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Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962
Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2021 “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael R. Hogan West Virginia University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Part of the African History Commons Recommended Citation Hogan, Michael R., "“Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962" (2021). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 8264. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/8264 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael Robert Hogan Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In History Robert M. -
Maori and Aotearoa/New Zealand's 1981 Springbok Tour
Kunapipi Volume 23 Issue 1 Article 13 2001 ‘Almost the same, but not quite.... Almost the same, but not white’ : Maori and Aotearoa/New Zealand’s 1981 Springbok Tour Malcolm Maclean Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.uow.edu.au/kunapipi Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Recommended Citation Maclean, Malcolm, ‘Almost the same, but not quite.... Almost the same, but not white’ : Maori and Aotearoa/New Zealand’s 1981 Springbok Tour, Kunapipi, 23(1), 2001. Available at:https://ro.uow.edu.au/kunapipi/vol23/iss1/13 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] ‘Almost the same, but not quite.... Almost the same, but not white’ : Maori and Aotearoa/New Zealand’s 1981 Springbok Tour Abstract The contradictions exposed by Maori responses to the 1981 Springbok rugby tour are clearly seen on the East Coast of New Zealand’s North Island, as they were in every other iwi.1 The Springboks were welcomed at Te Poho-o-Rawiri marae at the same time as other Ngati Porou, Rongowhakaata and other local Maori were spreading broken glass across the playing field at Gisborne’s Rugby Park — the visitors were told in no uncertain terms that they would not be welcomed again. Others from the region could not see the problem. Rugby great, George Nepia, said in 1985 ‘we have got what we wanted — the Maori in All Black teams that play in South Africa. I can’t make out why other teams can visit South Africa without all the fuss’ (Romanos 39). -
The Immediate and Long-Term Effects of Namibia's Colonization Process
The Immediate and Long-Term Effects of Namibia’s Colonization Process By: Jonathan Baker Honors Capstone Through Professor Taylor Politics of Sub-Saharan Africa Baker, 2 Table of Contents I. Authors Note II. Introduction III. Pre-Colonization IV. Colonization by Germany V. Colonization by South Africa VI. The Struggle for Independence VII. The Decolonization Process VIII. Political Changes- A Reaction to Colonization IX. Immediate Economic Changes Brought on by Independence X. Long Term Political Effects (of Colonization) XI. Long Term Cultural Effects XII. Long Term Economic Effects XIII. Prospects for the Future XIV. Conclusion XV. Bibliography XVI. Appendices Baker, 3 I. Author’s Note I learned such a great deal from this entire honors capstone project, that all the knowledge I have acquired can hardly be covered by what I wrote in these 50 pages. I learned so much more that I was not able to share both about Namibia and myself. I can now claim that I am knowledgeable about nearly all areas of Namibian history and life. I certainly am no expert, but after all of this research I can certainly consider myself reliable. I have never had such an extensive knowledge before of one academic area as a result of a school project. I also learned a lot about myself through this project. I learned how I can motivate myself to work, and I learned how I perform when I have to organize such a long and complicated paper, just to name a couple of things. The strange inability to be able to include everything I learned from doing this project is the reason for some of the more random appendices at the end, as I have a passion for both numbers and trivia. -
World Against Apartheid
World Against Apartheid http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.nuun1971_09 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org World Against Apartheid Alternative title Notes and Documents - United Nations Centre Against ApartheidNo. 10/71 Author/Creator United Nations Centre against Apartheid Publisher Department of Political and Security Council Affairs Date 1971-03-00 Resource type Reports Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa, Zambia, Australia, Japan, New Zealand Coverage (temporal) 1971 Source Northwestern University Libraries Description CONTENTS. INTERNATIONAL. South Africa again excluded from Davis Cup. ISMUN Southern Africa campaign. World Council of Churches reaffirms support for programme to combat racism. -
