Ukraine-Moldova: Competition, Cooperation and Interdependence

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Ukraine-Moldova: Competition, Cooperation and Interdependence PERSPECTIVE KyivПредставництво в Україні та Білорусі n UKRAINE-MOLDOVA: COMPETITION, COOPERATION AND INTERDEPENDENCE SERGIY GERASYMCHUK/ANGELA GRAMADA n In the recent years the relationships of Ukraine and Moldova had positive dynamics, which nevertheless is clouded with certain problems, which can be figuratively marked with four “E”s: economy, energy, ecology, and ethnic minorities. The solution of these problems is possible, provided the intergovernmental dialogue continues and the international structures, foremost the EU, further support and mediate this process. n Mutual interests of Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova in stability and security in the region became even more relevant and both sides support concordant policy towards Transnistrian settlement, as well as principles of borders inviolability and territorial integrity of Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova. However, further progress in this sphere largely depends on the results of the 2018 parliamentary elections in Moldova. n The main problem of the bilateral relationships remains unpredictability and mutual lack of trust. This problem can be solved, provided there is political will of both sides, as well as mediatory efforts of active civil society, which remains the main driver for democratization of both countries. n SERGIY GERASYMCHUK/ANGELA GRAMADA | UKRAINE-MOLDOVA: COMPETITION, COOPERATION AND INTERDEPENDENCE n Kyiv n Contents Abstract .................................................................. 4 Ukraine and Moldova – newly emerging challenges and opportunities in bilateral relations . 5 Foreword. 5 Economy, energy - the importance of an efficient commercial partnership after 2014 (market and consumers) ......................................... 5 Environmental problems - hydropower plants on Dniester - common environmental issue ....................................................... 7 An ethnic minority – Ukrainians in Moldova – how difficult is to be a minority representative ............................................................. 8 Moldova in parliamentary debates – political parties leadership, statements, declarations during Parliamentarian sessions ................................. 9 Cross-border cooperation, border management ..............................11 The Transnistria issue – an impossible/possible dialogue .....................11 Moldova and Ukraine - in search of a complex compromise . 14 Introduction ..............................................................14 Problem description/What is the current policy? Why is it being conducted this way?/ Why is the policy not working? Why is it necessary to find an alternative? ..14 Political dialogue between Ukraine and Moldova – the biggest challenge for the political elites .........................................................15 Crimea annexation – before and after presidential election in Moldova. Igor Dodon’s position regarding Crimea annexation ...........................16 The Transnistria issue – a difficult cooperation in the past that is possible now .....................................................................16 Cross-border cooperation, border management ..............................18 An ethnic minority – Ukrainians in Moldova, Moldovans in Ukraine – how difficult is to be a minority representative? ..............................18 Environmental problems, hydropower plants on Dniester - common environmental issue ......................................................21 Conclusion ..............................................................21 Conclusions and Recommendations Grounded on the activities within the Project “Ukraine- Moldova: Competition, Cooperation and Interdependence” . 22 3 n SERGIY GERASYMCHUK/ANGELA GRAMADA | UKRAINE-MOLDOVA: COMPETITION, COOPERATION AND INTERDEPENDENCE n Kyiv n Abstract The ultimate goal is to develop recommendations or alternative suggestions for improving partnership The authors of these two policy papers aim to so that the two state actors can coordinate certain identify the main themes in the bilateral relationship foreign policy actions to prevent for the future between the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine, new threats to national security that could be which can serve as a basis for developing a new emphasized by inefficient dialogue. agenda for cooperation. Therefore, the aim is to give a perspective on the future strategy of approaching Research tools used to identify the main approach the partnership between Kyiv and Chisinau, towards the bilateral relationship between Ukraine highlighting one by one the strategic interests of and Moldova are the analysis of the official the Republic of Moldova in the relationship with the statements, public policies documents, decisions neighboring state, but also that of Ukraine in the and official speeches, as well as analysis of relationship with Moldova. Another priority of this reports and studies elaborated by Ukrainian approach will be the analysis of the arguments that and Moldovan experts identified as potential made cooperation more difficult in certain periods. influencers of this bilateral dialogue. 