfriendly way:"But I am a, man, Sam. And I'm theonly one you've got." And the door closed and Henry Was gone. That was one-half of the story I got, as to why they stayed together. Several months later, I got the other half.

--79 We were on a picnic in the park. The -kids' were flying kites and the wives were talking about school and Henry was,; frying the hamburgers on the ,Outdoor gi7i11;_ making jokes -about: being a house nigger and cooking for the white, ma:was:and; lust ,.to keep things in balance, telling horrifying-' stories abOut _What headwaiters put in the soup of all .cnitomers, they ',,ddn't like. Saying' things like: "Man, I ain't never toted .foOd in 'a. place Yet,' that was fit for a self-respecting black Man to_eat "eaten' in some good 'places, you know, on my end of town -7- but 'neVer=,-, toted food in any.. Integration may give me ptoinaine.' Oh; white massas, the land is bloody and full of guilt in theSouthland."' Well, while Henry went back to the hamburgers,: Sam' and I looked at each other, and for/ a moment, our appetites laded per- ceptively. In due course, we went on a talk about pro football and fo ways of ministers' and a number of things. Hada:good time. At one point, Sam said with a sly smile: "If I Was Coaching a pro football team, I would NOT hire a Negro quarterback, either. Going to all those second-rate schools, and spitting in the citizen's soup. How you going to develop any perspective out of that background. Let 'em catch passes I say; let ''em run with the ball;. but leave ,the signal calling to those of us who have a sense of proportion." Well, after this thrust, Sam looked at Henry expectantly,- waiting. And Henry, eyes alive, said: "Yes, Sam. Yes, man. Tell it like it is. Maybe my boy can quarterback the Dallas Cowboys. But not old Henry. I can't even quarterback Henry." And then, his voice really low and tense, Henry' said: " you know, you're really not worth a claim as a man." And Sam, wit; fast, said "I know, Henry; I know. 'But; I'm only man_ you got." And they look at each other lust an inb they loOked and then-Henri went back to frying hain- burgL 'lit in that brief flicker...I know it was less than a full s&. 1) d I had seen. I never felt so much 'like an outside= in my lifeA don't really know what I was outside of, just that there was something there' that I hadn't earned the.right to fully comprehend. 80 Maybe it was just their sharedsense of survival. Or perhaps just their shared experiences, period. But I think itwas more than this. I think they had donea pretty fair job of trying to free each other from the caste system. They had argued,they had said almost incredible things to each other, but neitherone had on atly fundamental issue apparently ever betrayed the other. . I have heard Sam defend Henry to' Sam's'white friends to' me, for example. And I have heard on the grapevine that Henri, had once risked his whole reputationas militant by defending ,s; white man Sam before a bunch of fire-breathing Negro 'st4- dents.- I know that neither of these &Vents, helped theother guy. Sam doesn't have any political base in the Negro cOniniUnitYand Henry sure doesn't in our group. So nobodywas getting afiy'help.

In fad, the only result was that Sam and Henry Were-taldneneed- = less political risks, explaining the other to their friends. But then, they didn't do it for politic.. They did it because of some interior need they each felt and I'm not sure I knew what that is. . But I do think I can make these generalizations I think I had a chance in their unusual relationship unusual for the South anyway -7' because they happened to Come together as equals, they were both trying to help the Hustler win that electiOn.- In: those early stages, when they began the first tentative, efforts to communicate honestly that is, when' they first unintentionally began to insult one another slightly they stayed together be,. cause each had his own motive the advancement of apolitical idea. This got them over the first humps. Later On,as they began' really to Communicate, I think the experience itselftook' On a meaning to them. The words might hp,ve been rough and the pain inflicted very real bra what they were 'really doing was, ' enhancing each other enlarging each other's horizons.' They weren't imprisoned in some artificial caste system. They' could,- become larger than it was. This isnew in the South. It's new in America. And I think they knew it, and derived,some kind of strength from this knowledge. , 3t was painful for Sam to learn with Certainty. that he thought in racist ways but I think he eventually Came to gard this as a small price to pay. He had lost his Self-righteous:, ness, but he had gained a new81 vision into the human condition.

t s>t

It looked to me like he felt strongeras a person because of what he had learned from theagony Henry had put him through. Sam is not very active in politics,now. At least that's what his friends think that he has quit completely. But actually, I still see him with Henry, and theywork together...and the things they do havea political purpose at least they point toward an eventual politicalpurpose. It's just that the old politics of Sam's friendsno longer seem to mean much to him. I rather think Sam feels that there is not much differencebetween a white liberal and a white conservative, whenit comes to the castesystem. They both tend to have stumbling blocksabout the matter of course, they're different stumblingblocks. So, because Sam doesn't come to our political meetingsany more and it's a funny thing, but hardlyany Negroes come either anyway, I don't see Sam too much. But heseems to be in good shape. And. Henry, too, seemed somehow stronger. Yes.he was tired sometimes, but he no longer had this strangeunfocused anger. He knew, now, that whitey put hispants on one leg at a time, just like he did. He knew whiteywas ignorant, a worshipper of many, many false idols just like black peoplewere. Different forms of ignorance. Different kinds of idols.But the same fear of testing theirown humanity was in members of bothraces. He knew white peoplewere hung up, in all kinds of ways, including sexually, and hewas able to admit to himself that Negroes were, too. He knew Negroes had the odds stacked against them (how well he knew) but he also knew thatmany wouldn't try, no matter what the odds. When all but the best hadalmost no chance, it was socially acceptable not totry. Henry knew these folkways and their thoughtprocesses were a natural result of 400 years of racial emasculation. He blamed whitey. But the world didn't stop with this revelation.The shy didn't fall under the weight of this truth. Lifewent on. Henry knew, too, that part of the reason folks didn'ttry had nothing to do with the War. He knew itwas just fear simple human fear of failure. He learned this by watchingSam, who had his fears too, and who, underpressure, would show them. Henry's political stance now is thesame as it has always been, like the other Henry in the Friendly Tavern, hedoesn't want to analyze the existing climate, he wants to changeit, before another generation of children go down the drain.But, Henry is more tolerant 82-- of the "walking wounded"now.. A man focuses the scale of his alternatives in his youth. Thereweren't too many alternatives in the youths of the town.They found only a rather narrowly defined plot of ground to standon. They're afraid to leave it, now the price folks paid in their day for leaving itwas sometimes the highest pricea man could pay. Henry knew, better than most, that thealternatives are not, yet, noticeably larger. A littlemore breathing room, but no break- through. Most people still didn't look at him,really look at= him, when he talked. The countrywas littered withwhite,people who thought they were for integration but whose dayto day conduct reveals they are still in the grip of the castesystem. Their eyes are still trained not to see. Their attitude on race has nothing to do with Negro rights. It has to do with preserving theirown image of themselvesas nice people. Last night in bed, Henry's wife asked him: "What's withyou and Sam?" "What do you mean, what's with us,we ain't at each other if that's whatyou mean." "No, no, Henry, I mean, well, doyou like him?" "Do I like him? No, notvery much. He's too arrogant. He's funny, sometimes, but he comeson too strong." Henry's wife, said, "But that's his personality. He's thatway with everybody. He's an intense person." "Yes, that's true. He's consistent. But you're trying to getme to say I like him. I don't, at least, not very much." "Why do you see him, then ?" Henry thought about this a minute, then he said: Well, honey, Sam is not dead. He's not blind. Hesees. And because he sees, he has a frame of reference in which to hearmy words. I can reach him. My ideas are not justmy own, locked in my mind. If they're good enough, they become Sam's too. You'd besur- prised how many ideas of mine Sam's carrying aroundinside himself now." "You think he knows it? Maybe, resents it?"

83-- "Nowi he don't care whoSe ticket is ,on- the idea:-Aii,4 alife of its Own." "Shopt," said Henry's wife, "When you sa3r you- because you can reach him, you're just, saying yOU like, cause, he, gratifies your male ego.Shucks honey you. don't n Sam for that, you got me.". "I know ',that, honey: YOU, I don't worry'abont:::4's islUthOse other folks WhOrMake me .nervOis. They're not-Oeing:Me]Yet-and, a Pedestrian whocan't be seen: is in .clanger:.ot being run over." And So ends the imaginary 'ittga':oV.Sain -and Henry: Wby this fictional-. account ?,have tried: to sUggest,thitt the POsSibilities) of -honest Minter= racial connunicatiOns.iare;_ at this stage our histOry, --far narroWer thaii -is geneiallir-supposed `in `the` "absence . of a-conscious and seiPwilled candor. To a'.nOnpartiCiPank-SUch candor will at times appear to take; unnecessarily brutal-::forms:- An unfortunate; but relevant, taet I: ask you to-agree.-that'aillag of caution should be- raised. the face of 'anYone's viesuMPtiOns: ita to how "Well"-he is doing in the field :of -"inter- culturalCon.! tact."- I doubt if persons (whetherr-teacher and plipil,ori as in = our story, two--politicians) can engage in ameaningful:inter,: change of ideas when one or both of' them seriously MiSinterpretS the shape of their relationship. As Atheriea Undertakes-is&Mat-7- ter of national policy the task of intor-racial-educatiOn, all distined to indulgeln such miSinterpretationS,'-,but thescope of our. illusions can Perhaps be -reduced if We are awareof the precise nature of our liMitations. We have-_ all lived'under the Caste ,System a long time. . I -would suggest to yoU that Sam's- attempt to "knoW,"Henry wasseriously"impeded by Sam's own self - erected barrier .of" righteonsneSs.- Sam was an- integrationist; he believe./ inWhit he was doing; it was alMost impossible .for-, him to.grasp the fact that he behaved in racist ways." To believc sincerely in:an abstraction such as brotherhood and to expresS that sincere 'belief in racist ways constituted a contradiction that,, for a long time, Sam was unwilling to confront. But it is evident he couldn't 91-now" Henry very well until he had confronted it. Henry,- too, had to confront various legacies of. the castesystem:.,he-Was. not as well-trained as Sam for anintellectual tug of war over their respective ideas; he knew he wasn't; he knew it was notentirely' his own fault; and he both resented this state of affairs and 84 was defensive about it. -Since theie latter two responses tend -tO be contradictory, Henry, too, was somewhat'disloCated lit his-, approach to Sam. Wilether as writers, educatorS, or Ordinary'Citiieni .,partim- pating- 'in public affairs, our inter-racial ,relationihips wilt 'hi hazardous in the extreine. .We need to believe.otherwise, for :the' sake of our individual self- respect and,perhaps, fir -the_ .sa*e of_ our inoral; and this need will .frequentlyinduce: to accept appearances' rather than realities. But r :submit- that we will re= main artless amateurs in inter - cultural-relations and we will be' failing our -nationaleducational- goals' as- long *e. are unable. to face unpleasant facts. We all knOWthe educational assignment is 'a huge one; but most of us'suspect the task is made larger becauSe some other sector.' of:the population iS not: as -enlightened as we are. The unpleasant, fact thatconfronted Sam and Henry. and which confronts us is that -OUr Contest, with _racism begins with ourselves. Youhave dethOnStrated the manner= in which you haliestructured this -conferente that you are aware of thedirection in whiCh :the problem lies. cotraged by -this, an outsider such asmirself dares- ask only -one thing- more: that, as you proceed 'alongthis path; You develop reassurance froM your positivefailures, 'Candidly assessed, So' that the -Penchant for 'self - deception thatplagues us -all may gradually loSe influence in your professional endeavors.'In so proceed- ing,- you may well lead us all to anew plateau of-common civility.

-- 85

THE NEGRO '194A/41L- John, Ort:and Lydia -Palsiiike*..,

_ Thre2 years after its publication,. Daniel- ,the Negro family still -standsas -a watershed eienti. Tlie Moynihan- controversy seems : to have noend, and the issues, it raises-are unimaginably extensive:TA- brief, .1VfOYnihati:410011:' against tolificile an optimisni in eatiMatinewhat.-can,. pushed in civil,rightS.,-He- believesithat.tiublic ceiVed. themselves -abOut the significance_of Civil,righta,legislation, and that even -Negroes have been wrongly cOnvinceft-that 'Ikea* tion Can,Make -a "very 'great difference" in theit,:liv*the:,-IprO lem--of Negro. cultUreis fartmore PathOlOgicali: Moynihani At its heart- is=a. deterioration of:- the Negrofamily::Althoti there, are;Many -elements. to be dealt with_(there, ii-00:,"Negroi -._problem "),' it the ,center, of thetangle is the- weakness of the family structure._ Any--meaningful civil refOrti-- must --2take-.;100.: -account ;thia 'pathology. To =ignore it is to deal auperficiallY. with extremely serious 'maladies; CompensatOry'eduCation, ofcourse, is a kind, of reforminove7 went, initiated _and 'administered by Officiali. The-thadovi" of- Moynihan thus-falls here, also.: Andthe. :problems he raises should not be avoided- Can compensatory education''be effective in any -long 'term sense apart from,a wider assault .on ,familYr patterns in the Negro community? Caneducators' deal with a: segMent of the student's life, while the schools' contributionsare counteracted elsewhere? More narrowly,can the -schools ',(within:. their traditional roles) design programs that take into account the social context?- This: essay does not intend to -suggest 'answers but oidt,"to point out an- extremely valuablesource book concerning the Negro family. Jesse Bernard's Marriage and Family Among. Negroes= brings together .classical worka,_ and-as such,desciibea inore:CoM- pletely the situations to which- .Moynihan'smore political tract, points. The:book 'deals only tangentially with the Negro and the schools, but it can contribute helpfully to-'any -seri* diacussion about_ compensatory education that would take Negro lamily: patterns into-consideration. In four heavily footnoted, well organized chapters, -Bernard gives a statistical profile of the Negro family, placing it in his- -89 torical as well as sociological perspective. There have been three discernable phases in the development of Negro marriage patterns. The first phase was carried out by predominantly rural southern freedmen and their children, who began the slow assimilation of the norm of the monogamic family characteristic of the white dominant culture. The second phase saw the development of Negro life in the urban setting with efforts to throw off the lingering plantation mentality of freedmen. The third phase, which Bernard calls the "self-emancipating generation," is almost wholly urban and no longer primarily southern in origin.During this phase, 1940-60, the number of young Negro familiesheaded by females (under age 45) increased 85.9%. This increase took place in the urban setting while in the rural setting the number of Negro female headed families declined. Although this increase in the number of female headed families since World War II can be partially explained by the high rate of nonwhite male unemployment in the urban setting, it is evident that the .explanation is more complex, because the "number of separated women is many times the unemployed men theycould be separated from." Bernard also observes a bifurcation in twentiethcentiry, Ne- gro culture and has related thisbifurcation to the develOpment of distinctive Negro family patterns. Negro families may be divided into the "acculturated," those who have assimilated the mores of white. society (often to the point of over-devotion) and those=who have only externally adapted to the demands of the dominant white society. It should be noted that this concept _avoidsthe confusing mechanism of dividing Negro families Wong classlines. Observers have long been confused-by the fact that some Negro families of very low economic status demonstrate devotion to the family structure and accompanying mores of white society while other Negro families of great wealth exhibit a family structure and behavior which is comparable to that usually equated in white society with low economic status. Bernard explains that through history some Negro families (often descendants of pre-emanci- pator freedmen) have accepted the monogamic family structure and have struggled to copy what white society held up as the ideal for family life and behavior in general. These families, classified on pure social (not economic characteristics) are defined as acculturated, and they have historically beenclassified as upper class among Negroes themselves.

