Bigotry, Jury Failures, and the Supreme Court's Feeble Response

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Bigotry, Jury Failures, and the Supreme Court's Feeble Response Buffalo Law Review Volume 55 Number 3 Article 9 12-1-2007 Bigotry, Jury Failures, and the Supreme Court's Feeble Response George C. Thomas III Rutgers University, Newark Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/buffalolawreview Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons Recommended Citation George C. Thomas III, Bigotry, Jury Failures, and the Supreme Court's Feeble Response, 55 Buff. L. Rev. 947 (2007). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/buffalolawreview/vol55/iss3/9 This Essay is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Buffalo Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Bigotry, Jury Failures, and the Supreme Court's Feeble Response GEORGE C. THOMAS IIIt INTRODUCTION Early in the twentieth century, the United States Supreme Court faced five examples of fundamental failures in the criminal jury process.' In one case, the Court did nothing. In four cases, the Court attempted to intervene to save defendants who were probably innocent. In three of those cases, the Court provided relief, though ultimately defendants in each case served years in prison despite the Court's intervention. In one case, a lynch mob murdered the defendant after the Court had begun its intervention and before it could hear the case. When we examine these cases, four questions naturally arise. First, how could jurors convict on such weak evidence in capital cases? Were the jurors evil or corrupt, or was a more complex phenomenon at work? Second, why didn't the state courts provide remedies for these probably-innocent defendants? Third, why didn't the Supreme Court do more? Its intervention in one case was a weak response that did nothing to protect defendants from jury bigotry in future cases. In a second case, the intervention provided a partial remedy to the worst kind of abuses, but really only sent a message to the authorities to be more discreet when forcing black suspects to confess. The fourth question is the most important in a DNA era: Why has the Court still done t Distinguished Professor of Law and Judge Alexander P. Waugh Distinguished Scholar, Rutgers University, Newark. 1. Michael Klarman has written eloquently about four of these cases. Michael J. Klarman, The Racial Origins of Modern Criminal Procedure, 99 MICH. L. REV. 48 (2000). His interest was in seeing the connections between these cases and the criminal procedure doctrine that the Court would develop. My interest is asking the difficult question of why the Court has not done more to protect against jury failures. 947 948 BUFFALO LAW REVIEW [Vol. 55 almost nothing to remedy failures in criminal jury decision- making? We know that hundreds-if not thousands-of failures occur each year, and still the Court sits on its hands. This Essay will conclude that the time has finally come for the Court to face the problem of jury failures. The various procedural rights, such as the right to counsel, that the Court has provided criminal defendants do little to address the fundamental problem that juries make mistakes. What is needed, and what this Essay will recommend, is a mechanism that will screen out convictions where the risk of innocence is too great to allow the conviction to stand. I. ED JOHNSON In 1906, Nevada Taylor was twenty-one years old, blonde, and beautiful. 2 She lived with her father, brothers, and sister in a cottage in the Chattanooga, Tennessee Forest Hills Cemetery, where her father was the groundskeeper. 3 Towering over the cemetery was Lookout Mountain. At 6:00 P.M. on January 23, she was on her way home from work as a bookkeeper. 4 It was barely above freezing, and she took a shortcut to the cemetery. A man came up from behind her and "hurled her over the fence into the marble yard" of the cemetery.5 He put a leather strap around her neck and raped her on the cold ground.6 She later said that she "believed" he was black. When the newspapers reported the "brutal crime" committed by a "[n]egro fiend," 7 the city erupted in racist fury. Two days later, with two black suspects under arrest, a mob of perhaps 1,500 men gathered ominously around the county jail, "[f]ierce in its determination to wreak 2. MARK CURRIDEN & LEROY PHILLIPS, JR., CONTEMPT OF COURT: THE TURN- OF-THE-CENTURY LYNCHING THAT LAUNCHED 100 YEARS OF FEDERALISM 24 (1999). 3. Id. at 25. 4. Id.; see also Awful Crime at St. Elmo, CHATTANOOGA DAILY TIMES, Jan. 24, 1906, at 8, available at http://www.law.