The Role and Application of the Union Defence Force in the Suppression of Internal Unrest, 1912 - 1945
THE ROLE AND APPLICATION OF THE UNION DEFENCE FORCE IN THE SUPPRESSION OF INTERNAL UNREST, 1912 - 1945 Andries Marius Fokkens Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Military Science (Military History) at the Military Academy, Saldanha, Faculty of Military Science, Stellenbosch University. Supervisor: Lieutenant Colonel (Prof.) G.E. Visser Co-supervisor: Dr. W.P. Visser Date of Submission: September 2006 ii Declaration I, the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained in this thesis is my own original work and that I have not previously submitted it, in its entirety or in part, to any university for a degree. Signature:…………………….. Date:………………………….. iii ABSTRACT The use of military force to suppress internal unrest has been an integral part of South African history. The European colonisation of South Africa from 1652 was facilitated by the use of force. Boer commandos and British military regiments and volunteer units enforced the peace in outlying areas and fought against the indigenous population as did other colonial powers such as France in North Africa and Germany in German South West Africa, to name but a few. The period 1912 to 1945 is no exception, but with the difference that military force was used to suppress uprisings of white citizens as well. White industrial workers experienced this military suppression in 1907, 1913, 1914 and 1922 when they went on strike. Job insecurity and wages were the main causes of the strikes and militant actions from the strikers forced the government to use military force when the police failed to maintain law and order. -
Prague Papers on International Relations
Divided union: South African nationalist opposition from 1939 to 1943 Mikuláš Touška1 ABSTRACT South Africa’s participation in World War II was accompanied by a specific and, to some extent, par- adoxical development. The declaration of war on Germany alongside Great Britain and other domin- ions was preceded by a government crisis that resulted in the collapse of Hertzog’s cabinet. The new coalition government led by Hertzog’s long-time political rival Jan Smuts had to face strong nation- alist opposition. This opposition supported by Nazi Germany was extensive but fragmented, causing it to be defeated in the 1943 elections. However, this defeat led to a paradoxical result. The ultra-con- servative and fiercely anti-British politician D.F. Malan became the undisputed leader of the oppo- sition and capitalized on his position to clinch an electoral victory in 1948. The goal of this paper is to identify the reasons for this paradoxical development based on the analysis of both the activities of various opposition groups and personal animosities among their leaders. The analysis is based on the existing literature as well as on archival materials, in particular the reports of South African counterintelligence. KEYWORDS Union of South Africa, Second World War, United Party, National Party, Afrikaner Party, James Barry Munnik Hertzog, Jan Christiaan Smuts, Daniel François Malan. “WHITE UNITY” The period after 1910 until the mid-30s in the Union’s political development is char- acterized by Afrikaners’ rising influence. Although English-speaking white South Africans represented about 40 percent of the Union’s white population, their impact on politics gradually declined as they focused mainly on the economy.2 It should be noted that there was no “British” political party on the South African political scene that might have constituted an adequate rival to the Afrikaner nationalists. -
Afrikaner Volksparty Nr 1:2009 (Januarie)
Nuusblad van die Afrikaner Volksparty Nr 1:2009 (Januarie) R5 -00 _______________________________________________________________________________________________ _ IN HIERDIE UITGAWE Wat is Judaïsme en watter Brandstofpryse en die afgelope Die rol van Radio Pretoria in die rol vertolk dit versus aanpassings daarvan – bl 9 Afrikanervryheidstryd - bl 9 Kommunisme en Sionisme - bl 4 Revolusie: die ooreenkoms Die groot leuen oor die ‘nuwe ’ tussen November 1917 en sakekamers, Afrikanerbanke en Grondhervorming in Suid -Afrika bl 8 Desember 2007 ––– bl 6 die Nuweland Maatskappy - – bl 5 DIE SESDE JAAP MARAIS GEDENKLESING Die sesde Jaap Marais Gedenklesing is deur die Afrikaner Volksparty in November deur die Leier van die Party, mnr Danie Varkevisser, aangebied waarna die Onderleier, dr Sydney Gregan, ‘n volledige oorsig oor huidige wêreldtoestande gelewer het. Die laserskyf met beide hierdie insette is beskikbaar by die Sekretaris, gegewens links onder