90 The other body of Negro families has only externally adapted to the dominant norm. For example, marriage is valued but infrequently practiced. For this group the ideal of monogaMic marriage imposed too severe an imperative in view of the economic and social restrictions placed upon the emancipated Negro. The imperative enforced by the moralistic dominant society said in effect: "To be accepted, Negroes must conform to monogamic marriage. Conformity demands that sexual relations will not be entered into before marriage and marriage will not take place until the couple can support themselves and any children. Ne- groes will be allowed to occupy only certain low status, low paying, scarce jobs, so the chances that a couple will be able tosup- port its family on a permanent basis is very small. Hence sexual relations among Negroes will be entered into by only limited numbers who conform to the above qualifications. Those who violate this code will be subject to disdain and exclusion." Conformity celibacy, or rejection were the only roads open to the Negro. Needless to say, many took the third road, attempt- ing to ameliorate rejection by paying lip service to the monogamic ideal. They gave the appearance of having adapted to the mores of the majority while developing a family system consistent with their circumstances of economic uncertainty and low social station. The fact that assimilated and externally adapted families may be found at all levels of economic well-being is explained in this way: the existence of institutionalized racial prejudice meant that the conforming family which obliged the white man by assimi- lating his set of mores did not receive any special recognition for this behavior. Conformity, or the lack of it, neither insured nor precluded economic success. The externally adapted came to value the conspicious indications of prosperity. Prestige accrued to the one who appeared well off no matter what his method for achieving wealth. In time the norm of conspicuous consumption became so widespread that, as Bernard points out, even the Ne- gro physician is revered more for his wealth than for his contribution to community health. With the increase in employment opportunities for Negroes after World War II the number of Negro families with a middle class income increased. In white society the large middle class 91-- absorbs and teaches to upwardly mobile whitefamilies the modes of middle class behavior and family life.However, the acculturated Negro middle class is very small andhas been -Unable to exert any appreciable effect on thebehavior of upwardly mobile and externally adapted Negrofamilies. In addition, the acculturated middle class Negro has frequentlYviewed the "ill behaved" new arrivals as threats to his ownprestige. This brief review will not 'develop acritique of Bernard's study, but two observations should not beneglected in any case: (1) The analysis of Negro family structureraises the problem of "models" within compensatoryeducational programs. Bernard suggests that education cannot beviewed in = isolation from a student's participation in the wider Negrocommunity. And this experience is one that often lacks modelsfor imitation. In the matrifocal home, students, will oftenfail to find a strong -mascu- line image,: one which is self-confident,and economically aspiring. The succession of male figures in thematrifocal,:externally, adapted home cannot encourage personalstability supportive of effective academic growth. Likewise,the acculturated Negro ..(who would prefer to live outside ghettoareas) is often preoccupied with guarding his children from what heregards as the destructive influence of the externally adapted.He builds islands in the ghetto. The very small acculturatedpopulation of the ghetto, already bearing great social burdens,thus cannot be expected to provide a sufficient social model withinthe segregated community. The student population in theghetto school will usuallyreflect this absence of effective middle-classmodels, the problem of low motivation being the most obvioussymptom. How motivation can be significantly heightenedwithout an ample supply ofmotivated models in the peer group becomes ahaunting question for the compensatory educator a question that maypoint to the great est burden of programs insegregated schools. (2) Bernard points to a newphenomenon in the Negro community a self-confident,activist, rights-oriented minority.As yet, it appears there has beenlittle communication betweenthis minority and the schools, and therehas been little agreement as to whether and how thisminority should be recognized.One of the major issues in developingcompensatory curriculum is precisely this: as a public organization,how should the school relate to groups in the community that areattempting to represent the

92 )!)-"sglA 44..14

well-being of citizens. Public institutions cannot formally ally themselves with private voluntaiy associations a fact fundamental to democratic society but the schools do need to tap the spirit of aspiration which therig_hts-oriented minority ex- hibits. The issue might well beone of the most important to be debated by compensatory educators.

SOCIAL DEVIANCE AND POLITICAL MARGINALITY: TOWARD A R_EDEFIlVITION OF THE RELATION BETWEEN SOCIOLOGY AND POLITICS -Irving Louis Horowitz and Martin Liebowitz

The study of social deviance within American soCiolagy ~has traditionally been based on a welfare model relating. delinquent behavior to the ameliorative potential of the instruments ofsocial welfare. This model has sought to liberalize the agencies of law and order the judiciary, police, and welfare agencies by converting them from instruments of punitive action into instruments for corrective treatment. Illustrative of this is an in- terview schedule developed to ascertain the ideologies of coin- munity leaders concerning social problems. The interviewpre. sented them with only two possible ideological responses:a punitive ideology or a welfare ideology.' From this underlying vremise that there are only two possibleresponses to deviance stems the, conventional tendency to evaluate the framework of deviant behavior in therapeutic rather than political terms.

_ The thrust of the welfare model,or at least of the human carriers of the model, has been manifestly liberal: to reduce the punitive treatment of deviants. The model hasas its long-range goal the redefinition of the moral code inmore humane terms. As its short-range goals, the model evaluates the superordinate role of the agencies that define deviance no less than the subordinate role of those defined as deviant. However,even at Its best, the welfare model maintains a paternalistic and unequal relationship between the superordinate agencies and subordinate

k deviants. Coser has recognized this problem in the welfare orientation to poverty. "In the very process of being helped and as- sisted, the poor are assigned to a special career that impairs their identity and becomes a stigma which marks their intercom= with others."2 Only in politics does American society afford the possibility of a relationship among equals, with the resolution of conflicts determined by the relative power of the groups involved, rather than by a priori considerations of inherited status. It is only in politics that deviants can attain the status of legitimate com- batants in social conflict. However serviceable the. welfare model has been in the past, however useful it has been resisting en- croachments on the civil liberties of individuals charged with conunitting deviant acts, the social welfare model of deviance is no longer viable either on scientific or practical grounds. In the traditional welfare model, deviant behavior is treated as a social problem. This definition involves several important decisions about the nature of deviance. As Bernard has indicated, it involves the decision that deviance is a problem, which means that something should be done about it. "A basic decision is implicit in the very concept of social problems. The idea of a social problem does not arise until people feel that something should be done about human ills. The first question, then, about any specific situation whether or not it is a social problem at all is a problem of decision : Should we or should we not tryto do something about the condition? If the answer is no, then there is, by definition, no social problem."3 Deviance is a public problem, according to this model. This means that public agencies should intervene tosolve social problems. Further, deviance is treated as a social problem in contra- distinction to a political issue, which means that decisions about solving the problems are relegated to an administrative policy arena rather than the political arena.More simply: deviance gets handled by experts instead of being argued about by masses. These decisions about the nature of deviance have only scant empirical justification. They do not derive from any intrinsic characteristics of deviance. Rather, they are value sentiments about the effects of deviance, and about how deviant behavior should be treated. Bernard has expressed this clearly. "Values

94 are inherent in the very concept of social problems. The conditions that are viewed as social problems are evaluated by the 1 decision-maker as bad, as requiring change or reform. Something must be done about them. The reason for coming. to the conclusion may be humanitarian, utilitarian, or functional. In any case, a system of values is always implicit, and usually quite explicit."4 In short, the value sentiments of the welfare model are derived from the liberal ethos which defined the American political system throughout the first half of the present century. The decision to treat deviance as a social problem is itself a political decision. It represents the political ability of one group of decision-makers to impose its value sentimentsupon,decisions concerning deviance. The anomaly is that although the political decision has been to treat deviance as a non-political problem, deviance persists as a political problem. A comprehensive analysis of deviance must include political factors by determining which decision-makers define deviance as a social problem, and indicate why they consider deviance a problem. Lemert was almost alone among the sociologists of the past decade to contend that deviance does not pose an objectively serious problem. "In studying the problem-defining reactions of a community, it can be shown that public consciousness of 'problems' and aggregate moral reactions frequently center around forms of behavior which on closer analysis often prove to be of minor importance in the social system. Conversely, community members not infrequently ignore behavior which is a major disruptive influence on their lives. We are all too familiar with the way in which populations in various cities and states have been aroused to frenzied punitive action against sex offenders. Nevertheless, in these same areas the people as a whole often are indifferent toward crimes committed by businessmen or corporations crimes which affect far more people and which may be far more serious over a period of time."6 The decision about what constitutes a problem is not so simple as it appears. Becker, carrying forth the line of analysis presented by Lemert, has indicated that "it is harder in practice than it appears to be in theory to specify what is functional andwhat dysfunctional for a society or social group. The question of what the purpose or goal (function) of a group is, and, consequently, what things will help or hinder the achievement of that purpose, is very often A political question. Factions within the group dis-

---- 95 ---- agree and maneuver to have their owndefinition ofithe group's function accepted. The function of the group or :organization, then, is decided in political conflict, not given in the nature of the organization. If this is true, then it islikeirise'trnethat.the questions of what rules are to be enforced, Whid"behaviOr fre. garded as -deviant, and *hat People- labeled as outsiders -must- i-ialso be regarded as political" ' In .sum, thefundanientallt' litical nature of these decisions' is hidden beneath, the non-political , welfare model. . ,

A study of deviance seeking to move beyond the traditional mold must recognize that the definition and treatment of a social problem is a political decision. The civic culture forms the context within which deviance occurs, and within which deviants live. More important, it prescribes both the conflicts -that I will occur between deviants and the non-deviantsociety, and the rules by which the conflicts will be resolved. Non-political analyses take the political climate as given, and ignore the constantly shift- ing political ethos which defines the study and treatment of deviant behavior. While non-political analysis focuses on the behavior of deviant individuals, political analysis would focus on how deviants are treated by the agencies of political control, and on the political processes which determine their treatments.' The operational fact about deviance is that it represents a conflict between at least two parties: superordinates who make- and enforce rules and subordinates whose behavior violates those rules. Lemert has taken note of this conflict. "Their common concern is with social control and its consequencesfor deviance. This is a large turn away from older sociology which tended to rest heavily upon the idea that deviance leads to social control. I have come to believe that the reserve idea, i.e., social control leads to deviance, is equally tenable, and the potentially richer premise for studying deviance in modern society."7 The conflict model of deviance implies that there are at least two alternative definitions of deviance as a social problem: devjAnt behavior itself, and the actions of rulemakers to prevent such behavior.The basic dynamics of this conflict occurs within the struggle of groups for legitimation, and constitutes anintegral part of deviant behavior. 96 ZAk.t.:-/14-Z-%1Mtlir4WilVOCIFIVARAVAMOW1000.4"..""'"".

The potential use of a conflict model for the study of deviance has been ignored and a consensus welfare model has been employed because for the most part the decision-making involved in determining deviance has been one-sided. The superordinate parties who regulate deviances have acted to develop measures of control, but the subordinate parties, the deviants themselves, have not entered the political arena. This leads to a non-political treatment of deviance. As Becker duly records : "It is a situation in which, while conflict and tension exist in the hierarchy, the conflict has not become openly political. The conflicting segments or ranks are not organized for conflict; no one attempts to alter the shape of the hierarchy. While subordinates may complain 1 about the treatment they receive from those above them, they do not propose to move from a position of inequality with them, or to reverse positions in the hierarchy. Thus, no one proposes that addicts should make and enforce laws for policemen, that patients should prescribe for doctors, or that adolescents should give orders to adults. We call this the apolitical case. "8 In the past, although there has been some scattered opposition to asylums intellectually, there have been no political organizations of patients to eliminate or radically alter mental hospitals ; of addicts to make drug use legal ; or of criminals to abolish prisons. Synanon, a treatment center for drug addiction formed by addicts themselves, is one striking exception to this pattern (although it accepts the dominant society's definitions of mental health). Synanon is staffed completely by former addicts, with no professional therapists on the staff. It represents aninsistence that deviants themselves are best able to define their own problems and to deal with those problems. Thus, Synanon challenges both the right and the competency of professional therapists to intervene in the lives of addicts. As Yablonsky indicates, this is a radical departure from the conventionalwelfare models. "Over the past fifty years, the treatment of social problems has been dropped into the professional lap and has been held onto tightly. The propaganda about the professional's exclusive right to treat social problems has reached its high mark. The professionals, the public, and even patients are firmly convinced that the only `bona fide' treatments and 'cures' available come from 'legitimate professionals' with the right set of degrees."9 Even where deviant social movements like nudist colonies

97 have become pOWerful, they have avoided political'participation as special interest groups.For instance,' Synanon has acted :1)9=, litically only to preServe its right to exist,autonomously, :;a zoning codes which ,would destroy it.lioWever, the basis for such political organization now exists more, widely, andsuch- demands are increasingly being_made. The politicalization of deviance occurring with the largest group of all,the;homoseivals, neering the developing of organizational-responseS to,haraSsMent. The political questions involved ina, conflict model of devianee foCus on the use of social control in society.What behavior 'igi forbidden? How is this forbidden behaviorcontrolled? Whatis-,the process by-which it is both forbidden and_controlled?' At issue- is a conflict -betweenindividual freedom and social-restraint. Social disorder (anarchy) and authoritariansocial control (leviathan) are the polarexpressions involved in' this conflict. The*Solution of conflict represents a politicaldecision about. how Much,social disorder will be tolerated at the expense of 'how muchsocial control. This choice is not confronted so long asdeviance IS' relegated to the arena of administrativedecision-making. For instance,: pub-; lic schools as they no_ w exist are perceivedas a repressiveinstitu- tion by-many Negro yotais, Yet the politicaloption of refusing to; attend or of racially altering the schools doesnot exist. This prob-_ lem is now being raised by Black Poweradvocatei in the civil rights movements, who seek control byNegroes over the school systems in Negro ghettos. . ,Conventional wisdom about deviance isreinforced by a- highly formalistic vision of the political system heldby many social workers and sociological theorists. This viewrestricts politics to the formal juridical aspects of social life,such as the electoral process, and to the maintenanceof a political party apparatus through procedural norms. In such a view,only behavior within. the confines of the electoral process isdefined as political in character.10 In its liberal form the form most readily adopted by social pathologists the majoritarian formulation of politics prevails. This is a framework limited to the political strategiesavailable to majorities or to powerful minorities having accessto elite groups.11 The strategies available to disenfranchisedminorities are largely ignored and thusthe politics of deviance also goes unexamined. The behavior of rule-makers and law enforcersis 98 -- 4,4 '4, e

treated as a policy decision rather than as a political phenomenon, while a needlessly severe distinction is made between law and politics. Analyses of political reality at the level of electoral results help foster this limited conception of politics. Consequently, the shared inheritance of sociology has placed the study of deviant behavior at one end of the spectrum and the study of political behavior at the other. Conventional non-political responses on the part of sociology were possible largely because the politicalworld itself has encouraged this kind of crisp differentiation between personal deviance and public dissent. Political deviance is a concept rarely invoked by politicians because the notion of politics itself implies the right of dissension. Lemert points out that this has not always been true for radical political deviants 12 There is a history of punitive response to political deviants in this country,involving repression of anarchists, communists, socialists, and labor organizers.This has spread at times to a persecution of liberal groups as well. What characterizes the "McCarthy Era" is not the hunt for radicals, but rather a broadening of the definition of radicals toin- clude all sorts of mild dissenters. Only on rare occasions has political deviance been defined as a major social problem requiring severe repression. Thus, with thepossible exception of anarchists, communists, and socialists (and sometimes even including these groups in the political spectrumnormally definedas legitimate), there is no way of dealing with political life as a deviant area. The nature of American political pluralism itself promotes dissent, at least in the ideal version of the American politidal system. The onus of responsibility in the castigation of apolitical victim is upon the victimizer. Rights and guarantees areoften marshaled on behalf of a widening of the politicaldialogue. Indeed, the definition of American democracy has often been in terms of minoritarian supports rather than majoritarian victories. The area of deviance is not covered by the same set of norms governing minority political life. The source ofresponsibility for deviant behavior, whether it be drug addiction, homosexuality, alcoholism, or prostitution is not borne by the person making the charges but rather is .absorbed by the victims of such charges. The widespread recognition of the juridical shakiness of the deviant's position serves to privatize the deviant and embolden those who press for the legal prosecution of deviance. While the _ 99 _ right of dissent politically is guaranteed (within certain limits), the right to dissent socially is almost totally denied those without high social status. I One simple test might be the perceived reactions toward political radicalism in contrast to social deviance. If one is accused of being an anarchist there may actually accrue a certain "halo effect" to the person so charged. Perhaps a charge of naivete or I ignorance might be made against the politically marginal man, but not a censorious response demanding non-political behavior. In the area of deviance, if there is a self-proclamation of drug addiction or alcoholism, the demand for therapeutic or punitive action comes very quickly. If one admits to being a drug addict, there is an attempt to remove the curse from everyday life so that at least the visibility of deviance is diminished. This removal of the visibility rather than the source of deviance is reinforced by the paternalistic response to deviance. There are conditions and circumstances in a society in which the handling of a personal deviant by a judge or policeman may be benign or benevolent. A caretaker attitude may prevail which will not be afforded to the political deviant. There are quite a number of situations where there will be far more punitive response to political deviance than to personal deviance. This is a paradigmatic way of saying that social deviance and political participation are differentially responded to, at times favoring the former and at other times the latter, but most often to the detriment of deviants and marginals alike. The line between the personal or social deviant and the political or public participant in minoritarian politics has dwindled. It is rapidly becoming an obsolete standard of measurement. This compels a reconsideration of the nature of social scientific definitions and responses to the entire range of social phenomena ranging from deviance to politics. The area of Negro struggles is a particularly fertile source for reevaluation of the relationship between deviance and politics. In former years there was a relatively clear distinction between an act of vandalism for personal gain and an act of organization for political gain. When the political life of Negro Americans was circumscribed by the NAACP, it was clear what political life en- tailed normative behavior within the formal civic culture.

