New Zealand Opposition to

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Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org New Zealand Opposition to Apartheid

Alternative title Notes and Documents - United Nations Centre Against ApartheidNo. 36/71 Author/Creator United Nations Centre against Apartheid; Newnham, Tom Publisher Department of Political and Security Council Affairs Date 1971-08-00 Resource type Reports Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) , New Zealand Coverage (temporal) 1971 Source Northwestern University Libraries Description This paper on New Zealand opposition to apartheid is the fifth in a series prepared in pursuance of a request by the Special Committee on Apartheid to publicize anti-apartheid activities around the world. Previous publications include: "Scandinavian opposition to apartheid". No. 23/70; "Irish opposition to apartheid". No. 3/71; "World against apartheid", No. 10/71; and "Netherlands opposition to apartheid". No. 31/71. Format extent 12 page(s) (length/size)

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http://www.aluka.org NOTES AND DOCUMENTS*

NOTES AND DOCUMENTS* N37 ZPALAND OPPOSITION TO APATe D by Tom fAPR 2 i972 Tr; *".An E ote: This paper on New Zealand opposition to apartheid is the fifth in a series prepared in pursuance of a request by the Special Committee on Ujz eid tO publicize anti-apartheid activities around the world. Previous publications include: "Scandinavian opposition to apartheid", No. 23/70; "Irish opposition to a , No. 3/71; "Wforld against apartheid", No. 10/71; and "Netherlands Opposition to apartheid", No. 31/71. Mr. Newnham is the Secretary of the New Zealand Citizens' Association fqr Placial Equality (CWRE), which has been active in opposing sporting contacts with Mcially selected South African teams and in favour of the implementation of United Nations resolutions on apartheid. A former high school teacher and teachers' 002.ege lecturer, he is now educational editor for a large publishing firm. He is tie author of numerous social studies texts for high schools, several of which have been translated into other languages. The opinions expressed are those of the author.7 *All material In these notes and documents may be freely reprinted. Ackrowledgement, together with a copy of the publication containing the reprint, would be appreciated. lio. 36/71 August 1973.

NEW'T ZEALAND OPPOSITION TO APARTHEID Although the anti-apartheid movement in New Zealand is strong and is growing vigorously, it has to contend with both apathy and deep-seated pro-apartheid sentiment. As one of the most famous present-day New Zealanders, Sir Edmund Hillary, said recently: "New Zealand is unfortunately one of the few countries where South African apartheid can be supported without causing a public outcry or political suicide. While we pride ourselves on our race relations at hcme we directly or indirectly support the policies of the South African Government. New Zealanders have, of course,been fairly extensively brainwashed by South Africa to attain direct or indirect support for apartheid, and we seem to have responded as Soutn Africa intended." 1/ Another eminent national figure, the Ombudsman, Sir Guy Powles, put it another way three years ago when he spoke to the Wellingtoh Teachers' College on November 8, 1968: "There is one thing that I do not think we understand in New Zealand very much. I do not think we realize the extent, the depth, and the strength, and the bitterness of the feelings of all the Coloured peoples of the world about this principle of gartheid. Earlier this year I went away travelling round the world, and I did come to feel that New Zealand was out of the main stream of world thought and opinion, wrapped up in itself, away down in the South Pacific, getting along rather nicely, thank you, and not really aware of what the world is thinking." Colonial past To seek reasons for this unfortunate state of affairs we must look into the historical backgrounds of both New Zealand and South Africa, where we find evidence of similar colonial experiences. In both countries an indigenous non-white population has been confronted by European migrant settlers who have assumed power following a period of interaction which has involved armed conflict. The natives have lost control of most of the land in both countries, but in New Zealand where they number today less than 10% of the total population they have legal and political, l/ Sir Edmund Hillary, speaking to the annual meeting of Volunteer Service Abroad. Star, Auckland, July 5, 1971. ,?/ Personal communication to the author. July 22, 1971. 71-1621o0