4 n SERGIY GERASYMCHUK/ANGELA GRAMADA | UKRAINE-MOLDOVA: COMPETITION, COOPERATION AND INTERDEPENDENCE n Kyiv n Ukraine and Moldova – newly emerging border management and Transnistrian settlement), challenges and opportunities in key success stories in bilateral relations and the bilateral relations possibilities for applying win-win approaches and mutually beneficial strategies which are to be promoted Sergiy Gerasymchuk and advocated by civil society of both countries. Foreword Economy, energy - the importance of The Republic of Moldova and Ukraine’s political an efficient commercial partnership cycles coincide seldom. Its usual practice when after 2014 (market and consumers) the leadership of Moldova is seeking cooperation with Ukraine the Ukrainian government has other The economic relations between Ukraine and priorities and vice versa – the periods of openness of Moldova are at a good level, and Ukraine today is the Ukrainian government happen when the political one of the main trade and economic partners of circumstances in Chisinau are not favorable for Kyiv. the Republic of Moldova. As of 2016 Ukraine was That has already resulted in protracted problems ranked among Moldova’s top-10 trade partners1 and unresolved issues, lack of mutual trust between with the tenth position. the governments and presidents. Currently the countries approach another round of the same cycle The key instrument of interstate economic co- when in the Republic of Moldova the most-likely operation between Ukraine and the Republic winner of the parliamentary elections is sharing pro- of Moldova is Interstate Ukrainian-Moldovan Russian views and believes that cooperation with intergovernmental commission on trade and Russian Federation should dominate the foreign economic cooperation (Ukrainian part of the policy agenda while in Ukraine such approach is Commission is headed by First Vice-Prime perceived as a potential challenge for the Ukraine- Minister, Minister of Economic Development and Moldova bilateral relations. Trade S. Kubiv, Moldovan by Vice-Prime Minister, Minister of Economics O.Calmîc). Besides, the parties rather compete than cooperate although in some issues like economics, According to the Prime Minister of the Republic of ecology of the Dniester river etc. both Ukraine and Moldova P. Filip as of October 6, 2017 the volume of Moldova have huge potential for cooperation and trade between Ukraine and Moldova increased by are interdependent. more than 30% compared with the same period of the last year, and 1,128 enterprises with Ukrainian The possible solution for finding mutually capital operate in the Republic of Moldova2. beneficial solutions in the bilateral relations is rooted in cooperation of civil societies and expert Alongside with the other GUAM partners communities of both countries which have a long (Azerbaijan and Georgia) Ukraine and Moldova record of successful cooperation, speak common reached an agreement to create a free trade language, share the same values and can elaborate zone among the GUAM-member states3 that the strategies of the improvement of the bilateral will give the additional impetus to commercial- cooperation grounded on the win-win approach. economic cooperation and will strengthen Thus the aim of this study is to focus on the most 1. https://wits.worldbank.org/CountrySnapshot/en/MDA sensitive issues in bilateral cooperation emerging recently (e.g. economic tensions, misunderstanding 2. https://www.ukrinform.net/rubric-economy/2319800-trade-volume-betwe- en-ukraine-and-moldova-increased-by-more-than-30-moldovan-pm.html in energy sector, environmental problems, minority 3. http://open4business.com.ua/guam-member-countries-agree-free-tr issues, political divisions, cross-border cooperation and ade-zone/ 5 n SERGIY GERASYMCHUK/ANGELA GRAMADA | UKRAINE-MOLDOVA: COMPETITION, COOPERATION AND INTERDEPENDENCE n Kyiv n GUAM’s capacities as a transport corridor as Moldovan Prime Minister Pavel Filip resulted in the well. Also both countries benefit from DCFTA agreement to find mutually acceptable solutions with the EU. and to boost trade relations between the two countries that had suffered from the imposition However, it is necessary to admit that there were of trade restrictions by the Republic of Moldova also the cases of economic tensions between since spring of 2016. However, anyway, Moldova Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova, in particular
Recommended publications
  • Download Series Brochure
    OVERVIEW This Second Webinar Series is part of CEELI to Justice During and After the Pandemic Institute’s program with the Central and East – is particularly relevant to the judiciary European Judicial Exchange Network. The in the current climate, but also touches on CENTRAL & EASTERN EUROPEAN Network, which has been going since 2012, is numerous access to justice issues that have JUDICIAL EXCHANGE NETWORK comprised of some of the best and brightest on-going relevance beyond the current young judges from eighteen countries who extraordinary circumstances. The first gather regularly to share best practices on series, which explored Videoconferencing issues of judicial independence, integrity, in support of Remote Access to Courts, WEBINAR DISCUSSION accountability, and court management. As took place bi-weekly between April 7 and SERIES #2 international in-person meetings are likely May 19 2020, and is available on-demand to be limited for some time to come, the to all Network members through the CEELI ACCESS TO JUSTICE Webinar Series ensures that the Network Online platform. To request a logon for can continue to meet its mandate to improve CEELI Online to access content please email DURING AND AFTER judicial integrity and court efficiency [email protected]. This second series THE PANDEMIC in Central and Eastern Europe, despite aims to build on the first by looking beyond the global lockdowns resulting from the videoconferencing to broader justice issues June/July 2020 coronavirus pandemic. The topic – Access raised by the pandemic. WEBINAR #1 In this first session, a number of judges SPEAKERS: from the Judicial Network shared firsthand TUESDAY 2 JUNE 2020 experience of running hearings by JUDGE VICTORIA SANDUTA, (75 MINUTES) videoconference.