100 Similarly, it was clear howan act of personal deviance would be defined as failing outside the civic culture. The rise of civil disobedienceas a strategy of mass action blurred this distinction. Civil disobedience isan act of personal deviance to attain political ends. Regardless of the political goals involved, civil disobedience does involve the clear violation of law. The treatment of civil disobedie(le in the courts has been marked by ambiguity. It is difficult to predict which acts of civil disobedience will be treated as political acts involving freedom ofexpres- sion, and which acts will be treatedas simple non-political viola- tions of laws. Many law-enforcement officialssee no distinction between civil disobedience and crime. Indeed, statements by business leaders and jurists on rising crime rates and the emergence of race riots have become commonplace views. In the race riots of the sixties: Philadelphia, Chicago, Roches- ter, and Los Angeles (in contrast to riots of earlierdecades in Detriot, New York, and East St. Louis), therehas been a breakdown of the distinction between politicalacts and personal deviance. How does one classifya Negro who beats up a white and steals his money, in the name of Black Power? Whatclassifica- tory scheme can be invoked here? Is thisa matter of deviant behavior or of political freedom? Obviously, the ambiguityis an overriding consideration, so muchso as to demand some kind of reformulation of the definitional structure withinwhich social science operates. There is a further ambiguity about the current racialsituation which has been clearly labeledas personal deviance in earlier periods. The rapidly rising crime rates in themajor urban areas reflect an increasing incidence of crimeamong Negroes. It is of decreasing sociological importance whether such"crime" is perceived as an act of politicsor of deviance. The consequences are the same in either case: the cities are becoming increasingly un- safe for whites, and white-owned businessesare suffering in*- creasing losses. Is this a condition of political conflictor a matter of deviance? The question is existentially meaningless,since the consequences remain the same. The Negro gang in Chicago, The Blackstone Rangers, is both a clear example of the breakdown in the distinctionbetween crime and marginal politics anda model which the politics of marginality is likely to follow. The Blackstone Rangershave 101 refused to ally themselves with civil rights organizations or welfare groups, recognizing that their interests clash in many important respects with those of less marginal organized .groups. Rather, they choose to act as an autonomous' unit, eniphasizing both their marginality and their unique identity. Their major political conflict is with the police who are their most immediate and visible political, opponents. The strategies employed in this political conflict indicate the form which the new politics is likely to take. The Blackstone Rangers entered into negotiations with the Chicago police, agree- ing t) turn in their weapons if charges for carrying weapond would be dropped against their leaders and a rival gang would be disarmed. Negotiation of this sort is a -major strategy of international politics which has seldom been used to resolve conflicts involving marginal domestic groups. Such negotiations involve .'the recognition of marginal groups as representing legitimate political interests. So far, the art of negotiation has not been adequately developed for dealing with such situations, just as it has not been adequately developed for dealing with unaftentional conflicts internationally. The problem posed by marginal groups like the Blackstone Rangers is not viewed as a political problem to be solved by political strategies. In the absence of acceptable political solutions by negotiation, escalation is likely to occur. When police violated the negotiated settlement, the Blackstone Rangers planned to file suit in the Federal Courts to prohibit what they considered harassment against them by the police. This is a new kind of political act by such a deviant group against a legitimated agency like the police. If the courts cannot solve the conflict in an acceptable manner, and if the police continue a patternof harassment, the conflict could escalate further, possibly to the stage of limited unconventional warfare. What is clear is the need to develop political means of resolving conflicts involving marginal groups which recognize marginals as legitimate political interest groups. In the absence of acceptable political solutions, it is possible that some form of domestic military solutions will be sought,just as the failure of political solutions internationally often leads to military solutions. This trend toward marginal politics reflects a rejection of conventional political styles which have proven unsuited, to the 102 needs of marginal groups. The political problem is that the powerless are afforded two choices for political action : they can use legitimate means, to which they do not have access, and they will surely lose in the political conflict; or they can use ineffective illegitimate means, to which they have access, but which bring no basic structural change. The legitimate means of political action are intended for majorities or substaitialminorities; they are not meant for marginal minorities. What is required is the development of political meano which are both accessible to the powerless and which are effective. In the development of these new political styles, the distinction betweenpolitical and deviant acts will disappear. Race riots afford some interesting insight into possible directions that political change might take, because of their differences both from legitimate politics and social deviance. Race riots now have an ideological core, while many other aspects of collective behavior do not. They are avowedly political; they are organized and purposive. Typically, theft, assault, and homicide have none of these attributes. This leads us to suspect that organized unconventional warfare is a more useful analogue of race riots than conventional crime. Once perceived in this way, racial riots constitute a powerful if latent political weapon. At present, a relatively small police force is able to effectively control a large city. But this is t "ie only so long as police are accorded legitimacy, and not wk. conflict is defined totally in terms of power. Thus, during race riots, when people shoot at police, police are unable to effectively maintain control. For this reason, race riots constitute a major. departure fromestablished patterns between police and deviants. As such, they indicate the possibility of new forms which conflict might take and the new forms required for explaining the relation of politics to deviance. The normal pattern of conflict between police and deviants is marked by a general populace which accords police legitimacy and which defines rioters as deviants rather than political revolu- tionaries. There is no organization of deviants to battle police, and there is no ideology which labels police as enemies to be attacked and destroyed. Police have legitimacy so long as deviants define them as people to be avoided but not attacked. In the permanent conflict situation between police and deviants, thepolice are able to make an organized collective effort, whilethe deviants traditionally respond only as unorganized individuals. At present, 103 it is an organizationally one-sided war. The emergence of a bilateral conflict situation is likely to be the major development in the link between politics and deviance. There are several alternative forms that such conflict can take. These can be described in terms of the level of ideology, condition of organization, and the strategies which the police, the deviants, and the general populace use in coping with each other. These different modes of conflict might be programmed as follows : on a minimax scale there could be de-escalation to the English system, in which both Negro militants (or deviants in general) and police agencies would avoid carrying firearms, and at the other end there could be escalation to race riots, which are sporadic and constitute a relatively unorganized set of events. Beyond sporadic racial strife lies the possibility of sustained conventional war. This is most closely approximated in American history by the Indian wars and the Civil War. Presently, the uses of unconventional warfare are coming into focus. The latter two possibilities illustrate how deviance could spill over into insurrec- tionary politics, given the peculiar racial division which now exists in American society and the consistent exclusion of marginal groups from political and social legitimacy. At a lower threshold of conflict there have been attempts by deviants to gain the protection of politically instituted civil liberties. For instance, Timothy Leary is trying to gain politically guaranteed freedom by creating a religion in which using LSD and other psychedelic drugs is perceived as a religious ritual. The access and use of such drugs would then be guaranteed as a religious freedom. Similarly, opponents of the war in Vietnam use existing constitutional guarantees of religious freedomby becoming conscientious objectors. If we start from the opposite pole namely minoritarian politics we find a similar set of ambiguities plaguing those in search of precise boundary lines. An example is the behavioral pOtern of the left wing. Among the radical youth of the thirties certain characteristics clearly emerged : a relativeld "Puritan" ethos concerning sexual mores ; a clear of politics over personal life what might be called the ascetic purifi- cation of self and a concern for a relatively w41 defined ideology, combined with encouragement for all to participate in the life of the working classes. The radical Left of an earlier generation 104 shared with the dominant cultural milieu a distinct, even an intense, disaffiliation from deviant patterns. Indeed, the Old Left pointed to social deviance as representative of the moral degenera- tion of bourgeois society. The need for social revolution came about precisely because the existing social order was considered incapable of controlling social deviance. Thus, the demands of the traditional Left were not very different from establishmentarian demands with respect to social deviance. This contrasts markedly with the position of the New Left on these conventional indicators of deviance. First, they exhibit substantial positive affect toward an extreme and libertarian ethos replacing Puritanism. Second, there is an identification with deviant forms stemming from a continued identification with the "beatnik" of the fifties. Indeed, there has been a considerable absorption of the Beat Generation of the fifties into the Activist Generation of the sixties. The ideology of the New Left, insofar as it has clear guidelines, is based on freedom from repression. It has both political and social components: freedom for the Negro from the effects of racial discrimination; freedom for the student from the constraints of university regulations; freedom for the young generation from the demands of their elders; and freedom of politically powerless groups from the growing power of the centralized State. In this sense, Freud feeds into the ideology of the New Left at least as much as Marx defined the ideology of the Old Left, The traditional notion of a noble affiliation of radical youth with the working class has already dissolved in favor of a highly positive response to deviant and marginal groups in American society. There is a relative unconcern for the traditional "noble" groups engaged in the struggle. If there is a hero, it is the alienated man who understands what is wrong and seeks escape. Often, the escape takes the ft In of social deviance, which is certainly no worse than the forms of behavior which are traditionally defined as normal. The traditional hero has been joined by the anti- hero who never wins and attains heroic proportions by not losing. This anti-hero is defined by what he is against as much as by what he is for; he is for a world of his own, free from outside constraints, in which he is free to experiment and experience. What this means in practice is that the line between Left-wing political behavior and deviant behavior has now been largely obli- -105

MIPINIVOICAIMP# terated. Nowhere has this been more obvious than in the student protest at Berkeley, where it is impossible to separate the deviant student subculture from the substantive demands of the student revolt. Spence accurately describes the importance of this student movement. "This was the first successful student strike at a major university in the United States. But more important, this was the first significant white-collar rebellion of our time. These sons and daughters of the middle class demonstrated and walked the picket lines, not behind the moral banner of the oppressed Negro, but on the basis of their own grievances against a system that had deprived them of their rights of responsibility and self-expression."15 The students at Berkeley will likely develop an increasing sense of marginality as Governor Reagan mobilizes political power against them. At this stage, Berkeley is a model of marginal politics. Mario Savio's statement of the goals and strategies of the student protest could serve as a perfect statement of the political style of marginality. "There is a time when the operation of the machines becomes so odious, makes you so sick at heart that you can't take part; you can't even tacitly take part, and you've got to put your bodies upon the levers, upon all the apparatus, and you've got to make it stop. And you've got to indicate to the people who run it, to the people who own it, that unless you're free, the machine will be prevented from running at all."14 It is in this ability to disrupt that the political power of marginal groups lies. Further, the willingness to disrupt rather than accept conditions as they now exist reflects the influence of deviance on Politics. Among members of the New Left, deviance has become an important form of draft evasion. The number of people who adopt the traditional political path by simply refusing to serve and going to jail as political prisoners is small compared to the number who adopt the deviant path, using mental illness, homosexuality, or drug addiction (whether these be real or feigned) to avoid serving. In effect, they are taking advantage of the prevailing attitudes toward deviants. However, this path would not be accessible without the merger of Leftist politics and social deviance. The most important social characteristic of the New Left is its self-definition as a "swinging" group, or conversely, not being "square." This new definition of Leftism is also a central definition of the deviant subculture. So it is that Berkeley and Watts 106 criZ,ttp,' 0,-,-s44. 4

became the symbols of the twinarms of radical politics : the university campus and the Negro ghetto. Even in terms of social psychological definitions of friends and foes the line between the political Left and social deviance isnow largely transcended. Thus, there is a deep distrust of formal politics and of the peoplewho operate within the bureaucratic channels of the politicalappa- ratus. This definition of friends and foes is obvious at Berkeley, where many students feel that they cannot trustanyone over thirty. The Right-wing movement in America also underlines this perspective. The Old Right was characterized by extreme antipathy for any kind of promiscuous behavioror overtly immoral behavior. The American Right viewed with alarm attacksupon law-enforcement officials. The Old Right perceived itself conventionallyas a paragon of law enforcement. This is the core around which the Right-wing has traditionally been established. Buta phenomenon such as the Minutemen revealsa spinoff from law-abiding- to direct action approaches to politics. The Minutemen, for example, are encouraged to acquire possession of fully automatic weapons, even though many such weapons are forbidden to individuals by law. They are urged to join the National/ Rifle Association tobe- come eligible for rifles and handguns at !cost as well as free =- munition. The Minutemen Handbook contains lessonson such sub- jects as "Booby Traps," "Anti-Vehicular? Mines," and "Incendiary Weapons Composition." The self-made saboteur is encouraged to improvise lethal weapons. Espionage and infiltration of established political groupings are also encouraged. A sub-unit is called the Minutemen Intelligence Organization, lin possession ofa fairly sophisticated organization, not unlike those of paramilitary units.15 Breakaway segments of the Nev. Right, like their opposite numbers in the New Left, are conceried with redefining the relationship of the person to the legal code invery loose terms. The appeals to youth are in terms of in weaponry rather than in law. When confronted by thethey law, the Minutemen dissolved their public leadership and created a new underground leadership. This phenomenon could be an e:c.tqme situation in American life, precisely because so many armed forces veterans may be attracted to such a combination of politics and deviance. A situation is arising where the line between th deviant act of gun-toting inan undisciplined way for personal and political ends, such as maintaining law and order, is largely dissolved. Political conflict may become marked by opposing marginal political groups confronting each other in armed conflict, with the legitimated State agencies of power the enemy of both. It a phenomenon such as the Hell's Angels is examined with the Swastika, German helmet, or Iron Cross as its main symbols the psychological characteristics of the Hell's Angels (from a descriptive point of view) differs but slightly from the description of its Left counterpart in pseudo-Maoist organizations. Without wishing to equate Maoists with Minutemen and Angels, it is clear that each of these groups is marginal and deviant with respect to the established political norms. A marginal style of rolitics is developing which is adopted by groups of all "extreme" ideological beliefs. Marginals of both Left and the Right fear the growing centralized power of the Federal Government. This is another way of saying that consciously marginal groups of all political beliefs are opposed to the consolidation of power by the majority, and fear the use of that power against them. It is significant that both the Students for a Democratic Society and Young Americans for Freeddom oppose the draft because it represents a violation of individual freedom by the centralized government. The high amount of interaction between the deviant groups (in places such as Berkeley or Greenwich Village) is another indication that there is an idea in common between Left and Right deviant forms of behavior. This may be seen as another expression of the changing political character of American life, and of its movement toward a more violent style. The clearest example of this movement toward violence, and one easily overlooked, is the reappearance of assassination as a political style and the inability to know whether Left, Right, or Deviant is spearheading this style. It is almost impossible to say whether the assassination of John F. Kennedy or Malcolm X was a deviant act or a political act. The phenomenon of ambiguity is of overriding magnitude, and it cannot help but have a profound effect on the future course of American social life. In one sense, it does not matter who was responsible for the assassinations: in any case, the consequences would be the same. It could be any of the three groups, which is a far more significant fact than know- -108 ing which of the three groups was actually responsible. The point is that no group took responsibility for the assassinationsas overt political acts, but remained satisfied with the deaths themselves without linking the assassinations to ideological demands. Without taking into account this breakdown of the distinction between politics and deviance, the meaningfulness of either sociology or political science is seriously compromised. Applied social science must take account of thenew view of marginality in American life. There isa different image now of what has been traditionally called the Lumpenproletariat,or the ron-working class. If there is anygroup which has emerged as the human carrier of the new breakdowns between political and private deviance, it has been this Lumpenproletariatgroup. The main political appeals are no longer to the established working class, and certainly not to the established middle classes, but rather to this vast horde of Lumpenproletariat. Lang and Lang point out, in their discussion of collective dynamics, that this is precisely the condition under which collective deviance is likely tooccur. "Ordi- narily the cleavages within a societyare between clearly constituted social strata or between parties whose special interests seek recognition within a broader framework of order. But whenthe cleavages occur between constituted authority and those whodo not accept it, or between those who personify social values and those who feel unable to share in them,one can refer to the condition as one of widespread and general alienation."11 Theease with which Americans employ the language of nineteenth century Europe of alienation and estrangement indicates that the cleavages which last are deeper or at least different from the customary differences between deviance and politics. We are confronted by the problem of the marginally employed rather than the marginally unemployed. Thearmy of people involved in low salaries comprisesa considerable part of both the radical and deviant cultures. The world of r_aarginal employeesis at the center of these "two cultures." If the bureaucracy is the class which grew, disproportionate to all other classes in Western Europe, it is the rise of the marginally employed disproportionately to all other sectors which characterizes contemporary Unit- ed States. This group, rather than disappearing and dissolving, or becoming as Marx would have it, a sort of social scum to be wiped out by revolution, growsever larger. At a practical level 109 what is involved isthe_ perception of a newand powerful inter- mediary class, themarginally employed, or theLumpenproletariat, who perform vitalroles in connection withthe new, authoritarian political codes, as well assetting the style and pacefor a new libertarian morality. The tumrdaries ofAmerican politics havebeen defined by the growing affluence whichmost accuratelycharacterizes American social structure. Atthe same time thatgeneral affluenceprevails, minority of disaffectedmarginals. It is be- there is a significant threaten the gen- coming increasinglyclear that these marginals erally prevailing affluence,and indeed threatento disrupt the entire system. Increasingcrime rates aremerely the first indicator of this situation.Race riots are a' moreserious indicator' of system. Miller andRein point out theprob- the instability of the af- lem posed by theexclusion of marginalsfrom an increasingly "The issue is whetheradvanced industrialsocieties fluent society. equity ill the distri- and sustained economicgrowth lead to greater bution of advantagesand privilege, or,alternatively, whether eco- to concentration(or reconcentration)of nomic maturity leads result- privilege in the handsof an enlarged butstill limited elite, of an underclass .. .The, direction thatsocial ing in the growth is an- policy should takedepends largely onhow this question swered."17 State: The policy responseto this dilemma hasbeen the welfare underclass and minimize an attemptto "cool out"the marginal it poses. It is anattempt to avoid the conse- the potential danger making any' basic quences of alarger marginalunderclass without As Schatzman andStrauss contend,this has structural changes. its political become a style ofdealing with theproblem by avoiding its wealth into vastnumbers of op- implications. "America pours almost any portunity programsto achieve itsgoals and names conceivable group, event, orthing a social problemif it can be goals. Hence its seen asthreatening theachievement of these the under-achievers,the school concern forthe culturally deprived, and dropouts, the jobdisplaced, the aged,the ill, the retarded, This concern goesbeyond that ofthe nine- mentally disturbed. with the teenth centuryhumanitarians whoinvolved themselves under-privileged outgroups onmoral grounds. Nowall these aggre- special groups whoseconditions are intolerable gates are seen as and to society, if notactually threatening, inlight of today's social 110 tr ;^>:...4"; <.^4,e 4:4,4