in hierdie blad aangedui. Mnr Jaap Marais w as ‘n besonder begaafde man met ‘n verstand wat wyduiteenlopend kon onderskei op elke gebied waarin hy ‘n opinie moes aanbied. So was daar tevore reeds na vyf verskillende aspekte van sy bekwaamheidsvelde gekyk in die vyf vorige gedenklesings. “Dr Gregan het na hom gekyk as Afrikanernasionalis. Prof Adriaan Pont het na hom as Jaap Marais die m ens , gekyk. Mnr Willie Marais het hom as parlementariër beskryf. Prof HG vd Westhuizen het na mnr Jaap Marais as geloofsman gekyk. En mnr Meinhard Peters het mnr Marais as idealis in die Afrikanerpolitiek beskryf,” het mnr Varkevisser gesê. “Elkeen van hierdie gedenklesings is die gevolg van Jaap Marais se besondere begaafdheid, asook boeiende en opheffende leesstof waaruit die leser inspirasie put van ‘n man wat by uitstek uitgetroon het as ‘n waardige nasionalistiese leier. -
Paper 2, Question 4 Crisis of Apartheid
GREY COLLEGE SECONDARY HISTORY GRADE 12 PAPER 2, QUESTION 4 CRISIS OF APARTHEID 1. ANTI-APARTHEID MOVEMENTS IN BRITAIN AND IRELAND Apartheid was widely criticized internationally but little was done to force the South African government to abandon its policies. Anti-apartheid groups were formed by ordinary people in several European countries. They were outraged by the human rights abuses occurring in South Africa and tried to persuade their governments to take action. 1.1 BRITISH AAM A group of South African exiles and their British supporters called for a boycott on the import of South African goods like fruit and cigarettes. The AAM campaigned to end Apartheid by means of boycotts and isolating SA from international community. Set up the International Defence and Aid Fund (IDAF): In the 1980s the International Defence and Aid Fund (IDAF) funded state of emergency detentions smuggled R200 million into South Africa/ created a network of donors who funded the release of political prisoners/ From January 1985 IDAF funded 16 551 legal matters (e.g. detentions, common law prosecutions of street activists) 1.2 IRISH AAM (IAAM) Founded in 1964 One of the founders was Kader Asmal, an ANC exile - became Minister of Education Started sports, cultural, economic and academic boycotts. Gave direct support to liberation movements like ANC. 1 PW Botha's Rubicon speech (1985) forced the international community into action, which embarked on various forms of boycotts, sanctions and disinvestments against the apartheid regime. 2. BOYCOTTS 2.1 SPORT BOYCOTTS 2.1.1 IMPLEMENTATION The SA rugby team visited Britain in 1970. -
Institutional Racism and the Dynamics of Privilege in Public Health
Institutional Racism and the Dynamics of Privilege in Public Health A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Management at The University of Waikato by HEATHER ANNE CAME _____________________________________ 2012 ABSTRACT Institutional racism, a pattern of differential access to material resources and power determined by race, advantages one sector of the population while disadvantaging another. Such racism is not only about conspicuous acts of violence but can be carried in the hold of mono-cultural perspectives. Overt state violation of principles contributes to the backdrop against which much less overt yet insidious violations occur. New Zealand health policy is one such mono- cultural domain. It is dominated by western bio-medical discourses that preclude and under-value Māori,1 the indigenous peoples of this land, in the conceptualisation, structure, content, and processes of health policies, despite Te Tiriti o Waitangi2 guarantees to protect Māori interests. Since the 1980s, the Department of Health has committed to honouring the Treaty of Waitangi as the founding document of Māori-settler relationships and governance arrangements. Subsequent Waitangi Tribunal reports, produced by an independent Commission of Inquiry have documented the often-illegal actions of successive governments advancing the interests of Pākehā3 at the expense of Māori. Institutional controls have not prevented inequities between Māori and non-Māori across a plethora of social and economic indicators. Activist scholars work to expose and transform perceived inequities. My research interest lies in how Crown Ministers and officials within the public health sector practice institutional racism and privilege and how it can be transformed. -
The Long Shadow of the 1981 Springbok Tour of New Zealand and the United States of America