    [Show full text]
  • European Influences in Moldova Page 2
    Master Thesis Human Geography Name : Marieke van Seeters Specialization : Europe; Borders, Governance and Identities University : Radboud University, Nijmegen Supervisor : Dr. M.M.E.M. Rutten Date : March 2010, Nijmegen Marieke van Seeters European influences in Moldova Page 2 Summary The past decades the European continent faced several major changes. Geographical changes but also political, economical and social-cultural shifts. One of the most debated topics is the European Union and its impact on and outside the continent. This thesis is about the external influence of the EU, on one of the countries which borders the EU directly; Moldova. Before its independency from the Soviet Union in 1991, it never existed as a sovereign state. Moldova was one of the countries which were carved out of history by the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact in 1940 as it became a Soviet State. The Soviet ideology was based on the creation of a separate Moldovan republic formed by an artificial Moldovan nation. Although the territory of the Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic was a former part of the Romanian province Bessarabia, the Soviets emphasized the unique and distinct culture of the Moldovans. To underline this uniqueness they changed the Moldovan writing from Latin to Cyrillic to make Moldovans more distinct from Romanians. When Moldova became independent in 1991, the country struggled with questions about its national identity, including its continued existence as a separate nation. In the 1990s some Moldovan politicians focussed on the option of reintegration in a Greater Romania. However this did not work out as expected, or at least hoped for, because the many years under Soviet rule and delinkage from Romania had changed Moldovan society deeply.
    [Show full text]
  • Call from Members of the Nizami Ganjavi International Centre to the United Nations Security Council to Support the UN Secretary
    Call from Members of the Nizami Ganjavi International Centre to the United Nations Security Council to Support the UN Secretary-General’s Urgent Call for an Immediate Global Ceasefire amid the COVID-19 Pandemic We are deeply alarmed that the United Nations Security Council has not been able to reach agreement on a draft resolution put before it on COVID-19. This draft resolution called for an end to hostilities worldwide so that there could be a full focus on fighting the Covid-19 pandemic. If passed it would have given powerful backing to the call made earlier by the Secretary-General. Yet, agreement could not be reached on the resolution in the Security Council because of its reference to “the urgent need to support…. all relevant entities of the United Nations system, including specialized health agencies” in the fight against the pandemic. The failure to reach agreement saddens us at this time when our world is in crisis. The Covid-19 pandemic has brought about immense human suffering and is having a devastating impact on economies and societies. It is exactly at times like this that the leadership of the Security Council is needed. It should not be silent in the face of the serious threat to global peace and security which Covid-19 represents. Global action and partnership are vital now to deal with the global pandemic and its aftermath. This is the time for the premier institution responsible for leading on global security to show strength, not weakness. We support UN Secretary-General António Guterres in his call for an immediate global ceasefire, in all corners of the world, amid the COVID-19 pandemic.