economic requirements. Other categories, such as those containing addicts and homosexuals, have their special advocates bidding to add them to the list of those who should be helped. The 'student protest movement will probably = result in still more being added.. In one sense, American pragmatism is in full bloom, 'hiving-converted most personal-soCial events into 'problem-solving' or clini- cal situations."48 The attempt to depoliticalize a.' highly political problem, has proved inadequate. The welfare solution has been unable to erase the consequences of a growing number of disafft cted peoPle.,There is bound to emerge .a political attempt to resolve the conflict.Jf this attempt is not initiated from above within the legitimate political apparatus, it will generate from belovi and take illegitimate political forms. Relationships between personal and political deviance cuts both:.Ways. One can just 2s- well find an elderly woman walking around in a bikini with a Goldwater button,as a yOung :man -a& vocating Communism and -believing that Christ saves. This"-WOUld indicate that the exact connection between personal 'and 'political deviance' is a slender thread marked by deep Confusion. :What is clear is that there is a tendency toward pOlitieal respanSe no niat ter what side of the formalistic political spectrum the- alienated ormarginalperson might fall on._ This world' of marginality everything from the graduatestudent -On' a fellowship .tol,a xetiked widoW on an insurance policy is beioniing the-human. carrier of political and social change. And the making of change:is the classical role of the :personal deviant. The overlap of deviance and marginality is well captured in a current book on the Hell's Angels. "The Angels have given_ up hope that-the world is going to change for that They assume, On good evidence, that the people who-ran the social machinery have little use for outlaw motorcycliSts; and theyare reoonciled,to being losers. But instead of losing quietly, one byone, they have banded together with a mindless kind of loyalty and moved outside- the framework, for good or ill. They may not have an answer; but at least they are Still on their feet..-It is safe to say that no Hell's Angel has ever heard of Joe Hillor would know a Wobbly Pohl a bushmaster, but there is somethingvery similar abOut their atti.. tudes. The industrial Workers of the World had serious-blueprints for ,societyi while the Hell's Angels mean only to' defy the social machinery. There is no talk among theAngels of building a better world, yet their reactions tothe world they live in are rooted in the same kind of anarchic, paralegal senseof conviction that brought the armed wrath of theEstablishment down on the Wob- blies. There is the same kind ofsuicidal loyalty, the same kindof in-group rituals and nicknames, andabove all, the same feeling of constant warfare with an unjustworld."19 Some sociologists like Miller andCloward have already taken note of the new situation which hasarisen. Cloward's work in organizing welfare recipients is aparticularly striking effort. 20 The idea of organizing recipients ofwelfare is certainly an outrageous idea from the classical Capitalist andSocialist doctrines alike. This is the first time that a sociologisthas worked as an organizer of welfare recipients. Thisenlargement of roles indicatesthat changes are occurring in whatconstitutes political life and social work. There are several otherimportant directions that sociologists might follow: drug addictsmight be organized to alter laws concerning drug use and theinstitutional treatment addicts receive; students might beorganized to change the characterof schools; and mental patientsmight be organized to changethe way they aretreated. In each of these cases,change would be initiated from below by membersof marginal subordinate groups. This is in sharp contrast tothe conventional elitist patternof politics from above, withmajor decisions made bymembers of the prevailing majority.This is the primary distinctionbetween the existing politics and thestyle of politics that isemerging. The implicit exchange systemwhich formerly existedbetween the very poor and the veryrich in American society wassimply : "don't bother us and wewon't bother you." In changefor the poor notbothering the rich, thewealthy provided justenough money for the poorto live at Ricardiansubsistence levels. This system has formed the basisof social work in Americanlife, and continues to define theboundaries of the welfaresystem. The rich have only vaguelyappreciated the magnitude ofthe poor's potential power, and oftheir ability to disrupt theentire system. For their part, the pooronly vaguely appreciate the powerat the disposal of the rich. This interchange system is nowbeing threatened. The poor are graduallydeveloping a great appreciationof their own power, at the same time thatthey have a greaterappreciation of the 112 power held by the rich. For their part, the richare becoming more aware of the power available to thepoor, as seen in the generalized fear created by rising crimerates and race riots. For the social sciences there is clearlya drawing together of sociology and politics,or at least a new connection between social problems and political action. Theold division between the two can no longer be sustained. Theoretically, thenew conditions throw into doubt the entire history ofpolitical science as an examination of the electoral situation and ofsocial problems as a response to personal welfare. If we amplifya view of politics to entail all acts which are forms ofpressure on the established social order, to make changes at the behest ofdeviant as well = as orthodox interest groups, and ifwe redefine sociology to include the pressure of the deviant to redesign the socialsystem so that he can be accepted by the general societyon his own terms, then we will see that there is a common fusion, a common drive, and a common necessity, not only at the level of facts, but at the level of scientific interpretation. The primary political problem of deviancecan be framed as a Hobbesian dilemma. Hobbes, in his 'concern with the problem of social disorder, in which individuals warred witheach other in pursuit of their individual interests, arrived at the creationof the State as a solution for the problem ofdisorder. The dilemma is that the creation of the State presentsa problem of social control. The solution to the problem of chaosor anarchy is the Le- viathan. But the Leviathan is the totalitarian State.Indeed, the totalitarian State is the perfect solution to theproblem of disorder. The price of this solution is the terminationof meaningful change. "The dilemma for those who consider socialproblems obstacles to be overcome is thatany true overcoming of social problems implies a perfect social system, And thisentails several goals: first, the total institutionalization ofall people. Second, the thor- oughgoing equilibrium between theparts of a system with respect to their functioning and the functioningof other sectors. Third, the elimination of social changeas either a fact or value. Thus, the resolution of social problemsfrom the point of view of the social system would signify the totalitarianresolution of social life."21 An extreme example of totalitariantendencies in solutions to deviance is the suggestion by Glover. "Ifsufficient trouble were 113 taken pathological cases liable to commit murder could be de- tected during early childhood; in other words, pathological murder is potentially preventable ..."22 Glover does not discuss the costs that would be involved in the elimination of pathological murder. The plan he suggests would create a severe restriction of individual freedom and a sizable increase in the power of the centralized State. The political problem posed by deviance is how to avoid the problem of social disorder while at the same time avoiding the problem of totalitarian social control. It is a dilemma precisely because it is impossible to completely avoid both problems. Politi- cal decisions about deviance must reflect judgments about the relative dangers of these two problems, and must constitute a weighing process. When there is a consensus about proper behavior, the freedom of those who violate the norms of proper behavior is likely tobe violated. The same danger of social control exists in the restraint of homosexuality, drug addiction, and crime as for therestraint of minoritarian political views. The alliance of these twolarge- scale social movements may thus be seen as natural andmutually beneficial. Thus a reformation in the American politicalstyle may be looked forward to. The connections between deviance and politics hereindiscussed take place only at the time when a society in generaldoes not satisfactorily manage its affairs. For better or worse, awell- ordered society is one that can distinguish betweenthe response to deviance and the response to politics. We canfind antecedents for the linkage of the two in "conflictsocieties." In the nineties in Russia, the whole Narodnik movement andthe whole movement toward personal liberation were directly linked.In the Germany of the twenties the whole "underground" movement,aptly summed up by the Brechttheater, by Nihilism, and by amoralistic response, gave rise to political actionmovements both in Nazi and Bolshevik forms. The linkage between the Beat Generationand the Radical Student movements of the present generation revealthis same pattern of connecting urgings forpolitical revolution with demands for personal liberation. Linkages between deviant behavior and political behavior as a prelude torevolutionary action or radical change in the society 114 are expressed by the examples given above. If this analysis iscor- rect, if the fusion of politics anddeviance is the herald of revolution or at least bespeaks ofa high degree of disassociation and disorganization within the society, thenone .tan expect radical change in the structure of Americansocial and political life. It is now impossible to take the attitudethat what goes on in the personal life hasno major political ramifications. American life has been resilient enough toforestall a "crisis" in marginality until now, which isa testimonial to the flexibility of the American system of political legitimation.But it might well be that the extent of deviance in thepast was not sufficient to cause more than a ripple in the political system.22 Thenew crossover is that point at which deviant behaviorat a personal level is large enough to encourage distinct dislocationin normal political functions; and in turn, that point at whichthe political system cannot contain the deviant expression of discontent.When you have such a crossover, thenyou have social revolution. A political description of this condition wouldbegin with the inability of American society to resolve politicalproblems that are important to marginal people. Almost one-third of the potential voting population does not vote, and is thereforewithout even the most minimal political representation .0 Whenthis disenfran- chisement is coupled with the fact that thesesame people have important problems which cannot be managed by thepresent political system, a volatile situationemerges. New modes of politics involved illegitimate modes of resolving conflict. Since thecorre- lation of deviance and political non-participation ishigh, by extension, personal disorganization and political illegitimacyalso can be correlated. Political styles are evolving thatare not labeled as political behavior at present, muchas race riots are not now generally labeled as political behavior. Thesenew styles are characterized first, by a rejection of the legitimacy of theexisting political system (the challenge to the rules by which thegame is now played) ; second, by a rejection of compromiseas a political style; and third, by a willingness tooppose established authority with illicit power in order to change not merely the rules but thegame itself. Ends will attain a primacyover means, whereas a concern with the legitimacy of means has traditionally characterized Amer- ican politics. Direct expressions of power mightassume a more 115 important role than 7 ..gitimate authority in resolvingimportant conflicts. The meaning of political legitimacy is itself subject to-change to meet the demands of a society in whichsocial deviants and political marginals have become more, rather thanlees_,important to the structure of American society. SOCIAL DEVIANCE AND POLITICAL MARGINALITY 'Gwynn Nettler, "Ideology and Welfare Policy," Social Problem,Vol. 6, No. 3 (Winter, 1958-59), pp. 203-212; also see his"A Measure of Alienation," American Sociological Review, Vol 22, No. 2 (April, 1967). Mewls A. Coser, "The Sociology of Poverty," Social Problems,Vol. 13, No 2 (Fall, 1965), p. 145. 3Jeisie Bernard, "Social Problem; as Problems of Decision," SocialProblems, Vol. 6 (Winter, 1958-59), No. 3, p. 212. 4/bid., p. 215. sEdwin M. Lemert, Social Pathology. (New York:McGraw-Hill_Book- Cam- pany, 1951), p. 4. Howard S. Becker, The Outsiders (New York: TheFree Press, 1963), p. 7. 7Edwin M. Lemert, Human Deviance, Social Problems,and Social Conti.ol (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc.,1967), p. v. 4Howard S. Becker, "Whose Side Are We On?",Social Problems, Vol. 14, No. 3 (Winter, 1967), pp. 239-247. Lewis Yablonsky, The Tunnel Back. Synanon.(New York: The Macmil- lan Company, 1965), p. 368. loSee Angus Campbell, et al., The AmericanVoter (New York: Wiley and Sons, 1960) ; O. ,Key, Public Opinion and AmericanDemocracy (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1961); Seymour Martin Lipset,Political Man (Garden City, New York: Doubleday Book Co., 1960) ;Samuel Lubell, The Future of Am- erican Politics (New York: Harper, 1952). 11C. Wright Mills, "The Professional Ideology ofSocial Pathologists," Power, Politics and People, ed. Irving LouisHorowitz (New York and Lon- don: Oxford University _Press, 1963), pp.525-552. 12Edwin M. Lemert, op. cit., pp. 203 -209. marry D. Spence, "Berkeley:*4,;Tat It Demonstrates," Revolution at Berkeley, ed. Michael V. Miller a Susan Gilmore (New York: Dell Pub- lishing Co., Inc., 1965), p. 217. wick Newfield, A Prophetic Minority (New York: The NewAmerican Library, Inc., 1966), p. 27; on this generaltheme, see Irving Louis Horowitz, "Radicalism and Contemporary American Society,"Liberation, Vol. 10, No 3 (May, 1965), pp.- 15-18. "See William W. Turner, "The Minutemen:The Spirit of '66," Ramparts, Vol. 5, No. 7 (January, 1967), pp. 69-76. lKuit Lang and Gladys Engel Lang, Collective Dynamics (NewYork: Thothas Y. Crowell Co., 1961), p. 18. 116-- 11S. M. Miller and Martin Rein, -"Poverty, Inequality,and Policy," in Howard S. Becker (ed.), Social Problems: A Modern Approach(New York: John Wiley, Inc., 1966), p. 474. 11Leonard Schatzman and Ansehn Strauss, "A Sociology of Psychiatry," Social Problems, Vol. 14, No. 1 (Summer, 1966),p. 12. isllunter S. Thompson, Hell'sAngels: The Strange and Terrible Saga of the Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs (New York:Random House, 1966), pp. 265-266. zoSee Richard A. Cloward andRichard M. Ebnan, "Advocacy in the Ghetto," Trans-Action, Vol. 4, No. 2 (December, 1966),pp. 27-35. 2lCf. Irving Louis Horowitz, "The Sociology of SocialProblems: A Study in the Americanization of Ideas,"p. 7 (mimeograph). 22Edward Glover, Minutes of Evidence TakenBefore the Royal Commis- sion on Capital Punishment (London: His Majesty'sStationery Office, 1949), p. 492, quoted in Michael Hakiem, "A Critique of the PsychiatricApproach to the Prevention of Juvenile Delinquency," Social Problems,Vol. 5, No. 3, p. 116. Mee Rex Hopper, "Cybernation, Marginality,and Revolution," in The New Sociology (ed.) Irving Louis Horowitz (New Yorkand London: Oxford University Press, 1964), pp. 313-330. 24See E. E. Schattsclmeider, The Semi-Sovereign People (NewYork: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1960), pp. 97-114.

EDUCATION AND SOCIAL CHANGE John B. Orr and Lydia Pulsipher

In recent years there has beena bourgeoning interest in disadvantaged children, and the relationshipbetween deprivation and failure in school is being discussedwith new vigor. While many different approaches are taken to describe the conditionof those students whoare not successful in school, nearly all observers see "environmental conditions as thecause which de- presses the ability of these children to learn."1 The terms usedto describe these conditionsare numerous socially neglected, socially rejected, socially deprived, culturallyimpoverished, culturally different,2 and externally adapteds and each seeks to refine the concept in a slightly differentway. Generally speaking, the culturally disadvantaged childis reared in a home of low economic status ina family which is either a good bit more matrifocal or patrifocal than the Americannorm. Because the family environment is not conduciveto parent-child communication the child enters school witha low verbal ability, 117 / v. ,-r , "ci, 5, " ,

visual and physical styles of learning, deficientperceptual skills and inability to follow verbal directions.4 ...Children are found who have almost never been talkedto by adults. Because the child learns who and what he is by interacting with those around him, such children have little self-identity. Many are unable to state their names. Much of this inarticulateness can be attributed to fear, but not all. Many have a genuine inability to respond verbally. In their world, physicalges- tures, grunts, facial expressions, and tones of voice constitute themajor mesas of communication. These, ofcourse, are inadequate and greatly restrict the child's ability to learn.6 Values are fostered which may be quite consistent with thepar- ticular sub-culture but not consistent with the demands of the dominant culture. For example, in the Mexican-American family of South Texas: Acceptance and appreciation of things as they are constitute primary values. . . Because God, rather than man, is viewed as controlling events, the Latin lacks the future orientation of the Anglo and his passion for planning ahead. Many Mexican-Americans would consider it presumptive to try to plan for tomorrow because human beings are merely servants of God and it is He who plans the future. He is dedicated to living the moment to its fullest in the roles assigned to him by God.6 Or, as in some segments of Negro culture, the valuesmay have been drawn from the dominant culture and imposedon the subculture with the result that the values are inconsistent with the realities of life in the sub-culture and are therefore conformed to only very imperfectly.' The differing opinions on the relative worth of education is offered as a case in point. In the poor Latin- American family formal education beyond a very low level is often considered unnecessary.8 Negroes on the other hand frequently express a desire to acquire an education, thus demonstrating overt acceptance of an important value of the dominant culture. Howevcr, they soon see that their circumstances make education a very difficult value to uphold, and one which will bring a Negro only limited rewards, Hence they pay it only lip service.10 In either case education is either discouraged or valued only insofar as it will lead to immediate and short range goals. When education is valued, there is usually little understanding of the perserverence and sacrifice needed to succeed.11 The efforts of those who through compensatory education seek to alleviate the predicament of the culturally disadvantaged 118 smecattroodia

child and to interrupt the cycle of disaffection through compensatory educational programs may be classified into fourmain categories : pupil motivation, teacher performance, curriculumde- velopment, and parental involvement.12 Those programs seeking to improve motivation have ranged from the very elementary which rely heavily on the Hawthorne effectls the belief that motivation can be stimulated by merely making the child feel important and wanted to those very complex programs which also place initial emphasis upon making the child feel important but then proceed to a deliberate building of the student's skills, self-image, self-confidence, and eventual successful independence .1.4 Some of the complex programs also engage in moderate efforts to modifythe present social system; they recognize that gains made in improving motivationwill be lost if society still refuses to absorb these rehabilitated young peoples For those programs which go beyond the Hawthorne effect to bring about improved motivation, there is a natural progres- sion from efforts to stimulate pupil motivation to an interest in improving the attitudes and skills of teachers of the disadvantaged. As Carl Marburger has noted:

Improvement of schooling depends to a great extent upon effective teaching. Therefore we strive to modify the [teacher's perception] of culturally deprived children, their community, and their curriculum. Webelieve that teachers (in the light of their own experiential backgrounds] initial- ly may perceive these three factors negatively. Thus. appropriatechanges must occur to bring about more understanding and more objective reactions to the different backgrounds of the children and the families and the neighborhoods from which they come.16 The teacher who has been made more. aware of thecultural background and special needs of his students will demandinnova- tive curriculum materials which make the student awareof his particular heritage and appeal to him in waysespecially adapted to his low verbal ability, visual and physicalstyles of learning, and deficient perceptual skills. We know that the disadvantaged child will be an even moredisadvan- taged adult if we are unsuccessful in helping him to masterthe basic academic skills and move on to mastery of the process ofproblem con - cepttialization analysis and synthesis.'? 119 arsOrnowerm.lw1

Educators who concern themselves with the parents of culturally disadvantaged children reflect a shift from the conception of these parents as too shiftless, retarded or drunk to careabout their children's future, to a more enlightened and complex con-

! ception. As Vontress has observed, "parents representativeof this group try to provide for their brood but are powerlessto overcome the negative forcesoperating against them....They would like to be active in P.T.A. but their lack of time and opportunity deny them the possibility. Often their status in society results in a lack of appreciation of middle-class values, including education. Thus they feel little allegiance to theschoOl and have little faith in what it can do for their children, since it has meant so little in theirown lives."18 Some of the projects which seek to upgrade pupil motivation include, as an integral partof their programs efforts to involveactively the parents in improving education for their children 19 Despite careful delineation of these four focus areas in the education of the culturally deprived child, educational -literature often has underemphasized the social brutality which spawns and perpetuates cultural deprivation. And educators have not often acknowledged that they may have a duty to help the disadvantaged develop skills which can eventually lead tosharing in the control of the, public schools. Nathaniel Hickerson in his recent book Education for Aliena- tion has begun to explain how the public school has becomedomi- nated by the politically articulate :

. . .history indicates that in all societies where public education developed, it served as a reflection of the existing social order. Closescrutiny of the systems of public education functioning in differentsocieties today reveals a clear relationship between the social politicalframework upon which the society is built and the philosophical principles uponwhich its public education is formulated.20 Often without intending to do so, teachers and curriculum developers tend to reflect the world ofthe middle class even when adapting curriculum to a particular cultural group21 This is partly true because the disadvantaged have neither taken part norshown an interest in the developmentof curriculum. In her study of social class and education, Patricia Sexton of NewYork University points out: 120 242rmizawagousgansiammalatMESSOMIMMIMagaingint

... upperincome groups have usually been in control of school boards and thereby in control of what goes on in the schools ..In addition there is the fact that very little pressure is applied to the schools by lower- income individuals or groups representing them while upper-income groups tend to have great influence in the schools and to be active in school affairs.22 The disadvantaged have had to depend upon the good will of their more fortunate brothers to identify and fulfill their need for relevant education. To outgrow this dependency upon the affluent for relevant education, new attitudes toward total community life must be de, veloped among the disadvantaged. But is it fair to ask iliat these new attitudes be developed through ethication? Might -not:this- line of reasoning lead us in a circle, for we are asking th*.:41*. advantitged to become motivated by their 'admittedly-inadequate education to adopt a more positive attitude toward:that-Same, cation which is already ill preparing them or. Pasaing., them altogether. Recently minority leaders have begun to challenge.the-admOni;;

tion that only through education may one earn the' rightto.political and social participation. While recognizing the :value: of-, edu cation and social participation, they have seut:ed. that. this na widely accepted line of reasoning may verr well serve tOteep poor in their place, especially when it is recognized that-it'prezient, schools serve primarily the immediate 'needs,' mental set :an& sunny futures of middle and upper class students. It- would-_seem- that the point these leaders have raised is well taken. For -even the more progressive school systems, those which are 'sincerely trying to make education relevant to the needs of_ the disadvan;'-_, taged, have frequently contented themselves with channelling:disadvantaged children into ill-paid vocations in our society..-,,For example, great pains are often taken to keep the middle class' boy with limited intellectual ability from taking an iiiduit*ialLarts sequence, because his advisors are aware of the' low ecanemic and social status which accompanies a career' in this field.2:- Less often are the same pains taken to interest the more gifted minority: youth in a professional career.25 The reason for this' ineqUitir of course, in the self-perpetuating quality of socio= political Power. Operated by the politically powerful, the school Can; easily slip into the position of primarily serving the interests of those- who 121 control it, despite occasional attempts to make amends for obvious injustices." Although work which has been done in the improvement of motivation, teacher performance, curriculum development, and parental involvement is clearly significant, reconsideration of this activity in the light of what I have called the political character of the public school may yield some profitable insights. Educa- tional reform in behalf of the disadvantaged will stand a better chance of succeeding if the political factors are considered. Motivation: In the past we have often used the excuse that the disadvantaged failed because they did not want to succeed." Failure was judged to be the result of individual shortcomings. Now, it is generally agreed that motivation is fostered most easily when the child can see a direct link between his present endeavors and his future success. But only very recently have we begun to make the disadvantaged child's education more relevant to his future. And we still have not recognizedwhat may be central to the motivation problem: the debilitating effects of institutionalized social and ethnic prejudice. We have indicated to the minority child through de facto or conscious segregation that he is inferior." Efforts to improve his motivation have sometimes consisted of urging him to become better prepared for a low-payingposition." We have often set his sights too low, even encouragedhim to train for jobs which are already obsolete. We have assignedthe disadvantaged to a more prosperous, but still low, rung on thesocial ladder. As Harold Hodgkinson has observed, the economicposition of a family is a most significant criterion fordetermining the kind of high school education a child may receive: If you know the income and occupation of a student's father, you can predict whether or not he will go to college almost as well as youcould by using intelligence test scores . ..The school program is geared howdy to the needs of those who come from good environmentsand are bound to be successful so One wonders why this is so. Some answer that we mustnot foster unrealistic ambitions that to do so would be cruel. Others say that by the time thesechildren reach "higher horizons" type programs they are already sosocially retarded that they are lucky if they can be rehabilitated for a steady job."Perhaps there is a deeper reason. These children come from asegment of 122 latalMIMIZIEApItMeNalefleaVOISIOMICAssearowa...... ---ovroosixattsionvia... pwawavarmrawmarrakaairlimatia410:206622ratalinettigit

the population which exerciseslittle or no political influence. The disadvantaged do not know the skillsof socio-political pressure which the more fortunateuse every day to achieve their ends. Thai* teachers, counselors andadministrators who could shape the futures of the disadvantagedaround brighter goalsare sometimes reluctant to upset whatthey have come to believe is the "natural balance" of society.As employees of the politicallyar- ticulate public andas members themselves of this group, school personnel are sometimes the protectorseither consciously orun- consciously of the statusquo. Those who would stand to benefit most from an upset of the statusquo do not have the political pow T to instigate such a change. Educators who are truly interested instimulating- motivation might look to the civil rights workersand farm labor organizers with respect. In the private sector,these are showing the disadvantaged how to havea hand in molding their own futures. If these activists succeed in their challengeof the power structure, there will be an automaticpay off in the increased interest in education generated by the realization that changecan be wrought, that upward mobility is possible .32 But the teacher hasa dual role. Not only is he responsible to his employers, he is also responsibleto his students. He must give them the skills with which theymay make their way in society. As long as the teacher has onlypupils who are members of the middle and upper classes, his dualroles are not in conflict. He can interpret society to the childrengiving them a fairlyaccu- rate picture of the society in which theywill live. He can also teach them the skills which they will finduseful tools as they take over the politicalpower of their fathers. He may assume that their parents will initiate them intothe more subtle forms of political pressure whichare occasionally useful. It is when the teacher encounters disadvantagedchildren that the dual role of the teacher becomes most intriguing,for he, in effect, must serve two masters. If he isto satisfy the socio-political needs of these children, he should teach themthe skills needed to move effectively in their world. Recognizing thatthe parents of disadvantaged children are often politically naive,he would also owe them an initiation into the subtleuses of political power which middle class children havea chance to learn at home. 12a . To clarify just how difficult it would be fora middle class teacher to approach issues of political power, letus take as an example the use of community services, specifically-', garbatie-=-401- lection., The teacher could tella middle class 'student -that if gar- bage -collection is insufficient in his _neighborhood,- he-_ should- write .or. call the sanitation engineer in, Ms cOin...2..tinnity requesting; iniprovement, hinting also that further action will 'be taken if his reqUeit is not satisfied Were the teacher to be_. honest in giving equally useful tools to the disadvantaged student in the samepre- dicament, he would first _admit that this student will wield' less political posier. His threat, of further action would likely- not im- Press a city` official. He might then teach him the BUIS of legal._ 'Mite nuisance behavior revealing that when phone' calla fail; picket linea front of the official's -home may bring PromPt action. Cur/len/um Development: The -Political considerations which influence curriculum devel= opthent are equally, interesting. Many different and ofteii produc7- tive paths have been Pursued in the search fora better eurricn=, Inm. Dedicated educators labored to make_ school more .rewarding experience for the culturally disadvantaged child. Nei- ertheless,- a potentially dangerous Situation should be recognized: educators in their rush to deVolop curriculum adapted to the Cul- turally_ depriVed child may neglect to help him develop themore sophisticated,styles of learning and perceiving which he -will, ul-* limately need to function as a first class citizen. As Edmund Gordon has observed, "we must not be so consumed by our_sym-: pathy for these children or our concern with their social-adjust= ment that we continue to neglect to prepare themas conceit-nay .adequate participaRts in society's mainstream, where-they must meet mainstream standards."33 There is little point in developing. compensatory education if the ultimate_ and recognized goal is less than entrance_into the social and economic middle class. There are other problems in curriculum development. '0. L. Davis in writing about the accomplishments of Title I of the Ele- nientary and Secondary Act, 1965, cites the apparent reluctance or inability of teachers and school officials to develop creative edu.:; cational projects for the disadvantaged. Despite vastsums of federal,'money, the projects were too often "more of the same"' remedial reading and traditional programs embellished with audio- Visual aids. In 'addition, as Davis points out, there was little in- -124 terest in project evaluation. Thus educators tended to keep themselves from knowing if the projects were succeeding or failing, and avoided the soul searching which should have followed any indication that the projects were not meeting the needs of the disadvantaged child. Near the mid of his article, Davis describes a lack of prompt action and even lack of interest by school boards in giving per- mission for local districts to participate in Title I. One cannot miss the possibility of political implications here. Perhaps the school boards, sensing that threatening socio-political changes could be wrought by Title I, chose to drag their feet. The disadvantaged who were ignorant of Title I, were once again trapped by circular logic. They were denied the chance to gain political articulation through high quality education because they lacked the skills necessary for demanding quality education. They often had no way of pressuring school officials to use Title I funds as Congress intended to °increase significantly the quality of education for the disadvantaged.* Parental Involvement: Parent-Teacher Associations are based on the assumption that the two groups, meeting as equals, have something meaningful to say to each other. The school programs and the child's performance are explained to the parents. The parents in turn offer useful information to the teachers about theirchildren_.Problems of -policy are discussed and school social events are planned. The most active parents are those from middle-class homes "whose goals and aspirations are compatable with those of the middle-class oriented schools."35 Such useful contact between school and home is rarely the case with the disadvantaged. Frequently ghetto parents themselves left school as discouraged failures. Many such parents still value education for their children but are reluctant to confront the institution from which they themselves once failed. These parents "have come to associate schools with the 'they' in their lives, the people who somehow determine what happens to them."33 It is unlikely that traditional groups such as the P.T.A. will succeed in attracting and holding the interest of ghetto parents until they expand their activities to community problems in general. Middle class parents are exposed to a variety of community improvement associations of which the P.T.A. is only one. They 125 *." are familiar and comfortable with the demands placed upon them in these groups. Furthermore they are personally aware of the success of these groups in achieving desired ends. The parent from the disadvantaged segment of society is not familiar with group action and cannot easily see the connection between efforts to improve education and efforts to improve community life as a whole. Programs to improve parental involvement have not taken particularly bold steps to encourage parents to press for related reforms in society at large. Generally, the programs have taken a more individualistic stance emphasizing that with effort the individual student can transcend the drawbacks of the ghetto. The Banneker school project in St. Louis is a case in point. Sam Shepard, the originator of this project, began by graphically showing parents how poorly their children were per- forming in comparison with other children in the city. In addition, parents were shown what an education could mean in terms of increased earning power. The parents were then given a role in their child's education by supervising homework, improving study facilities, encouraging prompt and regular attendance.r Shepard also brought parents and students together for sessions which he terms, "success in the flesh."se Successful Negroes told how they managed to overcome an adverse environment. The sessions were closed by the statement: "You've seen here tonight what a Negro can do. We don't have to live in a jungle all our lives and exist on relief. You... canbe almost anything you want to be so long as you get an education, you've got the stuff.'m While Shepard claims more than moderate success in improving pupil motivation and parental involvement by appealing to individual initiative, one wonders if. Shepard might not be too op- timistic about the willingness of society to drop swiftly its long held racial prejudice and accept these striving students as he has promised. Would not Shepard and other workers be wise to couple their efforts to improve the individual initiative of parent and child with efforts to open the social system? It is admirable to get these long neglected parents involved in education but one must assume that the goal is to maintain this involvement on aself- sustaining basis from one generation to the next. Surely this goal would be more quickly achieved if the newly organized parents could sense that a commitment to school improvement must also be a commitment to community improvement. 126-- EDUCATION AND SOCIAL CHANGE iKenneth B. Clark, Dark Ghetto (New York: Harper and Row, 1965), p. 180. 'Clark, p. 180. 'Jessie Bernard, Marriage and Family Among Negroes (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1966), chapter 2. 'Benjamin Bloom, Allison Davis, and Robert Hess (eds.), Compensatory Education for Cultural Deprivation (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Win- ston, 1965). 'Bernard, p. 143. 'William Madsen, The Mexican American of South Texas (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964), p. 17. 'Bernard, p. 88. 'Madsen, p. 68. 'Daniel P. Moynihan, "Employment, Income and the Ordeal of the Negro Family," Daedalus (Fall, 1965), p. 747. 10Bernard, p. 185. iii, p. 186. mobert Hughley, Citation of Authoritative Writings and Practical Experi- ences in the Education of the Disadvantaged: Addendum to Proposed Pro- gram to Improve Education of Negro Pupils in Louisiana and Texas (Austin, Texas: Southwest Educational Development Laboratory, February, 1967). isBernard Kaplan, "Issues in Educating the Culturally Disadvantaged," Phi Delta Kappan (November, 1963), p. 74. teRegina Barnes, "Higher Horizons: A promising Program for Secondary Schools," Clearing House, Vol. XL (October, 1965), pp. 112-15; also, Kaplan, pp. 74-75. isclark, chapter 8; also, Barnes,p. 115. local.' Marburger, "Working Toward More Effective Education," Programs for the Educationally Disadvantaged, p. 72, in Hughley, p. 9. I./Edmund Gordon, "The Cognitive Development of Socially Disadvantaged Children and Youth," I.R.C.D. Buletin, I, No. 1, 3, in Hughley, p. 19. isclemmont E. Vontress, "Our Demoralizing Slum Schools," Phi Delta Kappan, Vol. XLV, No. 2 (November, 1963), p. 79. usetty Lacy, "Educating the Socially Disadvantaged," Educating the Dis- advantaged Learner, ed. Staten W. Webster (San Francisco: amndler Pub- lishing Co., 1966), p. 149, in Hughley, p. 39. Also, Paul Friggens, "Sam Shep- ard's Faith," The P.T.A. Magazine (March, 1964). 20Nathaniel Hickerson, Education for Alienation (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice -Hall, 1966), p. 1. nHickerson, pp. 48-72. &*Patricia Sexton, Education and Income, pp. 7-8, quoted in U.S. Civil Rights Commission, Racial Isolation and the Public Schools. (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1967), pp. 78-9 -127-

I PHickerson, chapter 4; also, Clark, pp. 39-41. Also, T. R. Somas, "Policies and Pro 731ems of Vocational Education in Texas," a paper read to thit-Coot7- =unity Service Seminar (Houston, Texas, March, 1967). 24111 an article on the problems of American higher education, Benjamin H. Baldwin, a-journalism professor at Northwestern, was quOted as saying that one of the universities' major problems is that "we have kids who are going to be lousy engineers but who would have been great mechanics. But Daddy can't let his son be a blue collar worker." Newsweek (April 3, 1967), p.84. 25Hickerson, pp. 88-9. *Paul Warren, "Guidelines for the Future: AnEducational Approach for the Culturally Disadvantaged," Journal of Negro Education,Vol. -No. 3 (Summer, 1964), p. 284; also, Nickerson, p. 1. MA. H. Halsey, "Youth and Employment in Comparative' Perspective,"in -Chandler ,Poverty in America, (ed.), Margaret S. Gordon (San Francisco:e Publishing Ca, 1965),_ p: 140. *The .U.S. Civil Bights Commission, Racial Isolation in_ the Public Schools (WaShington, Governmen, t Printing Office, 1967);_st- 2i"Truckedor Railroaded," Neuniweek (April 24, 1962);p: 59.- *Harold Hodgkinson, Education in 'Social' and CulturalPEripective (Engle- wood Cliffs,' New Jersey: Pre:AkeHall, Inc., 1961), -p. 86. *Walter G.. Daniel, "Needed. a Reexamination Of Plans for Disadvantaged Negro Youth," editorial in The -Journal of Negro ,EdUcation,yol. XXXV, 8 (Summer, 1966), p. 201. ulsds-Valder., "The Tale of the Baia," Ratnparts ,(JUlY,, 1366), pp. 40-48. 'Isc- Gordon, 0A. "=!0.L. Davis,- "What a First Inning!" EducationalLeadership, Vol. 24 October, 1966), pp. 13-20. ": lurirontressup. 78. afVonizela, 81: Triggent, 'Pp. -1940. "Priatris 20. tkrritieist-- P. 22.

