“Healthy and Sustainable” Diets in Switzerland T

Appetite 130 (2018) 123–133

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Appetite

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/appet

Cutting through conﬂicting prescriptions: How guidelines inform “healthy and sustainable” diets in Switzerland T

∗ Laurence Godin, Marlyne Sahakian

Institute of Sociological Research, University of Geneva, Uni Mail Campus, Oﬃce no 4203, Boulevard du Pont-d'Arve 40, 1204, Geneva, Switzerland

ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT

Keywords: This paper takes as a starting point “food consumption prescriptions”, or guidelines on what and how one should Food consumption practices eat when it comes to “healthy and sustainable diets”. Through qualitative research in Switzerland, involving Social practice theory discourse analysis, observations, in-depth interviews, and focus groups, we set out to uncover the more dominant Prescriptions prescriptions put forward by a variety of actors, how consumers represent these prescriptions, as well as overlaps Health and tensions between them. The notion of a “balanced meal” is the more prominent prescription, along with the Environmental sustainability idea that food and eating should be “pleasurable”. Guidelines towards eating local and seasonal products overlap Switzerland with organic and natural food consumption, while prescriptions to eat less meat of higher quality are in tension with prescriptions around vegetarian and vegan diets. We then consider how prescriptions play out in daily life, as both a resource and obstacle towards the establishment of eating habits, and what dimensions of everyday life have the most inﬂuence on how certain prescriptions are enacted – contributing to conceptual deliberations on food in relation to social practices. Time, mobility, and the relationships built around food and eating are forces to be reckoned with when considering possible transitions towards the normative goal of “healthier and more sustainable diets”.

1. Introduction recommendations for a healthy diet, only a minority follows them (Bochud, Chatelan, Blanco, & Beer-Borst, 2017). Compounded to this is Food is recognized as one of the final consumption categories that the view of consumption as being driven by individual decision-making has the highest environmental impact in Europe based on life cycle processes, which remains dominant in the policy arena (Cohen and assessments (Tukker et al., 2006). Epidemiological studies also show Murphy, 2001; Fahy and Rau, 2013). The main assumption is that in- the importance of diets and eating habits in promoting human health formed consumers make rational decisions, a viewpoint which has been and decreasing the risk of disease (Forouzanfar et al., 2015). Following criticized by sociologists in consumption studies (e.g., Rau, Davies, & this, efforts are underway in Switzerland to promote “healthy and en- Fahy, 2014; Shove, 2010). vironmentally sustainable” diets1 among the general population. Health In recent years, social practice theory perspectives have attempted and nutrition are also popular topics in different spheres of social life, to move away from this individualizing, rationalizing approach, to- from public health policies and political debates to media coverage in wards recognizing how practices – including preparing and eating a Swiss newspapers, television programming or social media. meal – are tied up with everyday routines and habits (Sahakian, When it comes to seeing how transitions to healthier and more Saloma, & Ganguly, 2018; Sahakian & Wilhite, 2014; Schatzki, 1996; sustainable diets can be made possible in the Swiss context, consumers Shove & Pantzar, 2005; Warde, 2013; 2014, among others). In con- are given a significant role – in addition to actions across systems of sidering the different elements that make up food consumption prac- provision, from production to distribution and waste management. Yet tices, a focus can be placed on the notion of food prescriptions (Plessz, the gap between people's values and actions is one of the main issues in Dubuisson-Quellier, Gojard, & Barrey, 2016), which we define as environmentally oriented policies (Blake, 1999; Kollmuss & Agyeman, guidelines that exist in public and private spaces around what people 2002), and a similar phenomenon is observed in relation to health. ought or should do when it comes to food. In this regard, a “food ca- While a majority of the Swiss population is aware of the main cophony” or “dietary cacophony” is at work, to borrow from the French