- 2 if not economic and full social, equality. In South Africa, where the white/non- white ratio is roughly the reverse, with the whites outnumbered by about seven to one, the non-whites have been stripped of every basic human right as well as most of the land. Propaganda for apartheid Many white New Zealanders frankly express the opinion that if they wer outnumbered in their country as the whites are in South Africa, then they would seriously consider apartheid as a way of life for New Zealand. The South African Consul-General tirelessly moves around the country addressing meetings and by implication he makes the same point: "Apartheid...is a fair, just solution to the problem of different races living in the same geographic area... numbers are critical...population ratio has an important bearing on the subject, thus race problems only appeared in the United Kingdom when population ratio rose above a critical level." 5/ This is the sort of brainwashing referred to by Sir Edmund Hillary, which has been so effective. Many New Zealanders feel that the South African Consulate in Wellington should be closed in conformity with United Nations resolutions. Others, including the New Zealand Race Relations Council, have called for the Government to warn the Consulate to confine itself strictly to its diplomatic functions 3_/. Humanitarianism Both New Zealand and South Africa were influenced by the powerful humanitarian movement which influenced British colonial policy in the last century, but whereas equality has become the basis of New Zealand race relationships, white supremacy has won out in South Africa. Yet, as Professor M.P.K. Sorrenson points out: "Though New Zealandts race policies in the twentieth century have proceeded in the opposite direction (from South Africa's), New Zealand opinion has been slow to react to the growing inhumanity of South Africa's race discrimination." 5/ Even the Chairman of the New Zealand Maori Council, Sir Turi Carroll, when speaking in support of the proposed tour of South Afri in 1970 to play against an all-white South African team, said: 3/ Address to Wellington Rotary Club. Dominion, February 2, 1971. Also address to Gore Tin Hat Club, Mataura Ensign, February 23, 1971, and numerous other occasions. 4/ New Zealand Race Relations Council Annual Conference, Christchurch, February 1971. 5/ A Survey of Ne Zealand's Relationships with Southern Africa, M.P.K. Sorrenson. New Zealand Race Relations Council, P.O. Box 3883, Welling

- 3 "It has taken the Maori 100 years to get where we are in our own country. As far as South Africa is concerned, it may take another 200 years." 6/ This statement was hotly contested by other Maori leaders but nevertheless the New Zealand Haori Counci, which is the most prestigious Maori organization in the country,did not disassociate itself from this view nor alter its support for the tour. S portinp, contacts with South Africa A common sporting tTadition between the two countries is, in fact, another historical accident which has been very important in shaping current New Zealand attitudes to South Africa. Contacts have been mainly in rugby football and cricket, but more recently in a wide range of sports as South Africans have found other opportunities restricted because of the United Nations boycott. In both countries, rugby assumes such an important role in the daily life of the people that it has been referred to as a religion. It is commonly accepted in both countries that they compete for the "World Rugby Crown" although in fact on many occasions both the Springboks and the All Blacks have been defeated by other countries. Until 1970, non-white rugby players were excluded from the periodic rugby internationals between New Zealand and South Africa. As Sorrenson states: "The fact that Maoris were excluded on grounds of race, solely to conform to the conventions of segregated sport in South Africa, did not arouse any widespread expression of dissatisfaction in New Zealand. It was considered far more important to continue the contest for rugby supremacy, even though New Zealand's teams to South Africa were not fully reoresentative." 7/ 1960 All Black tour protest In the quotation above, Professor Sorrenson is referring to the period before 1959. During that year, with an All Black tour of South Africa under the usual racist terms planned for 1960, a very strong protest movement swept Newr Zealand. It was supported by a broad spectrum of church, trade union and other groups, co- ordinated by an ad hoc national body - the Citizens All Black Tour Committee (CABTA). Its rallying slogan was "No Maoris - No Tour", and a petition to Parliament to this effect was signed by nearly 2C0,000 people. 6/ Press, Christchurch, October 13, 1969. 7/ Sorrenson, op.cit.