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/shipp/ newselmo.html. 5. Brutal Crime of Negro Fiend, CHATTANOOGA NEWS, Jan. 24, 1906, at 5. 6. Id. 7. Id. 2007] JURY FAIL URES 949 vengeance upon some negro, and not caring to any great extent what one . s"8The two black suspects were saved from lynching by the quick thinking of a criminal court judge who had earlier that day ordered the sheriff to take the prisoners to Nashville. Before that truth could be confirmed by a small group of the lynch mob, the county jail was badly damaged by bullets and hammers. 9 Lacking any concrete evidence against either suspect, the sheriff took Miss Taylor to Nashville to visit the jail where the suspects were being held. There, for about fifteen minutes, she observed the men, heard their voices, and saw them walk around the room.10 When the sheriff asked her if either man was the guilty party, Taylor said that Ed Johnson was like the attacker as she remembered him- that "it is [her] best knowledge and belief' that he was the man who had raped her.1' But, as the headline in the next day's ChattanoogaTimes newspaper conceded, this was not a completely positive identification.12 The details of the trial of Ed Johnson will appear in my forthcoming book. 13 For my purposes here, it suffices to note that the only credible evidence against Johnson was the testimony of Nevada Taylor, and she refused to swear that he was the man who raped her. 14 Instead, she would only say, as she had said in Nashville, that "[t]o the best of my knowledge and belief, he is the same man."'15 The same judge who had the suspects spirited out of 8. Law and Order Victorious Over Overwhelming Odds, CHATTANOOGA DAILY TIMES, Jan. 26, 1906, at 1, available at http://www.law.umkc.edu/faculty/ projects/ftrials/shipp/newslawandorder.html. 9. CURRIDEN & PHILLIPS, supra note 2, at 50-51. 10. Wheels of Justice Turn Fast in St. Elmo Assault Case, CHATTANOOGA SUNDAY TIMES, Jan. 28, 1906, at 10. 11. Id. 12. Id. (utilizing, as a subheading to the article, the phrase "Almost Positive Identification"). 13. GEORGE C. THOMAS III, THE SUPREME COURT ON TRIAL: HOW THE AMERICAN JUSTICE SYSTEM SACRIFICES INNOCENT DEFENDANTS (forthcoming 2008). 14. See Ed Johnson Jury Stands 8 to 4 for Conviction: Unable to Reach Agreement After Several Hours Spent in Deliberation, CHATTANOOGA DAILY TIMES, Feb. 9, 1906, at 5, available at http://www.law.umkc.edu/faculty/ projects/ftrials/shipp/news8to4.html [hereinafter Ed Johnson Jury]. 15. Id. 950 BUFFALO LAW REVIEW [Vol. 55 town appointed three capable, white defense lawyers, who staged a vigorous defense that included seventeen witnesses. These witnesses detailed every minute of how Johnson spent the afternoon when Taylor was raped. 16 If the defense witnesses were telling the truth, Johnson could not have been the rapist. At the conclusion of the trial, one of the jurors exclaimed: "I can't stand it any longer. I can't stand it."'17 After the jury was excused, the judge agreed to recall Taylor to the stand for another identification of the defendant. The same juror who had exclaimed earlier now leaned forward in the jury box "with tears streaming down his face .. and in a voice trembling with emotion, he cried: 'In God's name, Miss Taylor, tell us positively-is that the guilty negro? Can you say it-can you swear it?' ' 18 She would say only, "before God, I believe this is the guilty negro."'19 As she left the witness stand, "[e]vidences of weeping were heard on every side. '20 The initial jury deliberations produced a vote of 8-4 for conviction. At midnight, after four hours of deliberation, the judge permitted the jurors to go home for the evening. 2 1 The next morning the vote was 12-0 for conviction. 22 The headlines in the Chattanooga News for February 9, 1906 said all that needs to be said about the atmosphere in which Ed Johnson was tried and convicted: "The Jury Finds Ed Johnson Guilty; He Will Hang for His Fiendish Crime: Given the Full Benefit of Law, a Human Brute is Convicted. Announcement Calmly Received in Court Room." 23 Black lawyers represented Johnson vigorously on 16. See Law Taking its Course in the Case of Ed Johnson, CHATTANOOGA DAILY TIMES, Feb. 7, 1906, at 5. 17. Ed Johnson Jury, supra note 14. 18. Id. 19. Id. 20. Id. 21. Id. 22. Ed Johnson Sentenced to Die on March 13, CHATTANOOGA DAILY TIMES, Feb. 10, 1906, at 5, available at http://www.law.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ ftrials/shipp/newsejsenteneced.html. 23. The Jury Finds Ed Johnson Guilty; He Will Hang for His Fiendish Crime, CHATTANOOGA NEWS, Feb.