428 Education and the Instruments of Social Change TECHNIQUES IN EFFECTING , SOCIAL CHANGE Kenneth Marshall Horatio Alger, the writer, died in 1899.And though we went from the Wright Brothers' airplaneto astronauts, from rural electrification to robots during theyears in between, the myth he created still prevails: allyou need is a sprinkling of 'mother wit', some basic intelligence and some stick- to- itivenes, andyou can overcome gargantuan handicaps. What started outas a nice motivational potboiler for the Idd- dies has become an a priori evaluation of humanendeavor of th.e underprivileged and poor. Ifyou have not succeeded; if is because you haven't tried hard enough. - The myth has not been updated much. Toconfront the apse thetic inhabitants of hopelessly decayed ghettoslums or migrant farmers, whose five- and six-year-old childrengo to sleep hungry after a day's hard work, with socio-psychologicalclaptrap that there must be something defective in their character or per- a haps some intrinsic failureon the part of their parents which forced them into their hopelessness% is as relevant and realistic as telling a boy born in the United States, regardless of color or religion, that he too.can become .a President of the United States. Inevitably, some people, more learned andmore Charitable, recommend various forms of remediation to make it possible for the individual entrapped in hopelessnesa to seize and benefit, froin, available opportunities. In short, these people insist that' there are- a basic flaws which will Make them prone to beCome dropioUts, unwed mothers, chronic unemployables, narcotic' addicts.':-These good people feel there is a simplepanacea. Apt develop some: re, educational programs which will make the misfits and never -will- fits part of the mainstream of American life. That, Of course, is a dream in the finest of Horatio Alger's tradition.

At a time when the national economy isbooms_ng, when in less than a decade, the gross national product has doubled, and is now more than seven hundred billion dollarsa year; when unemployment has been reduced to something like 4% of the Work force; when the social welfare revolution begun in the depret- 131 sion years with thepassage of the Social Security Act and the Wagner Labor Act and completedin 1964-65 with the passage of Medicare and the Economic OpportunityAct, it is easy to understand why thereare some who argue that all needed social changes have already been accomplisned,that all we now require is the refinement and minorexpansion of social welfaremeasures already on the books. Acursory review of some relevant facts, however, quickly makes clearsome basic flaws in the argument of those denying the need for fundamentalsocial changes. Con- sider the following:

Fact 1Whereas the top 12 million familiesaverage $20,000 a year in income, our bottom 12 million familiesaverage $2,000 a year income or more than $1,000 below the official poverty level income of $3,100 for a family of four. Fact 2More than 11 million families livein slum housing, unable to afford the rents charged for decentapartments. Fact 3More than 60% of slum youths entering highschool are destined to drop out befori graduation, Fact 4More than 21% of Negro youthsbetween the ages of. 16 and 22 are out of school and out of work. Fact most of our cities, the infant mortality rate in slumghettos is more than double that of the rest of thecity. Fact 6In a country enjoying the greatestprosperity that history has ever recorded, more than 40 million of its citizens are living in 4Yfficially defined poverty.

Any consideration of techniques to effect socialchange can probably best begin witha review of the failure of the social welfare approaches to the problems ofpoverty and its consequences. One may summarize the impact and relevanceof the American welfare system by stating that whereasmore affluent Americans receive subsidies from their government, thepoor must largely content themselves with services. The subsidieswhich are .and have been available to the affluentare many and varied. They include: grants of land, mining rights, insuredmortgages, free higher education, crop subsidies, tax write-offson capital invest- ments and oilwells, etc. On, the other hand, throughthe public welfare or the poverty program,poor persons are decreed eligible for modest allowances but, to receivesame, they must subject themselves to a variety of humiliating and 'degradingmeans tests, the administration of which usually costsmore than half of the money appropriated for the program. Thus, while we maycon- -132 cede that the dependentpoor benefit disproportionately, from social welfare expenditures,it is necessary to remember that by far, the major portion ofthese tax raised dollarsgo to non-poor persons for services renderedas social investigators, teachers, whose nine-months effortsof regular curriculum have left the ghetto youths ina condition requiring mediation. Thesesame teachers thenare hired for an additional ten weeksummer pro- grain, paid for by anti-poverty funds, toremediate their victims of nine months, mindyou, with very questionable results. Also, the ordinary requirementsof administration eatup a large portion of anti-povertyfunds, office furniture, typewriters,filing cabinets, chairs, consumableprogram materials, paper, carbons, art supplies, projectors, etc.,etc. There is 'an unending list of goods never produced inghetto areas which essentiallymeans that the helplesspoor have become the happy middlemanbetween manufacturers, jobbers, retailersand a government-subsidy,labeled "anti-poverty funds."I can safely vouch that notone government agent in the Anti-Poverty' Program's InspectorGeneral's office queriedone manufacturer of these standardgoods on which at least 26% of all funds1103 been spent,as to, the 'maximum feasible participation' ofghetto-dwellers on his laborforce. It always struckme as curious that' nowhereamong the very exacting specifications setdown by the Office ofEconomic Op- portunity was therea single reference made about theneed to establish dealerships of thesegoods in the ghettoareas to be serviced. That way, at leasta modicum of jobs anda modicum of dollars might have trickledinto the community. Amid the fan fare of theannouncements abouta total war against poverty, issued bythe President in 1964,some poor people were deluded intothinking that the EconomicOpportunity Act was intended to liftthem out of poverty throughcreating good jobs, the building ofpublic housing, fund allowancesand other dignifiedways of providing an income, to thoseunable to work. Instead, the highlytouted programs of the WarAgainst Poverty turned out to bemore of the same, namely :a cluster of welfare, training andeducational services. And thoughthe total amount ofmoney appropriated for this so-calledwar mount- ed to less than one-fifthof one per cent of thegross product, more than half of this pittancewas earmarked not for thepoor, but for professional workersrendering these services.When one -138 further considers that it has not been established that completing a job training program will lead to a job, then the disenchantment of the poor with the anti-poverty programs is easily understood. Not only are welfare services often irrelevant because they lead to no measurable improvement in the economic circumstances of their recipients, but these services, even when seen as successful, often seem to defeat their purposes by fostering and increasing a sense of dependency on the recipient's part. St, h programs as the Aid to Families of Dependent Children, rather than seeking to strengthen families and provide gainful employment for the fathers and for those mothers who desire to work, have usually insisted that the father must be entirely absent so that the family can be eligible for the meager benefits. I submit to you that this program bears no small part of the blame for the fact that in slum ghettos such as Harlem, Watts and Hough, more than half of the children are growing up in fatherless homes. Considering the fact, now well established, that victims of the culture of poverty and particularly those herded into our many darleghettos are, in the words of Kenneth Clark, "subject peoples victims of greed, cruelty, insensitivity, guilt, and the fear of their masters," Clark further notes that ghettos are "social, political, educational, and above all economic colonies." The most conspicuous consequences of chronic poverty are profund feelings of powerlessness on the part of its victims andan apathetic and indifferent set of responses to most social welfare attempti at meliorating their condition. In forming all techniques mgap- proaches toward social change then, there must be a concerted and thorough going attempt to stimulate the victims toward full involvement in remedial actions. In the words of the HARYOU document, "Youth in the Ghetto," Social action in its operational sense means and demands the stimulations of concern among individuals who sharea common predicamentwho are victims of long standing community problems and injustices, whocan be induced not only to identify these problems but seek to determine the methods by which they can be resolved and who are able to develop and sustain the initiative for the type of collective action which, in fact, does resolve or ameliorate these problems. The requirement of the "maximum feasible partic"Ation" by the poor in all phases of Community Actionprograms which is set forth in Title II of the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964 is 134 indicative of a recognition that the older socialwelf re approach invcivinix doing things and rendering servicesto ti.e poor has more often than not increased responses of despondency andapa- thy. The community action approach,on the other hand, is intended to impower thepoor through making available to them, 1) facilities to bring about intelligent organizationand 2) resources to achieve material improvement in their conditibns.It is a fallacy to believe the community action, in stressing theprimacy of the involvement of thepoor, is an exclusively "self-help" or lifting one's ownself by one'sown bootstraps strategy. Hence, the dual emphasis on 1) facilities to achieve intelligentorganization and 2) the availability of tangible and materialresources. In many instances, these latter concrete and tangibleresources will not be forthcoming from the powers-that-be unlessthere is first established an organized and demanding constituency. In his recent review of thepresent status of what he calls "a grateful society," Professor HowardZinn of Boston University points out that whereasmany millions of persons, including businessmen, professionals, unionized worldngmen, commercial farmers benefitted substantially from reformmeasures enacted during and subsequent to Roosevelt's "NewDeal," he then adds,many millions more, sharecroppers, slum dwellers, Negroes, North and South, the unemployed still awaita genuine "New Deal." The most significant difference between thesetwo groups, Zinn finds, is that the one cluster did organize andthe other did not. He comments:

The groups that did organizethe largerfarm operators, the several million industrial workers who joined theCIO, improved their positions significantly. The aged with a push from the TownsendMovement got a bit of help, but many otherstenant farmers,the unemployed, service and domestic workers, (that is mostly Negroes)--wereleft behind. The idea that the poor and disenfranchisedmust achieve power before their conditions can be substantially improved isnot a new one. In suggesting that "humanitarismcan only go so far in the redistribution of privilege; self-interestmust carry it further," Zinn quotes a statement made by PaulDouglas in 1933 when Douglas was a professor of Economics at the Universityof Chica- go:

Along with the Rooseveltianprogram must go ... the organizath-n of those who are at present, weak and who needto acquire that which the -135 1 iI1 Ei world respect% namely, power...unless these things are done,we are likely to find the prime benefits of Rooseveltianliberalism to he as illusory as were those of the Wilsonian era. t, To,achieve the belated organization of thepoor in Central Har- lem, the HARYOU proposal recommended the formation ofa complex of local neighborhood boards. Thesewere to be mass based organizations with a staff of professionals and selected neighborhood residents who would conducta number of programs including information and referral services, health and welfare projects by stressing community research and community action and education. These latter projects would be gearedespe- cially toward achieving substantial changes ina variety of institutions responsible for the administration of public services including the Departments of Welfare, Police, Health and Hospitals, Sanitation, Youth Services, etc. Since this proposalwas made in 1964, a number of community based neighborhood councils,area boards, and neighborhood service centers have been established in various areas around the country with funds from the Office of Economic Opportunity. These projects vary considerably in form of organization as well as in program content. At the risk of over-si: _olification, it is possible to speak of at least three distinctive model types of Neighborhood Action programs: 1) The multi-purpose Neighborhood Service Center, 2) The group action service organization, and 3) Mass based neighborhood boards The main emphasis of the first two types is more in the sphere of welfare services than on the organization of the poor people to achieve substantial institutional change. The first two stress the efficient organization and accessibility of a complex of relevant services and techniques of referring persons or groups to needed services. On the other hand, the basic purpose of the neighborhood board type of community action organization is the development of a mass based action and lobbying apparatus which, in the name of its many members, aspires to bring about fundamental changes in the public and private institutions that condition, shape, and influence the lives of the poor. The underlyingas- sumption of such organization is that "political" strategies and actions are necessary for any substantial and far reaching improvement in the lot of the mass of poor people. The driving force is the power that stems from numbers united in a common cause 136 and from the recruitment and development of responsible indigenous leadership. Sad to say, whereas one can point to a number of fairly successful neighborhood action programs based on Models 1 and 2, there are, at present, few, if any, successful applications of Model 3. A brief exploration of some of the reasons for this can provide a hint as to the intractability of societal forces resisting change and the ease with which a social action emphasis can be distorted into a program of posturing and heady but futile modest. The discipline, know-how, and selfless dedication necessary for the mass organization of poor people are in short supply. Also, professional and middle class lay leadership have not demonstrated their support of indigenous leadership from low income communities. Unfortunately, self-seeking and self-appointed leaders of the poor sometimes emerge and claim paid staff positions in volunteer councils. Some of these persons are to be labeled "community action hustlers," because they are more interested in personal income or in patronage powers than in achieving the very difficult goals of organization. These persons are, of course, not entirely to be blamed. From a certain point of view, namely that which comprehends the massive needs of the poor people for jobs, better housing, and more adequate public services, the socalled War Against Poverty is a propaganda war, a sham in which executives and expert consultants are operating at a higher level of the hustle than are opportunistic indigenous community leaders. One of the more subtle detrimental consequences ofthe War Against Poverty in ghetto communities stems from the fact that the widely broadcasted promises of this program raised hopes of a good job and a decent life. When it developed that the local war on poverty could not produce jobs, but only a modest training stipend, and these main- ly for young people, the most vocal and active members of the community sought and often found jobs in the CA program itself. As Headstart or as Public Health aides, this did not matter, but when these persons went forth as "Neighborhood Organizers," "Community Stimulators," etc., seeking to build Neighborhood Boards and stimulate community action, the reaction was frequently a variant of the cynical rejoinder, "Yeah, I go for the brother getting organized and everything that's cool; but tell me how I caii cop one of these here poverty jobs like you got?" 137 "'"'4"=iffillagoognr. -,'.

In' the absence of a program providing substantial capitalin- vestment for the development of jobs and tangiblecommunity improvement, a selfish scramble over the few available newjobs is to be expected; but it hardly creates the climateout of which efforts to organize volunteer groups for altruisticcommunity actions can develop. One of the central dilemmas in attempts to organize poor people for effective social action stems from the factthat these activists themselves can be cashed-in-on. Although we can agree that the poor, more than any other class of ourpeople, must organize to achieve collective objectives, there is noquestion that activists among poor people are as oriented towardindividualistic achievement as are members of more favored classes.The difference is that they are severelylacking in opportunities to seek and gain status and substantially increased incomes.If these opportunities aia now presented in the form ofcommunity action programs, self-seeking, inthe name of working for the good ofthe total community, is to be expected. Itis becoming increasingly obvious that effective community action canonly unfold in situations where, at the same time, substantialopportunities to earn a decent living aremade available. The paradox, of course,is that these very opportunities may be the primequest of the community action efforts. This seems to suggest that insituations of dire and extreme scarcity, attempts of the communityaction as herein defined are foredoomed since the verymechanics for its attainment will be distorted by the opportunisticactions of its alleged proponents. Perhaps an illustration willmake clear the point being made here. Presently, in the Harlem area of NewYork City, a number of local community activists alongwith and in the name of parents from a local school district, arenegotiating with the Board of Education for more meaningfuland substantial involvement of parents and community leadersin the running of the local schools. The new program ofcommunity-parent-faculty involvement in the running of theschools is creating a number of new jobs for persons in the community.To one who has wondered why the group of organizers,several of whom are experienced civil rights activists, have not beensuccessful in mobilizing a large body of parents and othercommunity members to support this straggle, there gradually comes thedawning awareness that the 138 small numbers of currently engaged activists have already divided up the jobs they hope their efforts will produce. But it is now apparent that persons who are earning their living through socially active efforts are vulnerable in many respects. Moreover, it is apparent that these actions cannot unfold in a vacuum but must be part of a total program of economic, social and political development of the community in question. The idea that social action in itself can affect these developments is a variant of the "lifting one's ownself by one's own bootstraps" fallacy mentioned above. The alternative to substantial inputs of facilities and resources which ease and make possible the social action efforts is to persist in imposed deprivations which are far more likely to lead to Watts or Hough type conflagrations than to concerted and intelligent organized action by the poor, which is again another way of saying that the poor by themselves cannot better their lot and, at best, can only make it difficult for the affluent to fully enjoy their privileged lives. An expression that gained seine currency during the school desegregation struggles in New York City, which pitted civil rights forces against the parents and taxpayers organizations of lower middle class whites who were fighting to preserve their neighborhood schools, posited that: "We must congregate before we integrate." This insight stemmed from the fact that whereas white communities resisting school integration had developed previous to the conflict, civil rights forces were burdened with an atomized and unorganized mass community. The so-called Black Power movement which has alarmed and frightened so many, has at its main, its most positive thrust, the objective of achieving the internal self-development of the presently disorganized and demoralized black community. Its stress on the culture and the heritage of the Afro-American is intended to instill a kind of group pride and feeling of worth which are a necessary part of developmental efforts. It clearly recognizes in the life styles of ADC mothers, junkies, fighting gang boys, and street corner hustlers, selfdefeating adjustments to a life of rejection and deprivation. These adjustments are achieved at the cost of profound underlying feelings of worthlessness and powerlessness. The ideologies of the black power movement or the black Muslim movement serve to develop feelings of selfworth in the midst of a hostile world. It is obvious, however, that unless they lead to tangible 139 and responsible actions toward improvingone's lot and that of one's group, that they are but another form ofnarcotics. Unfortunately, some of the most effective techniquesfor dis- pelling feelings of powerlessness and unworthiness aresometimes viewed as crude and unduly hostile ideologiesby members of the wider society. However, in the fact of thefailure of other approaches, for example, the Non-Violent movementof Martin Luth- er King nnd of SNCCin its early days, it seems apparentthat drastic ills require drastic remedies. Equally as important as an ideology, redefiningthe status of the ghettoized poor, are organizations for thesystematic recruitment, training, orientation, and indoctrinationof leaders from among the poor. Aware thatit was unrealistic to expect anysig- nificant proportion of ghetto residents, whohad been subjected to the debilitating pattern ofdiscrimination, to be able to engage in responsible and effective socialaction without some opportunity for training, the HARYOU document,Youth in the Ghetto," proposed the establishment of aCommunity Action Institute. There is an increasing awareness amongcivil rights workers, and others interested in social action,that there is a need for the development of far more sophisticatedapproaches in combatting forces resisting change than thosesuch as picketing, sit-ins, and mass demonstrationswhich have proven so effective intheir recent struggle for equality beforethe law. It is becoming increasingly apparent that offendinginstitutions such as Boards of Edu- cation and Welfare Departments arerelatively impervious to the more traditional civilrights Wes of protest. Outsidethe un- reconstructed South, the majorityof these institutions are no longer guilty of bald and brutaldiscriminatory practices. On the other hand, many of them areafflicted with bureaucratic dry- rot which is reflected in. theinferior quality or irrelevance of many of theirservices. The leaders of the poorwill have to acquire far more substantialknowledge of the internal workings of these institutions. In manyinstances, the improvements they seek in the services dispensed canonly result from a basic reorganization and a basic changein the policy shaping valuesof these malfunctioning institutions.It is one thing to sponsor school boycotts to demand more effectiveteaching of ghetto children but it is quite another to acquire athorough understanding of the need for far reaching changesin the structure of the boardsof 140 'V ;116-r.