∗ Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (L. Godin), [email protected] (M. Sahakian). 1 While we recognize the social and economic dimensions of sustainability, the notion of a “sustainable diet” refers primarily to environmental sustainability, for the purpose of this paper. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.appet.2018.08.004 Received 28 March 2018; Received in revised form 27 June 2018; Accepted 3 August 2018 Available online 04 August 2018 0195-6663/ © 2018 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/BY-NC-ND/4.0/). L. Godin, M. Sahakian Appetite 130 (2018) 123–133 sociologist Claude Fischler (1990, 202) in relation to the ever-growing significant in terms of environmental impacts – such as mobility – food amount of discourses about food and eating prominent in everyday life. consumption is subject to socially constructed guidelines about what Social practice theory perspectives suggest that the various prescrip- ought or should be consumed and in what way. Plessz et al. offer a tions may or may not lead to changes in practices and that for change to definition of these types of guidelines and how they might be seized by occur, other elements must also be changed or shifted (Sahakian & social actors: “prescriptions belong to the ‘sayings’ that constitute a Wilhite, 2014; Spurling, McMeekin, Shove, Southerton, & Welch, practice”, and “primarily focus on issues related to the consequences of 2013). consumption, rather than on consumption itself” (2016, 103-104). The In this paper, we consider how prescriptions around “healthy and development and enactment of prescriptions involve different actors, as sustainable food consumption” in Switzerland can be placed in relation we describe below, including “ordinary consumers who must judge to social practices, in order to understand what elements of a practice whether information provided is relevant and reliable” (Plessz et al., might have more influence on shifting the planning, preparing and 110). Prescriptions are also a means to an end, such as being healthy, eating a meal towards the normative goal of improved human health protecting biodiversity, or avoiding animal suffering. and reduced environmental impacts. The main questions we seek to Regarding diets, normative goals might include slimming, animal address are: What are the dominant prescriptions around “healthy and wellbeing, or conforming to religious prescriptions, among others. Our sustainable” diets in Switzerland? What are the relations and possible focus on sustainability stems from the explicit goal of the funding me- tensions between these prescriptions, between actions, and in practice? chanism from which this project benefited: it seeks to link healthy How can shifts to healthier and more sustainable diets be enacted, nutrition in Switzerland to food security in terms of safe, high-quality across prescriptions and practices? production, financial accessibility, and environmental sustainability.2 We begin by an overview of the conceptual framework, relating the Based on this, we set out to explore health and environmental sus- notion of prescriptions to social practices. We then introduce the re- tainability in relation to food consumption practices, recognizing that search methodology, involving both text-based discourse analysis as such normative goals can overlap but can also be in tension. well as qualitative research among different groups of people. In the Prescriptions are also an object of power, as they are a tool designed section dedicated to research results, we propose a mapping of food to establish new frames for people to evaluate their choices and prac- consumption prescriptions in the Swiss context, and consider the dy- tices, to regulate their conduct, and to dictate the terms through which namics at play in their relations to practices and everyday habits. We a public problem is defined (Blumer, 1971; Dubuisson-Quellier, 2016; then conclude with a discussion around how food prescriptions might Spector & Kitsuse, 1977), in our case, “healthy and sustainable” food serve to support transitions to healthier and more sustainable diets. consumption. Consequently, Plessz et al. (2016) note that prescriptions are “often vilified by social actors” (2016, 104). Depending on their 2. Conceptual framework: prescriptions as part of practices socioeconomic background, their social network, the resources from which they judge discourses around food and eating, and the rhythm at Social practice theory approaches have been gaining in popularity which these resources are renewed, consumers might give more or less