    [Show full text]
  • Vladimir Voronin, President of Moldova (2001-2009) Anna Sous, RFE/RL Date of Interview: May 2015
    Vladimir Voronin, president of Moldova (2001-2009) Anna Sous, RFE/RL Date of interview: May 2015 ************************ (This interview was conducted in Russian.) Anna Sous: You're not only a former president, but also a working politician, an opposition politician. You've been the leader of the Communist Party of Moldova for more than 20 years. Even at 74 years old, you're very active. How long is your typical workday? Vladimir Voronin: As long as necessary. Longer than people who have a standard working day. From 16 to 18 hours is normal. Anna Sous: Vladimir Nikolayevich, the Communist Party of Moldova is the only Communist party among the countries of the former Soviet Union that has managed to become the ruling party. How do you think Moldova's Communists differ from those in Russia? Vladimir Voronin: In ideological terms, our action plan isn't really any different. We don't differ from them in terms of being Communists, but in terms of the conditions we act in and work in -- the conditions in which we fight. Anna Sous: You were Moldova's minister of internal affairs. In 1989, when the ministry's building was set on fire during unrest in Chisinau, you didn't give the order to shoot. Later you said you wouldn't have given the command to shoot even if the ministry building had burned to the ground . Maybe this is how Moldova's Communists differ from those in Russia? Vladimir Voronin: Of course, the choices we had, and the situation we were in, were such that if I had given the order to shoot, it would have been recognized as constitutional and lawful.
    [Show full text]
  • Resilient Ukraine Resilient
    Resilient Ukraine: Safeguarding Society from Russian Aggression Russian from Society Ukraine: Safeguarding Resilient Research Paper Mathieu Boulègue and Orysia Lutsevych Ukraine Forum | June 2020 Resilient Ukraine Safeguarding Society from Russian Aggression Mathieu Boulègue and OrysiaLutsevych Chatham House Contents Summary 2 1 Introduction 3 2 The Impact of the Armed Conflict 13 3 Creating Resilience Dividends: Case Studies 27 4 Recommendations 33 5 Conclusion 37 About the Authors 38 Acknowledgments 39 1 | Chatham House Resilient Ukraine: Safeguarding Society from Russian Aggression Summary • Despite military conflict and an increasingly adversarial relationship with Russia, Ukraine has largely maintained its democratic reforms thanks to its resilience and determination to decide its own future. The country is gradually developing the capacity of its state institutions and civil society to address the political and social consequences of Russian aggression. • Russia’s three main levers of influence in Ukraine include the ongoing armed conflict, corruption, and the poor quality of the political sphere. The Kremlin seeks to exploit these vulnerabilities to promote polarization and encourage a clash between Ukraine’s citizens and its governing elite by taking military action, manipulating the corruption narrative, supporting pro-Russia parties, and fuelling religious tensions through the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC). • The ramifications of the military operation in Donbas reverberate strongly across the country and domestic politics. The most prominent spillover effects include the circulation of firearms and the weakened capacity of authorities to reintegrate internally displaced people (IDPs) and war veterans. • With no clear way to end the armed conflict, there is a growing risk of societal polarization. This could have negative consequences for any prospective peace agreement.
    [Show full text]
  • LETTER to G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS
    LETTER TO G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS We write to call for urgent action to address the global education emergency triggered by Covid-19. With over 1 billion children still out of school because of the lockdown, there is now a real and present danger that the public health crisis will create a COVID generation who lose out on schooling and whose opportunities are permanently damaged. While the more fortunate have had access to alternatives, the world’s poorest children have been locked out of learning, denied internet access, and with the loss of free school meals - once a lifeline for 300 million boys and girls – hunger has grown. An immediate concern, as we bring the lockdown to an end, is the fate of an estimated 30 million children who according to UNESCO may never return to school. For these, the world’s least advantaged children, education is often the only escape from poverty - a route that is in danger of closing. Many of these children are adolescent girls for whom being in school is the best defence against forced marriage and the best hope for a life of expanded opportunity. Many more are young children who risk being forced into exploitative and dangerous labour. And because education is linked to progress in virtually every area of human development – from child survival to maternal health, gender equality, job creation and inclusive economic growth – the education emergency will undermine the prospects for achieving all our 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and potentially set back progress on gender equity by years.