education, in the recruitment and in-service training of teachers, in curricular activities, in the decentralizing of procedures which would be required to achieve the seemingly simple objectives of more effective education. It would be unreasonable to expect that even the most effective community action institute could make technical experts out of indigenous community leaders. There is, therefore, a need for the establishment of applied research centers, which can serve the function of rendering technical services to organized groups of poor people as well as to other organizationsseeking social change. I am fortunate enough to be associated with one such institute, The Metropolitan Applied Research Center of New York. This center, as is noted in its proposal is: . . . anindependently funded consortium of committed experts in the fields of social science, municipal, and public affairs and consumer interests who are brought together to monitor all areas of governmentalservices and programs in order to assure that the rights of the poor and theunder- privileged in our cities are not ignored, that they are not short changed, and that their share in the economic and political benefits of the society is not lost or preempted by others and that their civil, legal, and constitutional rights are not ignored or disregarded because of their lack of power to protect themselves. To conclude, five basic techniques for effecting socialchange have been sketched in this paper. No one of them in and ofitself is likely to prove effective. Rather, there is required acoordi- nating and interrelating of the five: 1) There is required the systematic organization of the poor into politically astute movements and councils. Thesemight include, but would not be limited to leagues of welfare ic- cipients, tenant leagues, neighborhood councils,unemployed workers leagues, youth movements, peoples' boards of education. 2) There is a need for the development of the economic potential of the poor through the establishment of coopera- tively owned commercial and community service corporations. These would include retail service and smallindus- trial businesses, day care centers, credit unions,family camps, street academies, half wayhouses, coffee shops, and cultural centers. These enterprises, while providing some jobs, would be organized primarily for the purposesof : --141 a) Providing funds from profits of the commercialenter- prises for supporting partially or wholly thepolitical and social action organizations suggested above; b) Developing community service institutionswhich while "private" are eligible for public support: L. , c) Demonstrating more effective methodsof rendering community services. 3) There is a need for the development ofideologies which, through redefining and reinterpreting the history ofghet- toized groups, provide the motive- forcerequired for the arduous efforts of organizations andinternal self-development. 4) There is the need for mechanisms torecruit and give systematic training, indoctrinating, andorientation to indigenous leaders of the poor. 5) There is the need for technically expertorganizations which can systematicallyanalyze the workings of public and private institutions which are presentlyeither, intentionally or not, working againstthe fundamental interests of the poor and oppressed.

REVIEW OF SELECTEDBOOKS AND ARTICLES Lydia Pulsipher Clifford Geertz, "The Impact of the Conceptof Cultures on the Concept of Man," Bulletin' of the AtomicScientists, April 1966, pp. 2-8. One must challenge the commonpractice of locating the basis of intercultural education in the"common values of all men." Even a cursory knowledge of twentiethcentury anthropological research informs us that anthropologistshave been unable to catalogue even a short list of preciselydefined universal values. The idea of the existence ofuniversal values is at best an antique concept, dating balk tothe Age of Enlightenment when it was claimed that there was anessential invariant and simple human nature shared by all men.But modern anthropology has 142 shown that the notion of constant human nature is an illusion. Rather, it is impossible forman to exist unmodified by his particular culture. For this reason, to draw a line between what is natural, universal and constant in man and what is conventional, local and variable in man is to falsify the human situation. If there is a basic unity of mankind other than the physiologi- cal (a possibility anthropologists have not discarded),this unity is not to be "discovered through a Baconian search for cultural universals." One may posit, for example, that religion, marriage or property are empirical universals, but any effort to give these "universals" specific content destroys immediately their universality. If religion is defined as man's fundamental orientation to reality, then when one looks at various religions one finds vastly different views of reality expressed. If "marriage" is considered universal one must account for the many different types of marriage extant. Even if we limit ourselves to marriage patterns in the New World since 1900, we are confronted with fitting into this "more limited universal" the differing husband-wife relationships of Latin-Americans, Indian-Americans, Anglo Americans, Negro-Americans, etc. Any semblance of universality must remain on a very abstract level. Far from asking us in desperation to lose ourselves in a whirl of cultural relativism, Professor Geertz suggests that we view particular cultures "as sets of control mechanisms plans, reci- pes, rules, instructions, what computer engineers call'programs' for the governing of behavior." He also suggests that man is "desperately dependent upon such extra-genetic control mechanisms for ordering his behavior... Such reformulations of the concept a culture and its role in human life leads to a definition of man which stresses not the empirical commonalities in his behavior, but the mechanisms whereby his inhere:it capacities are reduced to the narrowness and specificity of his actual accomplishments." Culture is not an ornament of human existence, "but an essential condition for it." For without thecontrol mechanisms of culture "man's behavior would be ungovernable, a chaos of pointless acts and emotions." Lyle Saunders, Cultural Difference and Medical Care: The Case of the Spanish-Speaking People of the Southwest. New York: The Russell Sage Foundation, 1954. -143 Lyle Saunders views the practice of medicine as a social activity, for it involves interaction between two or more socially conditioned human beings. In addition, he sees medicine as it'part of culture, an institution made up of a system of knowledge,beliefs, tradition, rituals, customs, symbols,attitudes --and values. As such medicine is a unique institution in each culture.Operat- ing from this enlightened frame of reference, Saunders haswrit- ten a.remarkable handbook for physicians who will betreating Spanish - speaking Americans. In a nearly heroic effort to combat crippling ethnocentrism Saunders seeks to 'help the physician understand the degree to which his own beliefs and behavior are derived from hiscultural experiences and to understand the variety of ways inwhich sub-cultural groups have devised ways of coping -.with certain events and conditions. BecaUse the book is such a well-written and sympatheticin- terpretatior, of the Spanish-speaking sub-culturein the South- west it, is suggested as ideal reading for the teacherof Texans of Latin American heritage. It might evenbe informative for, the prospective teacher who is himself ofMexican heritage. In fact, the book is so well adapted to use by teachersthat very little editing would be necessary to reprint it forthe specific use of educators. Celia S. Heller, Mexican American Youth. NewYork: Random House, 1966. 103 pages. This is a significant addition to theliMited systematic literature on the Mexican American andshould surely lie useful, to those who are engaged in educational effortsto improve the lot of these young people. Donald J. Bogue,' inhis mu 3i8 of census data, reports that Mexican Americans are theonly .'ethnic group in which "a comparison of the characteristicsof the first and secondgeneration,fails to show a substantial intergenerational rise in' socio-economic status or appreciableincrease in geograph- is mobility." This data, coupled with otherinformation we have on Mexican Americans,leads to the-conclusion that Mexican Amer- icans are perhaps the most culturallyconservative ethnic group in America today. Heller discusses various'explanations, for 'this phe7 nomenon and covers a'multitude of studies concerning the behavior of Mexican American youth. If fornothing else, .this book 144 is valuable for the numeroussynopses of the findings of these studies. The last chapter in the book deals with the Mexican American perception of opportunities. The findingsare revealing, because they reaffirm the cultural conservatism of the parents. Most boys expressed the opinion thatanyone could advance if he really wishes and tries hard. There is stilla deep commitment to this individualism and a. rejection of collective action. There is apparently little realization that Mexican Americans have profited indirectly from the Negro protest movement which has played such an important role in widening educational and job opportunities in general. Oscar. Lewis, "Husbands and Wives in a Mexican Village: A Study of Role Conflict," Olen E. Leonard and Charles P. Loomis (eds.), Readings in Latin American Social Organization and In- stitutions, Michigan State College Press, 1953, pp. 23-28; also in American Anthropologist, Vol. 51 (1949), pp. 602-610. Lewis' research for this article was done in Teportlan, Morelos, Mexico, the site of Robert Redfield's renowned research in the 1920's. The findings will be quite useful for those seeking to il- lumine their efforts to tailor education for Mexican American children, for Lewis discusses some most interesting observations on the role of the mother and father in a Mexican family. That these observations were made deep in Mexico makes themno less useful to the student of Mexican social organization. William Madsen, Mexican Americans of South Texas. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964. It is true that Texas has a personality unique in the United States, largely because of the confluence of Mexican and. Anglo cultures. But however closely and amicably the two cultures exist, real understanding and appreciation of each other's differences has never developed. It is only very recently that the Anglos have begun to recognize the importance of familiarizing themselves with the very tenacious culture of the Mexican American. Wil- liam Madsen, in his case study of Hidalgo County, Texas, gives a remarkably well constructed picture of what anthropologists call a "culturally conservative" group. As a side effect the reader also is able to sharpen his understanding of the Anglo American of South Texas. 145

121IPPellen. Madsen makes many observations of MexicanAmerican and Anglo attitudes which are especially illuminating forthe educator, a very smallsample of which is offered here '(The Anglos) tend to regard the Mexicanlkineriean as childlike, emotional,- ignorant, and in need of paternalistic guidance.The zeal for bettering people leads to the popularconclusion that the Latin should be educated. and remade in the Anglo Mold'.At the same time employers do not want to educate the Latin tothe pOintof losing their:. labor force. A Latin school teacher observed: The Anglo sees himself as the most impOrtant beingthat ever lived in our universe. To him the rest of humanity issomewhat -backward. He is appalled to find people on the face of theearth Who, are _unable or Unwilling. :admit that the American way of life_the only way

,A Latin college student said : My ancestors came from one of the mostcivilized nations In the viarld. I'm not going to forget what they taught me. I'mproud of being an American but I won'tbecome,a gringo. Now they'reoffering us equality. That's. fine.want to be equal before the law and have achante to' mike money if I -choose. But the Anglos aredenying me the right to be mytelf. They want 'me to be like them. I want a chance tobe a Mexican- American and to be proud Of that Mexican bit. TheAnglos offer us eqUality but what happened to freedom? A book- Of similar content and insight isAcroaS the Tracks: 'Mexican Americans in a Texas City, by ArthurRubel, Austin: University of Texas Press, 1966. Samuel D. Proctor, The Young Negro in 'America:1960-1980. (New York: Association Press, 1966), 157 pages. Using an intriguing mixture of realism andidealism Proctor has written in advance the history of AmericanNegro youth from 1960 to 1980: The starting point of 1960is significant for this data 'the beginning Of Negro youths' disenchantmentwith the traditional position of the Negro education establishment,which had stressed racial salvation throughindividual achievement. Each Negro youth was urged "to gain as mucheducation, approval and mannerliness as he could and be preparedfor the day when managers of government,business, and industry Would give the , nod.'" The Negro College Student in theearly 1960's asked, "What: good is a degree, if 1- don't have my freedom?"a question which" 146-- A 001102V4409...,,,E, ,1-., r.244

immediately raised further questions 'bout the efficacy of the old emphasis on individual achievement and ambition and suggested another emphaSis : group action to prick the conscience of white America and compel the broadening of opportunity so that in the future a college diploma for a Negro would be more than a worthless piece of paper. Of course this new emphasis group action was not new to America but as a widespread tactic for focusing attention on the plight of the Negro American it was the harbinger of the demonstrations, picket lines, marches, rent strikes, ettldent strikes, sit-ins, and boycotts with which we are now so familiar. The author is basically sympathetic with the new active stance of Negro young people. He uses optimism to indicate that if Americans are aware, intelligent, and concerned, by 1980 most of the present hair-raising racial issues will be settled. His seemingly unrealistic optimism is most effective, for without saying so the author hints that if Americans are anything but abundant- ly aware, intelligent, and concerned, chaos will ensue. James A. .Geshevender, "Social Structure and the Negro Revolt: An Examination of Some Hypotheses," Social Forces, December, 1964, Vol. 43, No. 2, pp. 248-256. Although Negroes in America are improving their position in level of education, amount of income, and the holding of middle- class positions, there does not seem to be a slackening of dissatis- faction. If anything, discontent is spreading. This article is a sociological exploration of several hypotheses which seek to explain this situation. Two of the hypotheses discussed are: (1) "As a group experiences an improvement in its conditions of life it will also experience a rise in its level of desires." (2) "As a group experiences an improvement in its conditionsof life and simultaneously observes a second group experiencing a more rapid rate of improvement, it will become dissatisfied with its, rate of improvement and rebel." Robert R. Bell, "Negro Lower Class Mothers' Aspirations for Their Children," Social Forces, Vol. 43, No. 4, May, 1965, pp. 493-500. Because of her important role in the lower class Negro family, the mother is in a prime position to influence the aspirations, of 147--- her children. Research has shown that there aresub-groups in the lower class and that the closer the mother'saspirations for izer children are to the lower end of the lower classvalue range, the less likely is it that her children will be significantlyinfluenced by outside influences reflecting more middle-classvalues. Eldridge Cleaver, "My Father and Stokeley Carmichael,"Ram- parts, April, 1967, pp. 10-14. Cleaver is a former Black Muslim and is currentlythe chair- man of the Malcolm XAfro-American Society in the Bay Area in California. His comments on the Black Powermovement could be of great help to the educator who isstruggling to understand the many faceted Negro-American. The educator may find the last few paragraphs ofthe article most useful in his thinking. Carmichael hasmade the point that one of the results of longdiscrimination has been that the white man has totally pre-emptedthe "right to define." Black Americans are the victims ofwhite Americans' definitions. For example, white America has defined black as evil,Negroes are black, therefore, they are evil. Now the Negro mustdemand the right to make his own definitions. "When I say BlackPower, I know exactly what I'm talking about. But the white man runs upto me and says, 'Black Power:that means violence, doesn't it?' Irefuse to react to that. I know what I'm talkingabout, that's his problem, because black people understand me andthat is who I'm talking to anyway." Thomas L. Millard, "The Negro in America:A Legacy Unrecog- nized," Clearing House (September, 1965). One cannot criticize Millard for his concern overthe fact that the Negro child receives an educationwhich ignores his history and frowns on his culture.Nor can one fault him for recognizing that the Negro child is faced with somebasic inconsist- encies in life. He is taught democraticbeliefs and values in school, but daily witneszi3 hyperisy inthe denial of these beliefs and values to those whose skin is dark.Nevertheless, Millard is guilty of some fuzzy thinking toward theend of his article which indicates a failure to carefully thinkthrough the question of cultural diversity. Because fuzzy thinking onthis particular topic is widespread, and analysis of Millard's error maybe of help. 148 Millard first states rather strongly in a variety of ways that 1 society has an obligation to recognize and publicize the cultural heritage of the Negro saying that Negro culture and all minority culture have much to contribute to a "pluralistic" America. However, when he comes to a discussion of the deficient social and economic opportunities available to the Negro today, Millard reveals that either he is not committed to his former affirmation of the present intrinsic value of Negro culture, or he reveals that he has fallen into just the pit he says we must avoid looking down on Negro culture. I quote : "The Negro must be brought into the main current of social and economic opportunities along with a meaningful and equitable education experience so as to foster goals and incentives for closing the enormous educational and cultural gap," (italics mine). Apparently even Mr. Millard is uncomfortable with his former almost unqualified defense of an ambiguous Negro culture. Now he suggests that Negro culture lags behind the dominant white culture and can be brought up to snuff only through increased social, economic and educational opportunities for the Negro. It is difficult to say which position is better. While it might have been useful for some purposes to romanticize the Negro, and his culture, it is not helpful in developing special compensatory educational programs, for the romantic view is an incomplete one, and as such is not useful in coming to a true understanding of the predicament of the Negro in American society today. At the same time a more complete understanding of the pluses and mi- nuses of the Negro heritage will make it difficult to sally forth to teach "The Proud History of the Negro in the New World." If intelligent use in the educational process is to be made of Negro culture much must be learned about elements of this culture in order to determine those which are constructive and those which are destructive if the avowed goal is social and economic equality. Donald Pierson, "The Educational Process and the Brazilian Ne- gro," Olen E. Leonard and Charles P. Loomis (eds.), Readings in Latin American Social Organization and Institutions, Michigan State College Press, 1953, pp. 101 -108; also in American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 48, No. 6, (1943), pp. 662-700. 149 _