among researchers and policy-makers, particularly in relation to (un) weight to different prescriptions, and be more or less likely to transform sustainable consumption practices. The contours of social practice their practices accordingly (Barrey, Dubuisson-Quellier, Gojard, & theory are not fixed: researchers have differing perspectives on what Plessz, 2016, 426). Studies on ethical food consumption in North constitutes a practice, building on earlier work by Bourdieu (1979), America have found that various actors are creative in how they select Giddens (1984), Schatzki (1996) and Reckwitz (2002), among others. different aspects of food consumption discourses and relate these to In one definition, practices are made up of materials, competences, and their everyday practices, demonstrating that class status and income meanings (Shove, Pantzar, & Watson, 2012; Shove & Pantzar, 2005); in tend to lead to stronger adherence to an ethical eating repertoire, but another, practices are forms of knowledge and agency across people with no guarantee of putting this belief into practices (Johnston, Szabo, (bodies and minds), things, and culturally-grounded social structures & Rodney, 2011). (Sahakian & Wilhite, 2014; Wilhite, 2010). Social practice theories Building on Plessz et al. (2016), we consider as a prescription any bring new perspectives to food consumption studies because they shift set of guidelines or framework for conduct that defines what is best to the analytical lens away from individuals and units of production (such eat in relation to the repertoires of “health” and “environmental sus- as food items or appliances), to an understanding of food consumption tainability”. Rather than consider prescriptions as emanating solely as embedded in everyday life, involving actions and discourses that are from civil society or corporations, we include as prescribers any actor embodied by people as “carriers of practices” (Reckwitz, 2002), inter- that puts forward such guidelines irrespective of its social position, relating with material elements and cultural meanings. authority, or credibility. For example, we consider discourses about the Understanding food in relation to taste and dispositions, as re- health benefits of low-carb diets to be prescriptions, even when not produced by social classes, was first put forward in Pierre Bourdieu's supported by any scientific evidence or institutional backing, just as we seminal work (1979) yet eating remains problematic in a practice consider food prescriptions around balanced meals, as put forward by theory perspective. Building on Schatzki's terminology (1996), Warde the Swiss authorities and visualized in the Swiss Food Pyramid (SSN (2013) suggests that eating is a “compound practice” in that it includes and FSVO, 2011). Moreover, as they aim to organize consumption, both integrative practices, recognized as occurring in a bounded space prescriptions are usually formulated in a language that is accessible to and time (for example, one can observe the practice of eating), but also everyday people, as opposed to a more specialized vocabulary. How- a dispersed practice, which involves describing, questioning or ima- ever, we do not consider all prescriptions to be on equal terms: some gining. The dispersed aspect of eating relates to Schatzki's notion of take form in spaces of power such as universities or governments and teleoaffective structures, which includes ends, projects, tasks, purposes, enjoy broad recognition, while others only circulate in the social circles beliefs, emotions and moods (Schatzki, 1996; 2002). While what makes in which they first took form, and never gain widespread credibility or for a tasty meal includes “the practical experience (participating in an popularity. Prescriptions therefore can exist in discourse without being eating event)” as a “precondition for passing judgement” (Warde, 2014, 288), what is judged to be “healthy and sustainable” goes beyond practical experiences. There is a normative dimension to these food 2 The title and description of the funding scheme is: “Healthy Nutrition and types that requires uncovering in what way people are motivated and Sustainable Food Production: how to promote healthy nutrition in Switzerland move towards eating what they represent to be healthy and sustainable and how safe, high-quality food can be made available in sufficient quantity foods, as a dispersed practice. and at affordable prices while minimising the negative impact on the en- Perhaps more obviously so than in other domains that are vironment and using resources as efficiently as possible.”