- 4 At the same time in South Africa, the non-racial South African Sports Association (SASA), under the leadership of Dennis Brutus and others, protested vigorously and persistently to the New Zealand Rugby Union and to the New Zealand Prime ilinister, Mr. Nash. It launched its own petition protesting against "the racial exclusion of Rlaoris and non-white South Africans from the proposed tour" and appealing for the intervention of the New Zealand Prime 1iinister in the interests of fair play and justice. The homes of SASA officials were raided in South Africa and a portion of their petition was seized by the Security Police, but the remaining 7,864. signatures reached Ner Zealand safely and vere forwarded to the Prime Minister 8. I Nevertheless, this tour proceeded on a racist basis, although a number of young protesters in New Zealand continued their efforts to the end by racing across the tarmac as the aircraft took off with the rugby players. Citizens' Association for Racial Equality (CARE) CABTA, which had been based in Wellington but had established branches throughout the country, proceeded to wind up its affairs. It had done its rork well, for even at this stage there was a strong feeling abroad that no more New Zealand rugby teams would ever exclude liaoris from selection, and this proved to be the case. In Auckland a move was made to transform the CABTA branch into a permanent organization known as the Citizens' Association for Racial Equality (CARE). This proved premature, but five years later such an organization, aiming to oppose racism both at home and abroad, was established. Since then CARE has spearheaded the anti-apartheid movement in New Zealand and become a household word, with affiliated and kindred organizations springing up in most New Zealand cities. In the intervening years, however, it was largely the work of individuals such as Richard Thompson, Reader in Sociology at the University of Canterbury, that kept the a2artihed sport issue alive. In many articles, and in books such as Race and Sport (1964), he kept the issues before both the Newr Zealand publi-c and many others overseas. He later became Vice-President of Christchurch CARE. Cancellation of the 1967 All Black tour of South Africa In 1965, the all-white Springboks paid their return visit to New Zealand. CARE opposed the tour with press statements and public meetings, and called for a boycott, but this met with little response, to some extent because of a widespread feeling,which arose from the Springboks' ostentatious fraternizing with the Maoris, that they were about to invite a fully representative New Zealend team to South Africa. Then Dr. Verwoerd announced that visitors to South Africa would have "to behave in accordance with our customs". It was clear that this meant iaoris were not welcome in the proposed 1967 All Black touring side which was scheduled to visit South Africa. 8_/ Race and Sort, Richard Thompson. Oxford University Press, 1964, p. 47.

- 5 The New Zealand Prime Hlinister, Mr. Holyoake, then expressed the Governm.qent!s view that if iaoris were to be excluded from selection, a fundwieintal principle of 1'Mew Zealand's way of life would be compromised, and 'shortly after that the Wei Zealand Rugby Union cancelled the proposed tour. There wrere to be no further rugby rours of South Africa unless the South Africans agreed to accept a fully representative team, including any llaoris who were selected. 1970 All Black tour controversy It soon became clear that this boycott wras having an effect, and some of the stateLents of the new South African Prime M1inister, hr. Vorster, were interpreted as meaning that South Africa would not interfere wvith the selection of the All Blacks. The Deputy Prime inister of New Zealand, Mr. Marshall, visited South Africa in November 1967 and had secret discussions with iir. Vorster on the possibility of a '1970 AllBlack team including haoris being accepted by South Africa. Both lir. Marshall and the Neir Zealand Rugby Union to whom he reported were apparently satisfied with 1r. Vorster's assurances, and preparations for the tour continued. It was not long, however, before voices wrere raised against the tour and, significantly, they were Iiaori voices. At its Annual Conference in Auck1land in ay 1(68, the New Zealand Federation of Maori Students voted against the tour, irrespective of -.7hether MUaoris were to be included in the team or not. As its President, ffi Jackson, said at the time: "It would be wrong for iiaoris to go to South Africa. How can re, a Coloured people., go to a country that practises apartheid?' This -Was world news, and 11r. Dennis Drutus, President of the South African Ton-Racial Olympic Committee (SAIN-nOC), irho was in Teheran attending the International Conference on Human Rights, imediately rote a congratulatory letter to !Ir. Jackson which was passed on to the CARE i'ianagement Committee. The Committee determined to launch a 'ational campaign of opposition to the 1970 All Black Tour, which duly opened in the Auckl]and Town Hall on August 5, 1968. Among the speakers was 1.r. Jackson, who said: "I express disapointryent that this move has- not come initially from the European side o : the population. It is the voice of Iew Zealand that I should like to have heard going around the world against this tour, rather than the voice of the I-aori, as an illu'stration of the strength of the relations between our peoples... No Ilaori shoiuld go to South Africa, for how can we, when seeking equality, when wanting equality ourselves, go to a country which actively denies another Coloured people, solely on the grounds of colour, the rights wre either enjoy, want extended, or are striving to achieve for ourselves?... If ilaoris do go, they will be going for the entertainment and ego- satisfaction of a white minority, and ,ill travel under the fictitious and very temporary guise of havin; achicved that much sought after status of a 7 aite skin...