Recommended publications
  • 1921 Tulsa Race Riot Reconnaissance Survey
    1921 Tulsa Race Riot Reconnaissance Survey Final November 2005 National Park Service U.S. Department of the Interior CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 Summary Statement 1 Bac.ground and Purpose 1 HISTORIC CONTEXT 5 National Persp4l<live 5 1'k"Y v. f~u,on' World War I: 1896-1917 5 World W~r I and Postw~r ( r.: 1!1t7' EarIV 1920,; 8 Tulsa RaCR Riot 14 IIa<kground 14 TI\oe R~~ Riot 18 AIt. rmath 29 Socilot Political, lind Economic Impa<tsJRamlt;catlon, 32 INVENTORY 39 Survey Arf!a 39 Historic Greenwood Area 39 Anla Oubi" of HiOlorK G_nwood 40 The Tulsa Race Riot Maps 43 Slirvey Area Historic Resources 43 HI STORIC GREENWOOD AREA RESOURCeS 7J EVALUATION Of NATIONAL SIGNIFICANCE 91 Criteria for National Significance 91 Nalional Signifiunce EV;1lu;1tio.n 92 NMiol\ill Sionlflcao<e An.aIYS;s 92 Inl~ri ly E~alualion AnalY'is 95 {"",Iu,ion 98 Potenl l~1 M~na~menl Strategies for Resource Prote<tion 99 PREPARERS AND CONSULTANTS 103 BIBUOGRAPHY 105 APPENDIX A, Inventory of Elltant Cultural Resoun:es Associated with 1921 Tulsa Race Riot That Are Located Outside of Historic Greenwood Area 109 Maps 49 The African American S«tion. 1921 51 TI\oe Seed. of c..taotrophe 53 T.... Riot Erupt! SS ~I,.,t Blood 57 NiOhl Fiohlino 59 rM Inva.ion 01 iliad. TIll ... 61 TM fighl for Standp''''' Hill 63 W.II of fire 65 Arri~.. , of the Statl! Troop< 6 7 Fil'lal FiOlrtino ~nd M~,,;~I I.IIw 69 jii INTRODUCTION Summary Statement n~sed in its history.