    [Show full text]
  • Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy
    Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs April 23, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21981 Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Although a small country, Moldova has been of interest to U.S. policy makers due to its position between NATO and EU member Romania and strategic Ukraine. In addition, some experts have expressed concern about Russian efforts to extend its hegemony over Moldova through various methods, including a troop presence, manipulation of Moldova’s relationship with its breakaway Transnistria region, and energy supplies and other economic links. Moldova’s political and economic weakness has made it a source of organized criminal activity of concern to U.S. policy makers, including trafficking in persons. U.S. and Moldovan experts have expressed concern about whether Russian President Putin’s annexation of Crimea and attempted destabilization of eastern Ukraine presages a similar effort toward Moldova, including Russian recognition of the independence of Transnistria. After July 2009 parliamentary elections, a group of opposition parties to the then-ruling Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova (PCRM) formed a governing coalition that pledged to carry out reforms with the goal of closer integration with the European Union. There are few ideological differences among the governing parties, which are mainly vehicles for key political leaders and politically connected big businessmen. New parliamentary elections are expected to be held in November 2014. Moldova is Europe’s poorest country, according to the World Bank. Moldova’s GDP grew by a rapid 8.9% in 2013, spurred by strong consumer spending and a good agricultural harvest, rebounding from a drought the previous year.
    [Show full text]
  • The History of Ukraine Advisory Board
    THE HISTORY OF UKRAINE ADVISORY BOARD John T. Alexander Professor of History and Russian and European Studies, University of Kansas Robert A. Divine George W. Littlefield Professor in American History Emeritus, University of Texas at Austin John V. Lombardi Professor of History, University of Florida THE HISTORY OF UKRAINE Paul Kubicek The Greenwood Histories of the Modern Nations Frank W. Thackeray and John E. Findling, Series Editors Greenwood Press Westport, Connecticut • London Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Kubicek, Paul. The history of Ukraine / Paul Kubicek. p. cm. — (The Greenwood histories of the modern nations, ISSN 1096 –2095) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978 – 0 –313 – 34920 –1 (alk. paper) 1. Ukraine —History. I. Title. DK508.51.K825 2008 947.7— dc22 2008026717 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available. Copyright © 2008 by Paul Kubicek All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the express written consent of the publisher. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2008026717 ISBN: 978– 0– 313 – 34920 –1 ISSN: 1096 –2905 First published in 2008 Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881 An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc. www.greenwood.com Printed in the United States of America The paper used in this book complies with the Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National Information Standards Organization (Z39.48 –1984). 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Every reasonable effort has been made to trace the owners of copyright materials in this book, but in some instances this has proven impossible.
    [Show full text]
  • Lauren A. Shumate
    Lauren A. Shumate Associate Fort Lauderdale [email protected] 954-468-1350 Practice & Industry Education Bar & Court Admissions Areas University of Notre Dame, Florida Bar, 2017 Business Litigation Notre Dame, IN, J.D., cum laude, 2017 Construction Law University of South Florida, Tampa, FL, MA, 2014 University of South Florida, Tampa, FL, BA, magna cum laude, 2010 Overview Lauren Shumate focuses her practice on complex litigation. She is personally dedicated to providing diligent legal representation in an efficient manner. Prior to joining Gunster, Lauren interned for the Honorable James D. Whittemore of the United States District Court for the Middle District of Florida, as well as for the Honorable Raymond O. Gross of the Sixth Circuit in Pinellas County, Florida. Additionally, Lauren has concentrated on developing her litigation skills by interning with the Florida Attorney General’s Office of Statewide Prosecution and trying misdemeanor and traffic cases at the Elkhart County Prosecuting Attorney’s Office in Elkhart, Indiana. Prior to her legal career, Lauren was selected as a Fulbright Scholar to Serbia where she taught English at the University of Nis and served as a guest lecturer at the Faculty of Law in Nis, Serbia. She also worked closely with the United States Embassy in Belgrade, Serbia assisting with rule of law and judicial reform efforts. 1 of 3 Lauren previously competed on the Women’s Professional Tennis Tour and achieved a world ranking before accepting a full scholarship to play collegiate tennis. She served as captain of the varsity tennis team and was named a graduate assistant coach while pursuing her master’s degree.