- 6 Our country should assert its capacity to make moral decisions. It should not, for the sake of expediency, deny the tradition of harmonious race relations that we have built up. What is morally rong cannot be politically right." 2/ Development of the campaign Thereupon a protest movementwhich in the end equalled that of 1960, built up with considerable speed. In fact, at an early stage, because of the rejection by South Africa of the 11CC cricket team which included the Coloured player, Basil D'Cliveira, it appeared that the All Black tour was doomed. CARE pointed out the obvious similarities in the situation facing the New Zealand Rugby Union to that which had faced the 11CC. But at this point the Deputy Prime Iiinister, Hr. Marshall, disclosed the nature of his talks with Mr. Vorster mentioned above and the critics were again ignored. However, the nation-wide campaign was energetically pursued. An unprecedented debate took place in the press, radio, television, churches, trade unions, universities and schools. Two important overseas speakers were invited to New Zealand by CARE - Dennis Brutus, President of SAN-ROC, and Judith Todd, the journalist, writer and fighter for human rights in Zimbabwe, who was of New Zealand origin. Both speakers undertook very strenuous tours of the country and had tremendous impact. The debate continued, but in an unreal way. The Rugby Union would not take part, while the Government maintained it was not concerned with sporting matters. A very large and impressive list of organizations oppose the tour, including the National Council of Churches, the Federation of Labour, and the newly formed Pace Relations Council and the Halt All Racist Tours (IHART) Organization, which sprang originally from a decision of the National Conference of the New Zealand University Students' Association and, to some extent, acted as an umbrella group for the tour opposition. HART organized numerous impressive street marches and deputations and developed contacts with anti-apartheid groups overseas. Its National President, Trevor Richards, moved indefatigably around the country, organizing student opposition in particular. A number of Labour Members of Parliament, including the four Maori liembers of Parliament, came out against the tour. Though the Maori Advisory Board of the Rugby Union and the New Zealand Haori Council supported the tou (the latter in the face of protests from some of its District Councils), 2/ I'm Against 1970 Tour, S. Jackson. CARE, Box 2794, Auckland. 1968

- 7 the I.aori 1omen's ITelfare League and aori student and graduate groups opposed it. The rugby establishment remained solidly behind the tour and few players expressed opposition, but Ken Gray, an All Black, announced that he was not available to tour because of his opposition to aartheid. Yet another leading player, Bob Burgess, withdrew from the selection trials for the same reason 10/. The Goverruent remained adamant that it was not involved. I-larches, petitions to Parliament, an injunction proceeding in the courts and a large and impressive deputation to the Prime inister led by the President of the Federation of Labour, !Jr. Skinner, and the Anglican i3ishop of Auckland, the Right reverend E.A. Gowing, together with representatives of 33 national organizations, failed to divert the Goverrmient from its stance of "1non-interference". In the end the Prime Minister, the Deputy Leader of the Opposition (the Leader being overseas at the time) and other Members of Parliament officially bid farewell to the All Blacks in the usual manner. A number of Labour Ilembers of Parliament boycotted the function and hundreds of protesters demonstrated outside Parliament Buildings where the function was being held. The protests continued at 7ellington Airport on the following morning as the team departed for South Africa. In all, 46 demonstrators were arrested during these three days and one, Tim Shadbolt, who had leaped over the fence and raced on to the tarmac as the plane departed, served a month in prison rather than pay the fine which was imposed by the court for his protest l/. Ceaseless pressure There was a short lull as the rugby tour proceeded, but the antiapartheid movement made it clear that it would maintain constant opposition to each and every racist tour which was planned. During the anti-rugby tour campaign, the United Nations General Assembly had in December 1968 called for a sports boycott against racist South African teams and over the next two years this call met with remarkable success in most parts of the world. The effect was noticed in New Zealand, hich still kept the doors open however. It vas evident early in 1971 that the racist South African sports bodies denied entry elsewhere were devoting more and more attention to New Zealand. The first-ever Surf Life Saving Test between South Africa and New Zealand was held in March 1971, in spite of a large protest demonstration. At that time nine other sports exchanges were planned between racist South African teams and their New Zealand counterparts. 10/ ilr. Burgess became a star All Blackc in 1971. : e Wole Uorld Watches, A. Taylor. Cockeril Print, Dox 2538, ';Telling-ton, p. 34.