    [Show full text]
  • Publicity and the De-Legitimation of Lynching∗
    \Judge Lynch" in the Court of Public Opinion: Publicity and the De-legitimation of Lynching∗ Michael Weaver Postdoctoral Fellow Department of Political Science University of British Columbiay [email protected] November 8, 2018 Abstract How does violence become publicly unacceptable? I address this question in the context of lynching in United States. Between 1880 and the 1930s, public discourse about lynching moved from open or tacit endorsement to widespread condemnation. I argue this occurred because of increasing publicity for lynchings. While locals justified nearby lynchings, publicity exposed lynching to distant, un-supportive audiences and allowed African Americans to safely articulate counter-narratives and condemnations. I test this argument using data on lynchings, rail networks, and newspaper coverage of lynchings in millions of issues across thousands of newspapers. I find that lynchings in counties with greater access to publicity (via rail networks) saw more and geographically dispersed coverage, that distant coverage was more critical, and that increased risk of media exposure may have reduced the incidence of lynching. I discuss how publicity could be a mechanism for strengthening or weakening justifications of violence in other contexts. ∗I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers, Gareth Nellis, Elisabeth Wood, Vesla Weaver, Steven Wilkinson, Nikhar Gaikwad, as well as participants in the Yale Comparative Politics Workshop, the 2015 Politics and History conference, the 2015 American Political Science Association conference, and the 2015 Berkeley Electoral Violence conference for helpful comments and advice. I would also like to thank my research assistants|Nina Shirole, Bahja Alammari, Emily Beatty, Andi Jordan, Emil Lauritsen, Emma Lodge, and Arian Zand|for their invaluable work on this project.
    [Show full text]
  • Criminal Trials As Morality Plays: Good and Evil
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Saint Louis University School of Law Research: Scholarship Commons Saint Louis University Law Journal Volume 55 Number 4 Front Page: Notes on the Nature of Article 11 the Headline Trial (Summer 2011) 2011 Criminal Trials as Morality Plays: Good and Evil George C. Thomas III Rutgers School of Law, Newark, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/lj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation George C. Thomas III, Criminal Trials as Morality Plays: Good and Evil, 55 St. Louis U. L.J. (2011). Available at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/lj/vol55/iss4/11 This Childress Lecture is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Saint Louis University Law Journal by an authorized editor of Scholarship Commons. For more information, please contact Susie Lee. SAINT LOUIS UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF LAW CRIMINAL TRIALS AS MORALITY PLAYS: GOOD AND EVIL GEORGE C. THOMAS III* INTRODUCTION It is trite, but true, that criminal trials function as morality plays. This helps explain the enduring popularity of the various iterations of Law and Order. The police almost always identify a guilty suspect and the prosecution almost always manages to get a conviction. The guilty are brought to justice. But famous trials are often vessels for a more complicated moral message. What exactly was the message sent by the Loeb and Leopold trial? Was it Clarence Darrow’s determinist claim that they were not to blame because their impulses were produced by forces outside of their control? Nature, he argued to the judge, “works in her own mysterious way, and we are her victims.”1 Or was the message the one sent by the sentence—life plus ninety-nine years— that no one is above the law?2 Or perhaps the judge’s decision not to impose the death penalty was a partial vindication of Darrow’s determinist claim.3 Was the message of the O.J.
    [Show full text]
  • Capital Punishment: Race, Poverty & Disadvantage
    CAPITAL PUNISHMENT: RACE, POVERTY & DISADVANTAGE Professor Stephen B. Bright Yale Law School Class One - Part Two A BRIEF HISTORICAL Resolved, That the love of man as manifested in PERSPECTIVE his actions to his fellows, whether in his public or private relations, has ever been the surest test of The death penalty, the criminal justice system the presence of God in the soul; that the degree in and today’s mass incarceration must be viewed in which the sacredness of human life has been the context of the role that the criminal justice exemplified in all ages of the world, has been the system has played with regard to race throughout truest index of the measure of human progress; American history – maintaining slavery; that in proportion as the tide of barbarism has permitting convict leasing, which perpetuated receded, a higher regard has been manifested for slavery well into the twentieth century; terrorism the God-given right to life, its inviolability has (lynchings and other racial violence) and Jim been strengthened in proportion to the Crow Justice. development of the intellect and moral sentiments, and that conscience, reason and revelation unite * * * their testimony against the continuance of a custom, barbarous in its origin, antichristian in its RESOLUTIONS PROPOSED FOR continuance, vindictive in its character, and ANTI-CAPITAL PUNISHMENT demoralizing in its tendencies. MEETING Resolved, That any settled custom, precept, October 7, 1858, Rochester, New York example or law, the observance of which necessarily tends to cheapen