124 L. Godin, M. Sahakian Appetite 130 (2018) 123–133 picked up or put into action. account; and different types of household, from one-person households If people can give more or less importance to a set of prescriptions, to families with many children, are included in the study. It is important it follows that prescriptions can also be overlooked, that they can co- to note, however, that participants with an undergraduate or graduate exist in harmony or be in tension, contradicting each other. It is degree are overrepresented in our sample. This is in part due to the therefore important to distinguish prescriptions from rules and social relatively high number of participants in the last focus group, composed norms. Prescriptions aim at regulating conduct and some might mirror of expatriates working for a multinational corporation (all but one social norms, but they remain prescriptions irrespective of their effect detained a graduate degree). Further, attainment of tertiary education on both individuals and society, while norms dissolve when they lose in Switzerland is above the OECD average, with 35% of working age their effect. We understand social norms following the Durkheimian adults (25-64 year-olds) gaining a tertiary qualification (OECD, 2013). tradition, where a norm – or a moral rule – is made visible by deviance, Interviews and focus groups took place either in French, English or and exists through the sanction brought about by transgressive beha- German, including people from the French- and the German-speaking vior (Durkheim, 1893; 1894). In other words, a prescription can exist parts of Switzerland. without being enforced and an individual can come in opposition to it We designed our sampling strategy directly in relation to the food without suffering any consequence. This is not to say that prescriptions prescriptions: the goal was to understand why certain people adhere to function separately from social norms: they are entangled in moral and select prescriptions, while others do not. For the focus groups in par- normative systems, which frame how they play out in practice and the ticular, we gathered participants with specific lifestyles, or with strong meanings associated to them. For example, following a slimming diet and possibly controversial views of food and eating together in one means adhering to a prescription, but restricting food intake to the same group, in order to see how different prescriptions interact at the point that one looks unhealthy would be frowned upon because it discursive level, what tensions exist between them, and how these breaks with norms surrounding health and beauty (Godin, 2016). tensions are resolved in practices. For example, one of the focus groups involved people following a vegetarian or vegan diet in a major Swiss 3. Methodology city; another brought together people from a rural area, who have been in contact with farming and agriculture throughout their life (see Annex To understand prescriptions around “healthy and sustainable” diets 1 for the complete list of anonymized participants). in Switzerland, we adopted a two-phased and mixed methods approach. The research design for both the in-depth interviews and focus The first phase was focused on uncovering prescriptions, while the groups was inspired by social practice theory approaches, accounting second phase, involving consumer interviews and focus groups, allowed for the different elements that make up a practice including the mate- us to make connections between prescriptions as part of practices. As rial dimension (access to products, types of products), social norms part of the first phase, in 2017, we began the research with participant (including prescriptions) and people's beliefs, competencies and emo- observation at five food-, health-, and sustainability-related events such tions. We used visual scenarios and pictures to stimulate discussions on as workshops, public consultations, and conferences. In parallel, we practices and everyday life, building on research conducted on house- completed a mapping of the main institutional actors in Switzerland hold energy consumption in Switzerland (Sahakian and Bertho, 2018). engaged in formulating or carrying prescriptions according to their type Bringing different representations and interrelations to the surface (public health authorities, association, foundation, private business, through visual elements is a recognized form of photo-elicitation in etc.), their scale of action (local, municipal, cantonal, national) and visual sociology (Harper, 2002; Lachal et al., 2012; Meyer, 2017). To their interests (health, environment, social justice, etc.). A total of facilitate the analysis, all interviews and focus groups were recorded ninety organizations are part of this mapping. We also conducted five (audio) and transcribed by a third party, then coded in our analysis.3 open-ended, semi-directed stakeholder interviews with actors from the non-for-profit sector, working directly on topics related to food con- 4. Research results sumption, health, or sustainability. In addition, we analyzed a total of 188 articles published in Swiss newspapers, both in French- and In the following sections, we outline the dominant and emerging German-speaking regions, over a three-month period, as well as eight prescriptions in Switzerland regarding “healthy and sustainable” food issues of different magazines published in Switzerland, France, or consumption, and place these prescriptions in relation to practices and Germany, all popular among the Swiss public. everyday life, based on the qualitative research. What a healthy and With this material in hand, we identified a number of dominant and sustainable diet is and how it could be put in place at the national and emerging food prescriptions through an inductive approach. We first international levels is the subject of much debate, and efforts are un- isolated every affirmation regarding what people should eat, or how it derway to assess the possibility and implications of measuring human is best to eat within our observation notes, stakeholder interviews, and health and environmental impacts through life cycle assessments media analysis, regrouping them in categories, and checking the re- (Jolliet, Saadé-Sbeih, Shaked, Jolliet, & Crettaz, 2015; Stylianou et al., levance of these categories in regard to the actors included in the in- 2016), as well as implementing such diets at scale in relation to con- stitutional mapping. We confirmed this first analysis and refined the sumption and production (for example Rockström, Stordalen, & Horton, phrasing of the prescriptions through a GoogleTrends analysis over a 2016, 2365). As a consequence, notions of health and sustainability to five-year period, conducted for Switzerland, Europe, and the world. which food prescriptions refer are not fixed, but submitted to constant This first selection of prescriptions was further developed through a transformations, depending on the context in which they are used. second phase of research, involving nine in-depth, open-ended con- Furthermore, tensions appear not only between prescriptions, but also sumer interviews with a total of ten participants, in order to understand within the normative goal of achieving healthier and more sustainable how prescriptions play out in practice and how the activities of plan- food consumption. ning, preparing and eating meals are organized in relation to other Dominant prescriptions represent a clear point of reference for everyday practices. In parallel, we organized five focus group discus- consumers, even though there can be several interpretations of one sions with a total of twenty-nine participants. For both focus groups and prescription. Similarly, consumers can refer to a prescription to oppose interviews, we opted for a purposeful sampling approach (Palinkas it, a posture that might find its way into practices. Dominant pre- et al., 2015; Patton, 2002), in order to access the richest cases in regard scriptions are also embedded in the discourses and actions of a range of to our research problem. We built a sample as diverse as possible in terms of classic sociological variables: participants are aged between 20 and 75 years old; all ranges of income are represented beside the ex- 3 Citations in French and in German have been translated into English, and all tremely rich; urban, suburban and rural environment are taken into names have been changed to guarantee anonymity.