- 8 - Nelxt in line was women's hockey. The New Zealand Iromen's Hockey Association, acting as hosts for the quadrennial tournament of the International lederation of Homen's Hoc]:ey Associations, had invited a racist South African tearl to take part. Non-wrhite nations, notably India and Ialaysia, threatened tc boycott the tournamcnt as a result and this, together with the tremendous demonstrations which were takinrg place at that time in Australia against the racis- South African rugby tea1 which was touring that country, and the announced determination of HA11T and CAflE to protest if the South African racist. women's hockey tean came to New Zealand, forced the 'jithdrawral of the South African teas. just a month before the tournanent w[as due to begin. At the time of iritinG, the fifth Commonwealth Golf Tournament (hastily renamed the Centennial Tournament, ten years after South Africa quit the Commonwealth) is due to take place with a racist South African team in Auckland in October 1971. Vigorous protests are planned. On July 14, a deputation led by Er. Richards of HAT and 11r. Newnvham of CAPE, and supported by the Federation of Labour and 25 other organizations, met the Prime Hdinister and the Leader of the Opposition and called for the Government to convene a national conference of all sports bodies with ties with racist South African snorts bodies, together rith other organizations which are concerned about these ties, in order to promote complete Hew Zealand support for the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Olympic Principles. H1r. Richard:s presented a statement of support signed .,by a very large' nufber of leaders of the nation, including 15 Labour fiembers of Parliament. The New Zealand anti-ar art-heid n-ovenent gained much strength about this time f'rom additional visits from overseas speakers, notably the Right Teverend C.E. Crorther, former Bishop of Kinberley and KIurumian, South Africa, who visited twice, and hr. Antony Abrahams of the Australian rugby team. Tradinr-i ties with South Africa Since the first United Nations call for a trade boycott of South Africa, numerous organizations in iew Zealand, including the Federation of Labour, the Tewr Zealand University Students' Association and anti-apartheid groups, have spported the call in principle, but no co-ordinated effort has been made. ' CA-nE pub1lisheC a leaflet in 1)65 calling for a trade boycott of South Africa. At the Tei, Zealand fLace felations, Council's annual conference in Christchurch in February 1971, Pro'essor iI.P.K. Sorrenson of the University of Auckland tabled a report which he had prepared on behalf of the Council entitled "A Survey of New Zealand's felations with Southern Africa". This report devoted considerable attention to the question of measures which could be taken in the econoric as well as other fields against the aparheiad r6gime in South Africa. - 9 In July 1971 an Auartheid Information Service was established in Auckland following a meeting of church, student and citizens' organization representatives. The service has been assured of trade union and other support. It is planning a vigorous campaign, both on a broad front and at selective targets. Attitude of the -political narties Both the ruling 11ational Party and the Opposition Labour Party have expressed their abhorrence of apartheid on countless occasions. Although individual Government Ilebers of Parliament have expressed support for South African apartheid policies, the Government's official position is more accurately reflected in a significant switch of voting in the international forums in early 1971. A resolution which condemned anartheid and called the application of it a "crime against humanity" and athreatto international peace and security cmie before the United Nations Comaission on Humxan Rights and New Zealand abstained. A few months later, when the same resolution came before the Economic and Social Council, the New Zealand delegate announced that altho.Ugh Neu Zealand did not agree that it was appropriate for the Council. to declare apartheid a 'brine against humanity", it would cast a vote hich would leave no misunderstanding about Newr Zealand's basic attitude: New-T Zealand voted for the resolution. The delegate, 11r. Scott, went on to say: "He 'shall give the general intention of this resolution our positive support with the hope and the promise that we shall do all in our power to bring an end to racial discrimination anywhere." New Zealand's switch on this question was hailed as a welcome development not only by a nuber of African and Asian countries but also by the press and public generally in 11ew Zealand. Although the Government voted for the establishment of the United Nations Trust Fund for the victims of partleid, it has not yet seen fit to make a contribution. The New Zealand Defence and Aid a-und, which is affiliated to the International Defence and Aid Fund, has taken this question as its major effort for 1971, the International Year for Action to Combat "Hacism and Racial Discrimination, and is calling on the public to appeal to the Goverrmient to make a substantial contribution. The Opposition Labour Party has pledged that on gaining power it would ensure that New Zealand made a proper contribution to the Trust Fund. Some Labour Parliamentarians, especially the Hlaori, are outspoken opponents of apartheid and are prepared to go further, taking such actions as the boycotting of official functions such as those arranged for visiting South African Parliamentarians and the farewell to the 1970 Hew Zealand rugby team which toured South Africa. The Party leadership has tended to support these functions and has been strongly criticised for this by its youth uing.