    [Show full text]
  • Thirty Years of Lynching in the United States, 1889-1918
    vv THIRTY YEARS OF LYNCHING IN THE UNITED STATES 1889-1918 T>» Published by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People Notional Offict 70 Fifth Avenue, New York APRIL, 1919 PRICE - FIFTY CENTS LYNCHING PAMPHLETS* President Wilson’s Lynching and Mob Violence Pronouncement T (of July 26, 1918). Lynchings of May, 1918, in Brooks and Lowndes Counties, Georgia; an investigation by the N. A. A. C. P.; 8 pages. The Massacre of East St. Louis ; an account of an Investigation by W. E. Burg- hardt Du Bois and Martha Gruening, for the N. A. A. C. P., illustrated, 20 pages, reprinted from The Crisis for September, 1917. The Burning of Ell Person at Memphis, Tenn. ; an account taken from the Memphis daily papers of May 22, 23, 24 and June 3, 1917; 4 pages. The Burning of Ell Person at Memphis, Tenn.; an investigation by James Weldon Johnson for the N. A. A. C. P.; reprinted from The Crisis for July, 1917; 8 pages. The Lynching of Anthony Crawford (at Abbeville, S. C., October 21, 1916). Article by Roy Nash (then) Secretary, N. A. A. C. P.; reprinted from the Independent for December, 1916; 4 pages, large size. Notes on Lynching in the United States, compiled from The Crisis, 1912; 16 pages. Thirty Years of Lynching in the United States, 1889-1918, April,fl919; 105 pages, fifty cents, f The Fight Against Lynching; Anti-Lynching Work of the National Asso- ciation for the Advancement of Colored People for the year 1918; April, 1919; 20 pages, ten cents. * Copies of the pamphlets listed may be obtained from the Secretary of the Association, t Through a typographical error, this publication was advertised in the Association’s annual report (for 1018 ) at fifteen cents instead of fifty cents.
    [Show full text]
  • Black Femininity Through the White Speculum
    Black Femininity through the White Speculum: The Implications of Medicosocialism and the Disproportionate Regulation of Black Women’s Reproductive Autonomy By Imari Zhané Smith A thesis submitted to the Department of Women’s Studies for Graduation with Distinction Duke University Durham, North Carolina 2016 Table of Contents Abstract....................................................................................................................3 Introduction: #SayHerName..................................................................................4 A Medicosocial Dilemma: Being Alive, Woman, and Colored..........................14 Section One: Pro-Reproduction and Slavery......................................................19 Part I: Defining Black Femininity in the Context of Slavery........................................................20 Part II: Black Women as Living Cadavers....................................................................................27 Part III: Breeding a Black Labor Force.........................................................................................39 Section Two: Emancipation and Anti-Reproduction.........................................40 Part I: Freedom and the Depreciation of Black Reproduction.......................................................41 Part II: Methods for Reproductive Management via Margaret Sanger..........................................47 Part III: Tantalizing the Talented Tenth.........................................................................................52
    [Show full text]
  • Making a National Crime: the Transformation of US Lynching Politics 1883-1930
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Carolina Digital Repository Making a National Crime: The Transformation of US Lynching Politics 1883-1930 Charles Franklin Seguin A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Sociology. Chapel Hill 2016 Approved by: Kenneth Andrews Christopher Bail Frank Baumgartner Fitzhugh Brundage Neal Caren Charles Kurzman ©2016 Charles Franklin Seguin ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Charles Franklin Seguin: Making a National Crime: The Transformation of US Lynching Politics 1883-1930 Under the direction of Kenneth Andrews Between the Post-Civil War Reconstruction era and stretching into the beginning of the Civil Rights era, a dramatic shift occurred in the public representations of lynching. Lynching was originally framed as a form of rough justice and popular sovereignty—a necessary response to the heinous crimes of blacks and slow courts. But, over this period, roughly 1883-1930, lynching came to be understood as a form of brutality, anarchy, and “barbarism”. This dissertation addresses the causes and consequences of the changing meanings of lynching. I argue that lynching was increasingly criticized as lynch mobs victimized people from outside of the usual black Southern victims, and thus expanded the scope of anti-lynching politics. iii For Barbara Seguin iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Thanks are owed first and foremost to my adviser Kenneth Andrews who has been the best adviser and mentor that anyone could hope for. Many thanks also to my committee members, Chris Bail, Frank Baumgartner, Fitzhugh Brundage, Neal Caren, and Charles Kurzman: they made this dissertation possible, and they made it better, it would be better still if I had heeded all their advice.