125 L. Godin, M. Sahakian Appetite 130 (2018) 123–133 prescribers, who can promote, oppose, or simply acknowledge the ex- make sense if it comes in the way of enjoying a meal, as demonstrated istence of one or the other. Meanwhile, emerging prescriptions are in in other contexts (Godin, 2011). the process of being recognized as relevant by consumers and pre- Next to eating as a pleasure, the idea of a b) balanced diet is highly scribers, but they might not be considered as worthy of attention, or not prominent and has become common knowledge for consumers. In stand alone as one category, in policy documents or the media land- Switzerland, the Food Pyramid is the main point of reference for this scape, for example. prescription, which takes a visual form. The Food Pyramid and its recommendations are tools that enjoy a great deal of recognition by the 4.1. Dominant prescriptions in the Swiss landscape general public (Bochud et al., 2017) as much as professionals, and they are put to use in many demonstration sites, such as schools or spaces for While all prescriptions integrate a notion of good health in one way health promotion. – or another, only a subset also appeals to environmental sustainability, Within these two overall framing prescriptions food as a pleasure – and the distinction between both notions is not clear-cut. While a and a balanced diet , several others exist that are often in tension with “healthy” diet can be experienced without consideration for environ- each other. Prescriptions on the vertical axis around c) organic and mental sustainability, “sustainable” food practices seem to always in- natural diets, and d) local and seasonal diets are related to both health tegrate the idea of human health. This is not unique to Switzerland: and environmental sustainability, and there is clearly an overlap be- “ ” several authors in Western societies also found health to be a more tween the two. When it comes to local, seasonal, organic or natural fl significant factor than environmental issues in the development of al- food consumption, health and sustainability tend to be con ated: if a ternative food consumption practices, such as buying organic products, food is thought to be environmentally sustainable, as is the case with taking part in community-supported agriculture (CSA) or adopting a these products, it is also seen as healthier for human consumption in vegetarian diet (Dubuisson-Quellier, Lamine, & Velly, 2011; Fox & terms of nutritional value or the absence of pesticides. Many of the Ward, 2008; Izmirli & Phillips, 2011; Magnusson, Arvola, Hursti, Åber, participants in our research invoked a health rationale to explain the & Sjödén, 2001). adoption of food practices related to these two prescriptions: “an or- As discursive devices, food prescriptions are carried and promoted ganic product… It is probably tastier. It is perhaps better. It might have by social actors, which we call prescribers. They can consist of public less impact on me, on my little self, and my young children, in regard to authorities and their institutional partners (such as public health or- what we ingest” (Anne, 37 years old). The notion that “taste” can be ganizations), of NGOs acting at the international, national, regional or represented irrespective of the act of actually trying the food is an in- local level (for example Greenpeace, the WWF, or local association teresting insight, which suggests that people interpret a prescription as promoting healthy eating habits to vulnerable populations), of actors being tastier because they are presumably better for one's health. from the private sectors (health practitioners, insurance companies, Increasingly, the notion of “local and seasonal” is being put forward retailers), but also of mediatic actors such as journalists, bloggers, au- as the more definitive prescription around sustainability understood in thors and social media stars. Prescriptions can come to life in demon- its broadest definition, to include environmental promotion, local job stration sites, where people can experience first-hand what a balanced, a creation and economic development, as well as social solidarity and vegan, or a gluten-free meal might be like. A site of demonstration can human health. The notion of what “local” is merits further unpacking, be a restaurant, the school cafeteria, a festival, or even a friend's house. as the boundaries of this notion and the exact implications in terms of More broadly, demonstration sites include any spaces where consumers social and environmental impacts can be unclear. Geneva neighbors on can see, touch and taste prescriptions, which then take a tangible form. France, for example, but for many consumers tomatoes grown directly These sites can be put together by prescribers in order to promote their across the border would not be “local”. There is also some discussion interests, or be of a more informal nature. In all cases, they are an around social and environmental assumptions which do not always important mechanism for the diffusion and, eventually, the adoption of stand the test: the hiring of illegal migrants on farms and at minimal new prescriptions by the population. wages, for example, are problems hidden behind what are seen as the Of all the food prescriptions around health and sustainability in inherent qualities of local food production (Born & Purcell, 2006). Switzerland, seven seem to have significant traction among prescribers, There are another two prescriptions that clearly do not overlap, but consumers, and other actors (Fig. 1). While all prescriptions co-exist rather are in opposition – represented in the horizontal axis: e) less and without a clear hierarchy, there are strong expectations around a) the better meat consumption and f) vegetarian and vegan diets. For the pro- pleasure people should experience in preparing and sharing a meal, which moters of less, but better meat consumption, taste and pleasure are is very much seen to be a communal affair. The importance of eating central to food and eating, meaning that those who like meat should not together as a family, for example, is one way in which this prescription have to relinquish it. Instead, they argue, consumers should opt for plays out, but even food preparation is expected to be a gratifying ac- quality over quantity. Eating less of higher-quality meat is put forward tivity. Pleasure is perceived as essential to a healthy diet, and for many as an answer to the health problems related to high red meat con- people, adopting what is perceived as healthy eating habits does not sumption, but also to the potential harm brought by the use of anti- biotics on animals, as well as the pesticides found in their food. The diminution of meat consumption is also presented as beneficial for the environment in relation to land use and biodiversity. These ideas are mostly promoted by farmers and butchers also basing their marketing on local and “ethical” production, as well as by professional associations putting emphasis on the quality of Swiss products versus imported ones. Meanwhile, almost the entire discourse behind vegetarian and vegan diets is organized around animal rights and well-being, overshadowing arguments related to resources, health, and environmental impacts, that could also justify giving up meat consumption. This is the main difference between both takes on meat consumption: advocates of vegetarian and vegan diets consider the killing and eating of animals as fundamentally wrong, given that it is no longer essential for our sur- vival. Those promoting limited meat consumption put forward the Fig. 1. Dominant prescriptions around “healthy and sustainable” diets in quality of life that can be offered to cattle, but do not hold meat con- Switzerland, and their tensions and overlaps. Source: author's own. sumption as wrong in itself.