The future of the New Zealand anti-apartheid movement Although the anti-a.partheid movement is not financially strong and has no full- time workers, it commands idespread -support and the specific comitment of a number of major organizations. The New Zealand Federation of Labour adopted a strong anti-apartheid stand at its 1960 Annual Conference. This has been reaffirmed at conferences held in 1965, 1967, 1969 and 1970, and the Federation leadership has always been in the forefront when action is called for. In February 1971, the National Secretary of the Federation, 11r. Knox, addressed the Hew Zealand Eace relations Council Annual Conference in Christchurch and made it clear that the Federation would actively support anti-.apathei. organizations in their efforts to unite and arouse public opinion on this important issue. The New Zealand National Council of Churches has also played a leading role in the movement and this will no doubt continue. It has made a contribution to the Uorld Council of Churches Fund to Combat Facism and has stood firm by this decision in the' face of virulent attacks by certain newspapers, individuals and groups. This has enabled individual churches to stand firm and make their oim contributions to the Fund. 1host 'active of all has been the New Zealand University Studentst Association. As mentioned earlier, it assisted in the formation of HAT and has provided secretarial, financial and other support for this organization. Through its international contacts, it has introduced resolutions at both the Association of Cormonwealth Students and the Asian Students' Association relating to sporting relations with South Africa and apartheid in cseneral. The few Zealand University Students' Association has alsc begun investigations into the connexions between LTew Zealand firms and South Africa, as a result of uhich the sale of Fothmiians tobacco products has been banned in a number of student buildings throughout New Zealand. There are many other groups dedicated to the anti-apartheid cause which cannot be listed here. In general, they are organizations representing iiaoris and other ethnic minorities, C ATE groups, United Nations associations and so on. They are loosely united through common membership of the New Zealand race Relations Council formed in 1970, which holds an annual conference in a different centre each year. Anti-a2artheid" workers know that Ner Zealand is only a small country and that our trading links with South Africa are not very significant. But we are also aware that the practitioners of apartheid depend on New Zealand for moral support, and that our sporting links are highly valued by them. They support a large consulate in this country, staffed by officers of top ranl- - so that in the 'struggle against aartheid, New Zealand has a very important role to polay. - 10

- 11 Furthermore, as citizens of a multiracial society ourselves, we are very much aware that, in the end, Newr Zealand society too will probably be made or broken by the South African experience. Leading columnist IT.P. Reeves has put it this way: "A racially mixed country like ours cannot pretend to be able to view South Africa in isolation. We can hardly protest that rigid separation of white and black is the ideal pattern of life for one country without something of that view sapping what sincerity there is in this country's advocacy and practice of racial integration." 12j Sir Guy Powles, in the address quoted earlier, said: "SJe should be awrare' of how our international posture affects our internal life. '.hether or not re have sporting relations with South Africa, and on what terms, whether or not wre have trade or diplomatic relations with that country, w-ill, in the long run, profoundly affect our own internal race relations. Ue must regard the proper growth and development of our own multiracial society, its growth in tolerance, understanding and love, as our erin.e objective, and by this mould our attitude to race questions in the wforld." There is therefore a sense of great urgency to be felt in the HTewv Zealand anti-anartheid movement which is reflected in the striking grolrth achieved during the past few years and in the sense of commitment with which it is facing the current challenges. 12/ ,.P. Reeves, "Latent Bias in Race Relations", Sunday Hews, July 4, 1971, p. 14.