    [Show full text]
  • Copyright by Petert Bishop Caster 2004
    Copyright by Petert Bishop Caster 2004 The Dissertation Committee for Peter Bishop Caster Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: THE LANGUAGE OF THE PRISON HOUSE: INCARCERATION, RACE, AND MASCULINITY IN TWENTIETH CENTURY U.S. LITERATURE Committee: Evan Carton, Supervisor Phil Barrish Barbara Harlow Martin Kevorkian David Oshinsky THE LANGUAGE OF THE PRISON HOUSE: INCARCERATION, RACE, AND MASCULINITY IN TWENTIETH CENTURY U.S. LITERATURE by Peter Bishop Caster, B.A., M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin December 2004 ACKNOWLEDG MENTS The committee supervising this dissertation proved invaluable in their diligent reading and careful comments, and I thank Evan Carton, Barbara Harlow, Phil Barrish, Martin Kevorkian, and David Oshinsky for their tireless efforts. As the primary advisor, Carton in particular read early, unpolished work and helped shape its development. Many others have provided useful feedback on early drafts of chapters, and I thank Warwick Wadlington, Jill Dolan, Julie Sievers, Douglas Taylor, Timothy Buckner, Zac hary Dobbins, Richard Schechner, and the staff and anonymous reviewers for both The Faulkner Journal and The Drama Review . Versions of Chapter Two and Chapter Five, respectively, appeared in those journals, and I am grateful for permission to reprint that material here. The Austin, Texas playwright Ken Webster provided extensive personal background for his writing of Jury Duty as well as a draft of the unpublished manuscript. Much of the material in this dissertation appeared in early draft form at numer ous conferences, including the USC English Conference in Drama, the Northeast Modern Language Association, the American Comparative Literature Association, and the American Studies Association.
    [Show full text]
  • Register of the Kentucky Historical Society
    THE REGISTER OF THE KENTUCKY HISTORICAL SOCIETY Winter 2000 Vol. 98, No. 1 THE REGISTER OF THE KENTUCKY HISTORICAL SOCIETY Published Quarterly Winter 2000 Vol. 98, No. 1 Melba Porter Hay Interim Editor Berea College in the 1870s and 1880s: Student Life at a Racially Integrated Kentucky College Marion Lucas ....................................................................... 1 “An Assurance that Someone Cares”: The Baptist Home for Business Girls, Louisville, Kentucky, 1923–1928 Keith Harper ...................................................................... 23 Congressman David Grant Colson and the Tragedy of the Fourth Kentucky Volunteer Infantry Thomas E. Stephens .......................................................... 43 Book Reviews ............................................................................ 103 Book Notes ................................................................................ 133 A Word From The Editors ..................................................... 137 COVER: Detail of the battle flag of the Fourth Kentucky Volunteer Infantry, which served during the 1898 Spanish-American War. The $300 cost of the flag, said to be “about the finest that ever left Kentucky,” was largely raised by Manchester schoolteacher Mattie Marion, who was named “daughter of the regiment” for her efforts. The design is a version of the state seal in blue silk. The reverse features “an American eagle in the attitude of swooping down on an enemy.” It was donated to the Kentucky Historical Society in 1903. © 2000 Kentucky
    [Show full text]
  • Lynching in America: a Case Study of Ed Johnson (Perspective 1)