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Stellenbosch University SUNScholar Repository “Barbed-Wire Boks”: The Long Shadow of the 1981 Springbok Tour of New Zealand and the United States of America by Sebastian Johann Shore Potgieter Thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts and Social Sciences in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Prof. Albert Grundlingh March 2017 Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za DECLARATION By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. March 2017 Copyright © 2017 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za ABSTRACT In 1981, during the height of apartheid, the South African national rugby team, the Springboks, toured to New Zealand and the United States of America. In South Africa, the tour was expected to reopen the doors to international competition for the Springboks after an anti-apartheid sporting boycott had forced the sport into relative isolation during the 1970s. In the face of much international condemnation, the Springboks toured to New Zealand and the USA in 1981 where they encountered large and often violent demonstrations as those who opposed the tour attempted to scuttle it. -
Apartheid and South African-Israeli Rugby
86 AUTHOR: “A PARTNERSHIP IN THE Hendrik Snyders1 AFFILIATION: CHALLENGES FACING US”- 1Research Associate, APARTHEID AND SOUTH Department of History, AFRICAN-ISRAELI RUGBY University of Stellenbosch and Head of Department of RELATIONS, C. 1948 – 1989 History, National Museum Bloemfontein EMAIL: ABSTRACT [email protected] By all accounts, South Africans played a critical role in the establishment and development of rugby in Israel from DOI: https://dx.doi. the 1950s onwards. According to the available evidence, org/10.18820/24150509/ a formal relationship between the South African Rugby SJCH46.v1.5 Football Board and the Israel Rugby Football Union was only concluded 20 years later. Because of this ISSN 0258-2422 (Print) friendship, various reciprocal exchange tours involving ISSN 2415-0509 (Online) both university and provincial rugby union teams Southern Journal for and the Israeli national team took place. In addition, Contemporary History between 1981- 1994, the South African Maccabean 2021 46(1):86-106 rugby team successfully participated in the Maccabean Games. Since this contact was in contravention of PUBLISHED: the international sports boycott against the apartheid state, the United Nations Committee Against Apartheid 23 July 2021 blacklisted various Israeli sports organisations and individuals at a time that Israel found itself at odds with a significant number of countries globally about the Palestinian Question. Given the international dilemmas faced by both countries as isolated and pariah states, their relations eventually extended beyond rugby. This article investigates the intersection of apartheid and Palestinian politics, rugby and the relationship between South Africa and Israel against the backdrop of increased diplomatic, military and other sanctions. -
The Anti-Apartheid Movements in Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand
The anti-apartheid movements in Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand By Peter Limb Introduction The history of the anti-apartheid movement(s) (AAM) in Aotearoa/New Zealand and Australia is one of multi-faceted solidarity action with strong international, but also regional and historical dimensions that gave it specific features, most notably the role of sports sanctions and the relationship of indigenous peoples’ struggles to the AAM. Most writings on the movement in Australia are in the form of memoirs, though Christine Jennett in 1989 produced an analysis of it as a social movement. New Zealand too has insightful memoirs and fine studies of the divisive 1981 rugby tour. The movement’s internal history is less known. This chapter is the first history of the movement in both countries. It explains the movement’s nature, details its history, and discusses its significance and lessons.1 The movement was a complex mosaic of bodies of diverse forms: there was never a singular, centralised organisation. Components included specific anti-apartheid groups, some of them loose coalitions, others tightly focused, and broader supportive organisations such as unions, churches and NGOs. If activists came largely from left- wing, union, student, church and South African communities, supporters came from a broader social range. The liberation movement was connected organically not only through politics, but also via the presence of South Africans, prominent in Australia, if rather less so in New Zealand. The political configuration of each country influenced choice of alliance and depth of interrelationships. Forms of struggle varied over time and place. There were internal contradictions and divisive issues, and questions around tactics, armed struggle and sanctions, and how to relate to internal racism.