Pierson speaks of education as "the series ofcommunications by means of which a cultural heritage istransmitted from an older to a younger generation the entire round of humanin- teraction which enables a culture to renewitself and to maintain its existence." Brazil has the largest Negro populationin, the Americas, but in Brazil "Negro" means somethingquite different from its meaning in the United States. In Brazilthe term is intimately wrapped in a complicated set of culturalcharacteristics so much so that a black-skinned man maybe called white and a white-skinned man exhibiting requisite cultural characteristicswill be known as. Ne- gro. Pierson discusses culturaltransmission between Brazilians known as "Africans" placing specialemphasis on the role played by the condomble or Africanesquereligious cults and the priest- esses who conductthe ceremonies and rituals. In addition to the discussionof Africanisms this article includes a helpful analysis ofdifferential formal education received by various racial types inBrazil of particular use toUnited States educators concerned with thisissue. Suzanne Keller, MarianZavalloni, "Ambition and Social Class: A Respecification" Social Forces,October, 1964, Vol. 43, No. 1, pp. 58-70. The lower classes in Americansociety are caught in a position between knowing what forms of success aredesirable and what forms are possible for their particularstrata. Contrary to popu- lar belief individuals in fixlower class are not necessarily content with their lot, lackingambition to rise in social status. What has often been termedthe "live-for-today" attitude of the poor is actually in many cases aneffort to cover the hopelessness and despair resultingfrom the knowledge of their class- bound horizons. The authorscontradict the claim that the middle- class is more ambitious thanthe lower. Actually there isevidence that lower class individuals areintensely striving but' they must travelsignificantly farther than middle-classindividualsto achieve a given goal. Inaddition, reactions to failure differfrom class to class. Because successis relatively accessible to themid- dle class the one who fails tendsto blame personal shortcomings. 150-- On the other hand failure in the lower class can be attributed to "the system." Nathaniel Hickerson, Education for Alienation, Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1966, 98 pp. The author convincingly makes the point that American public education inadvertently pushes nearly one third of our young people into the role of disgruntled apathetic misfits. Operating as an integral part of society, the public schoolhas created or supported conditions which result in a general waste of talent and the loss of dignity for significant segments of the population. While not attributing this situation to a conscious conspiracy, Hkkerson observes that tfla wealthiest society on earth .has come to accept poverty and unemployment as permanent fixtures, the meagerly funded War on Poverty notwithstanding., The schools "choose a selective group of citizens who will have the good for- tune to finish school and obtain prestige jobs." They are for the most part children of those who themselves participate in Ameri- can prosperity. The rest are discouraged in a host of subtle ways from ful- filling their original potential, and are made to feel superfluous, even a burden. The steps in thisalienation process begin early in the childrens' school careers when "they are classified as aca- demically untalented because they bring with them few skills needed to be appraised as potentially able."1 'Eunice Shaed Newton, "The Culturally Deprived Child in Our Verb I Schools," Journal of Negro Education, XXXI, (1962), p. 187. Soon they are more thoroughly classified as deficient by culturally biased standardized tests; they are frequently placed under teachers unsympathetic with their patterns of behavior. Because of low reading ability they are given a slow moving, diluted, un- demanding curriculum. Before long teachers with a strong middle-class bias launch a frontal attack on the lower-classchild's self-esteem, and the way of life to which he is accustomed. The child must soon choose between the world of his father, mother, siblings, grandparents and friends or the world of his teacher. The author says that it is little wonder that the majority of these children resent the attack and deny the significance of those who launch it. This understandable defense reaction nevertheless re- -151 sults in tragedy for the children. who thus cut off their chance of joining the mainstream of American society. Perhaps the most interesting theme developed by the author makes the point that lower class childrenare severely censured for doing openly what middle andupper class children do sur- reptitiously. These activities include theuse of "vulgar" language, use of alcoholic beverages, indulgence in sexual relations, etc. After developing for 90 pages his theme that American schools are producing just what society has asked for children adapted to social inequality Hickerson discusses what changes will be needed in American society before each child can be served in school as an individual uniquely capable and valuable in his own right. The author feels that the spirit of the land is changing-- that people are developing an awareness of the plight of the poor.In such a setting it is possible rather, imperative that our public schools read the signs and join the fight." Nathan Glazer and Davis McEntire (eds.), Studies in Housing and Minority Groups. Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univergity of Cali- fornia Press. 1960. This book is recommended as being peripherally but significantly related to intercultural education, for the relationship between housing patterns and the development of the neighborhood public school is obvious. The editors have compiled seven studies on minority housing which give the reader a new understanding of the social, economic and political complexities involved in open- ing suitable housing to the growing surge of upwardly mobile minority groups. Of particular interest to the Laboratory staff will be "Minority Group Housing in Two Texas Cities" (San Antonio and Houston) by Jack Dodson, and "The Negro in New Orleans" by Forrest E. LaViolette. For more sources on housing, see: Charles Abrams, "The Housing Problem and the Negro," Daedalus, 95:65, Winter 1966. M. Allen Pond, "The Influence of Housing on Health," Marriage and Family Living, May, 1957, pp. 154-159. Alvin L. Schorr, Slums and Social Insecurity, Social Security Ad- ministration, Division of Research and Statistics. (no date). ,Wfv;,,4146%.;.;.0- Vt;141.

D. M. Wilner, R. P. Price and M. Tayback, "How. Does Quality of Housing Affect Health and Family Adjustment?" American Journal of Public Health, June, 1956, pp. 736-747. D. M. Wilner, R. P. Walk ley, T. Pinkerton, and M. Tayback, The Housing Environment and Family Life, Baltimore, Johns Hop- kins Press, 1962. C. A. Glatt, "Who are the Deprived Children?" Elementary School Journal, May, 1965, pp. 407-413. Americans have not yet decidedwhich,is best = a monocultural or multicultural existence. To label one child culturally deprived is to attach more, importance .to one way of life as compared with another. It one wants to climb the social ladder, one is guided by the expectations of a particular (dominant) cultural group. The subject of cultural deprivation is touchy because deprivation may become inadvertently linked to a particular ethnic group or religion. Deprivation is actually .relative to many things to the in- group, to the out-group, to time and place, and to a particular situation. Glatt suggests that in seeking to overcome deprivation, one should first identify the social and cultural influences, which affect individual development. After this has been done, the' behaviors which result from particular influences' can be identified. .It wr.1 then be possible to determine the kind of growth that is needed to modify or overcome the cultural influences which tend to produce the kind of behavior which, inhibits success as it is viewed by the dominant culture. One must observe that implicit in this model is a trend toward a monocultural rather than multicultural society, forcertain dis- tinguishing features of a particular culture tend to put members of that culture at a disadvantage when they seek to compete with members Of the chydninant culture. To succeisfully, compete, they must change their pattern of behavior and hence their cultural allegiances. Jack L. Roach and Orville R. Gursslin, "The Lower Class, Status Frustration, and Social Disorganization," Social Forces, Vol. 43, No. 4, May, 1965, pp. 501-509. Talcott Parsons in his Toward a General Theory of Action, (p. 150) developed a now widely recognized theorem which presents a concept of man's essential motive. "What peoplewant most is to be responded to, loved, approved, andesteemed. If... 1 these needs can be adequately gratified, the mostimportant single condition of stability of a social system will havebeen met." In the past this theorem has been applied to the lowerclass behavior disorga..ization in the following way: The individualis concerned that he be esteemed by others, but for the lowerclass person many avenues to acquiringthis esteem are closed. Thus, status frustration occurs. If the individual is aware thatexternal forces (rather than his own shortcomings) have closed these avenues, deviant behavior will followthe frustration. The authors feel that this is not an adequateexplanation for deviant behavior in the lower classes today. Theyhave proposed rather that deviant behavior in the lower class islinked to long- term economic deprivation. This th,:me isthoroughly and convincingly developed and culminates in a 15-stepexplanatory schema. H. Millard Clements and James B. MacDonald,"Morel Dilemmas of Schooling;" Educational Leadership, October,1965, pp. 29-32. Having recognized that "many of our presentpractices in the system of education are in violation of thehumanistic tradition. . . and are in conflict with the preservation ofthe dignity, worth and integrity of individual students," the authors posequestions, three of which are especially worthy df consideration. 1. Are texts prepared for themarket or for the service of the students? 2. What attitudes, emotions andself-images are created in the individual by our evaluation procedures? 3. Are bureaucratic practiceo and procedures(including psychological testing and services) serving the individual? The authors also ask, "How can we pluralize our(school) programs and activities?" Itmight be best to first ask: Should the school foster pluralization? Is this arealistic goal? Is it perhaps romantic to think that vast cultural variations canbe tolerated in a society which must at the same timebe cohesive? Louis S. Levine, "Imposed Social Position: Assessmentand Cur- -154 '; .;14,'00.,`,,,:i:V.41,1!,,

ricular Implications," Bulletin of the National Association of Secondary School Principals, May, 1966, pp. 44-57. 1 In this article Louis S. Levine, professor of psychology at San Francisco State College, discusses the question, "What might the education enterprise contribute to man's becoming the best he can be?" This is certainly a staggering question and the answer might well have been naive and hopelessly broad, but Pro- fessor Levine leads us through a discussion "of the reciprocal relationship between conditions in a society and the individual's opportunity to become the best he can be," placing special emphasis on the interdependency of the democratic ideal and the ideal of personal development. Educators are of necessity interested in the total process of personal development. Not to be overlooked is the psychological development: the bringing together of all facets of an individual's life into a harmonious relationship. This integration LI not merely a maintenance function but "is directed tcward realizing all his potentialities" and as such is a life long process. The demands of an individual's culture group tell him what is proper, permissible and desirable. The impetus to change and to develop comes from many sources outside as well as inside the individual, from culture, friends, parents, and teachers. A developmental view of man can best be implemented in a society with laws, customs and institutions which promote the welfare and talents of all a society which welcomes human diversity in appearance, belief, background, and custom. "The society that enables all its citizens to reach the highest order of development provides not only for the acquisition of all knowledge but also for its free and open dissemination." Levine then develops an "enlightened self-interest" theme suggesting that if the democratic ideal is to be approached the citizens must "understand the ideal and the fact that their self-interest is inextricably linked to its maintenance and extension." There- fore in self-interest the citizen will act to reduce barriers to communication, for the dissemination of all knowledge, for the integrity and dignity of all man. "He will view with vested interest the social and political process whereby the democratic ideal is translated into the laws and customs of the land." 155

ININANKOPIPAP.0.00"... Just as man requires an open and democratic society fo. his . full development, so the democratic society, in order to ,prOa0eTi requires citizens of high psychological calibre. -,EdUcatiOn'EC-responsibility is to bring the performance level- of 'both_ -the individual and society -closer to the ideal: In this' conneetioi:Levine poses some relevant questions: 1. What do our schools contribute- to man's: capacity care for his fellow Man...to act With gentleness' towards those who Stiffer in manner, belief or appearance?- 2. -Do our schools- try to ,develop num'S-. capacity- to conquer

his fear .of difference and.intolerande of Mnbiguity? 3. What do our schools do to .develop man's potential to feel' pain when another sufferg, anger when another is treated unjustly? 4. Do our schools try to mobilize those special resources avoid bigotry and prejudice? 5. What do schools do to develop youth's potential to commit himself behaviorally to the ideology of democracy? American society today, far from being the ideal democracy sketched earlier, is a society in which the phenomenon of 9m- posed social position" operates. The position in the group and the society of which the individual is a part is often defined for: him and is a function of genetics (attributes, physical appearance), social class, or economic status of one's parents. In the transactional relationship between the majority and the minority, in which relationship each group is shaped by the other, a social position is imposed on the minority and is then negatively responded to by the majority of the society. This situation is debilitating for the majority as well as the minority. In order to alter the conditions which determine imposed social position, we must answer certain questions 1. Who imposes the limiting and restrictive social position? 2. What benefits accrue to the imposers? 3. How might they achieve these benefits without denying the rights of others? 4. What conditions reduce an individual to an unfavored social position? 156 The 'transactional aspect of imposed social position .necessitates an evaluation not only of the culturally deprived but of the "attitudes, values and behaviors of the culturally advantaged.. This frame of reference brings into clearer perspective the, sik7 nificance of attacking through education and social action the conditions which determine the imposition of negatiVe social position of any segment of society." (p. 50) The attack is not undertaken merely for the benefit of '"the underprivileged ;" it is undertaken for the benefit of the total democratic society. Might not educational progranis concentrateon the minority- majority transactional relationship' and seek to reduce restrictions to individual development caused by negatively iimposed social position? In serving this function education would be seen- as_ making a major contribution to the development of new social 'e,nviron- ments which will facilitate human development 'Within this con.; text education and social action become closely ,intertwined,"- In the final portion of his paper, Changing the Educational Environment, Professor Levine makes two educated obServations which will be of use to those who are seeking to modify American education. The first is that personal development is probably more susceptible to positive environmental influence than is generally supposed. Secondly, factual knowledge is not isomorphicallr relfged to behavior or belief does _not equal behavior: The second observation is the more carefully developed. Levine .sights the discouraging results of .a study on the commitments of American teenagers.1 The study showed that high school students polled on questions paraphrased from the Bill of Rights showed a considerable lack of commitment to some of the basic beliefs comprising the "Democratic Ideal." Levine believes tliat this un-: fortunate state of affairs exists because there is little effort to "tie together in a significant and meaningful fashion...principles which underlie constitutional representational government and specific behaviors in the lives of the students,...At present it appears that the schools' failure to focus on the behaviors required to citizens in a viable democracy, while they give major attention to certain intellectual efforts, is producing people whose primary commitment is to a lack of commitment." 'Remmers, H. H. and Radler, D. H., The American Teenager. (Indian- apolis, Indiana: Eobbs-Merrill, 1957). 157 MignanIMSSIzatmaraxstrammastasteistmeataiimauSAMaragtammteasuusSatioaletifinallMMOSIOL:::,

In response to the realization that American youth have shown compassion and commitment in some cases, Levine develops a secondary school service-study program based on the models of the Peace Corps, Vista, and Friends Service Projects programs which have successfully captured the commitment of so many young people. Space does not permit theinclusion of an abstract of this program, but it would make a significant contribution to efforts to reconstruct American education around the practice of democratic principles. William Lee Miller, "The 'New Left' and Its Policies," Presby- terian Life, (April 15, 1967), p. 23. While written for a religious audience, this short article raises some important issues regarding the"participatory democracy" advocated by young militant idealistic leaders such as Julian Bond of Georgia. It is an interesting addition to the debate on parental involvement in reforming ghetto education. The author affirms the value of participatory democracy if, as a result, the inner city ghetto residents become "better organized, more self-confident, clearer about what they want." However, he goes on to point out that in a pluralistic society, direct attack and radical social protest such as that advocated by Bond and Saul Alinsky,while often useful, is not always a necessity for justice. Pluralism implies that many different situations existand at least in some cases more progress can be made toward socialjustice within the framework of the "old politics." Miller also points out that "participatory democrats often over- estimate the degree of broad and continuing citizen interestin politics." The "action" ideology is often framed in the heat of a civil rights campaign. "But citizens in the long tediumof more normal conditions have a way of turning to other thingsand let- ting politics or civil participation go." This phenomenon,the author submits, is another reason for not writing offthe "old politicians" and the Establishment. David A. Goslin, The School in Contemporary Society.Scott, Foresman and Co., 1965. The Keystones of Education Series is intended to encourage a meeting ofthe minds between professional educators and academic specialists, so as to enhance the "vitality,authority and inspiration required of educational concepts in thisrevolutionary 158 4cietzwasuosaistoallimett'._

era." If this book by David Goslin,a sociologist with the Russell Sage Foundation, is representativeof works to come, this series will be an important additionto the educators' library. Goslin examines nearlyevery issue which has puzzled those of usen- gaged in adapting the school tomeet the needs of the Twentieth Century. A partial list is offered: Thetransmission of culture, allocation of individuals to positionsin society, urbanization and suburbanization, the Negro revolution,political change in the community, naon and world, the roleof the schools in producing Change, cultural diversity and social change,the school as a means of social mobility.

This is not an exciting book to readbut it is an informing one. The author is a careful researcher anda cautious writer impassioned statementsare few. The final chapter, "The Role of the School in an Emerging World Community"does not offer any particular new insight, but it isa well reasoned statement in support of a more global outlook in Americaneducation.

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