    Lynching in America: A Case Study of Ed Johnson (Perspective 1) __________ Maria I. Arbelaez-Lopez Lynching can be defined as the execution of a person without following due legal process. This act, typically a mob’s action, involves hanging, burning, or shooting of the victim. According to the historian, Clayborne Carson, lynching in the United States intensified in the years following the Civil War when “white mobs used lynching specially to enforce ra- cial inequality.” (316). Lynching was more frequent in the South where violence against African Americans rose by the end of the 19th century after state legisla- tions established segregation laws, the Jim Crow laws, in the 1880s. Af- rican Americans were deprived of the rights they once enjoyed under the Civil Rights Act of 1875, as the court ruled in 1883 that while it could control the states from discriminating, it could not control or prevent in- dividuals from doing so (Carson 295). Sadly, over 1,400 black men were lynched during the 1890s, about a third charged with sex crimes (Nash 512). The case of Ed Johnson, murdered by a lynch mob in the state of Tennessee in 1906, provides a vivid example of the cruelty of lynching. The lynching of Ed Johnson was the end result of a series of tragic events that took place in the city of Chattanooga, Tennessee. On the night of January 23, 1906, Nevada Taylor, a white woman, was attacked on her way home from work near the Forrest Hill Cemetery where she lived with her father who was the cemetery’s superintendent (Awful Crime at St.
    [Show full text]
  • Important Lessons from History
    Buffalo Human Rights Law Review Volume 8 Article 5 9-1-2002 Important Lessons from History Wendy Brown-Scott Tulane Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/bhrlr Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, and the Legal History Commons Recommended Citation Wendy Brown-Scott, Important Lessons from History, 8 Buff. Hum. Rts. L. Rev. 147 (2002). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/bhrlr/vol8/iss1/5 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Buffalo Human Rights Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. IMPORTANT LESSONS FROM HISTORY Wendy Brown-Scott* REVIEWING: CONTEMPT OF COURT: THE TURN-OF-THE-CENTURY LYNCHING THAT LAUNCHED A HUNDRED YEARS OF FEDERALISM By MARK CURRIDEN & LEROY PHILLIPS, JR. NEW YORK: FABER AND FABER. 1999. It has been an unwritten law in the South, since the memory of man runneth not to the contrary that the black man who assaults the white woman shall die. The law maintains in every southern state, and is higher than any statutory law.' "We're coming to get you, Negro. .no damn Supreme ''2 Court will save you tonight. "To Justice Harlan. Come get your nigger now. ''3 At the beginning of the twenty first century, many innocent men and women sit on death rows across America. 4 A disproportionate number are African American in the South.
    [Show full text]
  • Constructing African American Histories in Central Florida
    University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2008 Constructing African American Histories In Central Florida Katherine Parry University of Central Florida Part of the History Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Parry, Katherine, "Constructing African American Histories In Central Florida" (2008). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 3633. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/3633 CONSTRUCTING AFRICAN AMERICAN HISTORIES IN CENTRAL FLORIDA by KATHERINE K. PARRY A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History in the College of Arts & Humanities at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Summer Term 2008 ABSTRACT From the time of their occurrence up to the present, people have constructed and revised narratives about violent racial events in Florida. In the case of the racial violence in Ocoee and the lynching of July Perry, multiple accounts coexisted until one particular group in the 1990’s contested earlier conservative white Southern narratives with new public memories containing African American perspectives of the events, demanding racial justice and memorialization of the events. A struggle over the power to construct this narrative resulted in compromises between the two sets of memories. While some goals were attained, the landscape of memorization remains undeveloped.
    [Show full text]