    [Show full text]
  • Automatic Exchange of Information: Status of Commitments
    As of 27 September 2021 AUTOMATIC EXCHANGE OF INFORMATION (AEOI): STATUS OF COMMITMENTS1 JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES IN 2017 (49) Anguilla, Argentina, Belgium, Bermuda, British Virgin Islands, Bulgaria, Cayman Islands, Colombia, Croatia, Cyprus2, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Faroe Islands, Finland, France, Germany, Gibraltar, Greece, Guernsey, Hungary, Iceland, India, Ireland, Isle of Man, Italy, Jersey, Korea, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Mexico, Montserrat, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, San Marino, Seychelles, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, Turks and Caicos Islands, United Kingdom JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2018 (51) Andorra, Antigua and Barbuda, Aruba, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan3, The Bahamas, Bahrain, Barbados, Belize, Brazil, Brunei Darussalam, Canada, Chile, China, Cook Islands, Costa Rica, Curacao, Dominica4, Greenland, Grenada, Hong Kong (China), Indonesia, Israel, Japan, Lebanon, Macau (China), Malaysia, Marshall Islands, Mauritius, Monaco, Nauru, New Zealand, Niue4, Pakistan3, Panama, Qatar, Russia, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Samoa, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, Sint Maarten4, Switzerland, Trinidad and Tobago4, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, Uruguay, Vanuatu JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2019 (2) Ghana3, Kuwait5 JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2020 (3) Nigeria3, Oman5, Peru3 JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2021 (3) Albania3, 7, Ecuador3, Kazakhstan6
    [Show full text]
  • One Ukraine Or Many? Regionalism in Ukraine and Its Political Consequences
    Nationalities Papers, Vol. 32, No. 1, March 2004 One Ukraine or Many? Regionalism in Ukraine and Its Political Consequences Lowell W. Barrington & Erik S. Herron Intra-state regional differences are a central topic in the study of European and Eurasian politics. In Ukraine, regional differences have proven to be powerful predictors of mass attitudes and political behavior. But what does the “regional factor” in Ukrainian politics represent? Is it simply the result of compositional effects, or are the regional differences more than just a sum of other demographic factors correlated with geographic divisions? When analyzing regional divisions as an explanatory variable, what are the implications of employing different regional frameworks? In this article, we demonstrate how geographic divisions in the country hold up even when others factors—such as ethnicity and language use—are con- trolled for. As part of this inquiry, we compare the results of three competing regional frameworks for Ukraine: one with two regions, one with four regions and one with eight regions. While the eight-region framework is uncommon in studies of Ukraine, the decision to examine eight regions is supported by historical, economic and demographic arguments, as well as by the results of the statistical analyses presented in this article. Scholars who have focused on fewer regions in Ukraine may have underestimated the effects of regional differences and missed interesting stories about intra-state variation in Ukrainian attitudes and voting behavior. The results of this study carry important implications not only for the study of Ukraine but also for those interested in intra-state regional divisions across Europe and Eurasia.
    [Show full text]
  • Moldova's Political Crisis Abates
    CRS INSIGHT Moldova's Political Crisis Abates June 20, 2019 (IN11137) | Related Author Cory Welt | Cory Welt, Specialist in European Affairs ([email protected], 7-0530) On June 14, 2019, a political crisis in Moldova ended when leaders of the formerly ruling Democratic Party of Moldova (PDM) agreed to dissolve the outgoing government in favor of a new coalition. The coalition includes a reform- oriented, Western-leaning alliance, ACUM (or "Now"), and the socially conservative, Russian-leaning Party of Socialists, which placed first in Moldova's February 2019 elections. Moldova is one of three post-Soviet states that, together with Ukraine and Georgia, have sought greater integration with the West while coping with separatist territories occupied by Russian forces. Many Members of Congress have long supported Moldova's democratic trajectory and territorial integrity and have called on Russia to respect Moldova's sovereignty and withdraw its military forces. Growing Discontent Moldova's political environment was increasingly contentious before the recent crisis. The PDM gained power in 2016 after the prior government collapsed amid fallout from a bank fraud case involving the alleged loss of some $1 billion, equivalent to more than 12% of Moldova's gross domestic product. ACUM leaders and many observers contend that the PDM, in particular party leader and wealthy businessman Vlad Plahotniuc, effectively "captured" Moldova's state institutions for personal and party gain. In summer 2018, mass protests opposed a court decision to annul a snap mayoral election in Chisinau, Moldova's capital, which had been won by Andrei Nastase, who later became one of ACUM's two co-leaders.
    [Show full text]