126 L. Godin, M. Sahakian Appetite 130 (2018) 123–133

The opposition between both trends is strong, and discourses household, an issue on which life stages have a strong influence, as around meat consumption in Switzerland are loaded with emotions. demonstrated in a French study (Plessz et al., 2016). Our fieldwork Feelings of moral righteousness regarding the killing of animals clash among Swiss consumers demonstrates how prescriptions can be a re- with values around freedom of choice and patriotism. Meat consump- source for practices, at which point they intersect with other elements tion remains considered as a central element of food consumption such as financial means or the accessibility of certain products. To il- practices, Swiss food traditions, and culinary heritage, that have lustrate, prescriptions might help a consumer navigate a sea of labels in evolved over time in the national context. In this respect, many react a supermarket, directing people towards organic, local, or gluten-free strongly to the idea of having their possibilities restrained. Even more choices. But prescriptions can also be a source of confusion, as illu- so, the idyllic image of the “happy Swiss cow” grazing in the pasture strated in the diverse tensions discussed above. Another possibility is constantly came back during interviews and focus groups, conveying for them to be disregarded altogether. In the face of prescriptions, feelings of pride in the country and trust in its food. While the re- people often find themselves on a continuum, transiting from one presentation of meat consumption as part of Switzerland's cultural prescription to another depending on the context in which they find heritage can tend towards the consumption of less meat and of meat of themselves. better quality, it can also be deterrent when it comes to the adoption of At some points in a day, a week, or over a lifetime, food is merely a vegetarian or a vegan diet. planned, prepared and consumed to appease hunger or provide energy Tensions are possible between meat-related prescriptions, but also – for some people. The goal is then to fulfil a physiological need. In with the broader frames relating to pleasurable and balanced diets. these moments, prescriptions are not necessarily on the radar, and as Conforming to vegan or vegetarian prescriptions, for example, might little time and energy as possible is invested into eating. This can refer not always be compatible with the dominant idea of what a pleasurable to the occasional meal eaten alone and given little meaning, but for meal constitutes, particularly during festive occasions. Similarly, some people this is a more recurrent practice. At other points in life, “niche” products that are more commonly included in a vegetarian diet making decisions regarding food while confronted with tensions be- might come from distant countries, creating a tension between vege- tween many prescriptions, labels, and health concerns, but also while tarian diets and local food consumption. Another such tension involves accounting for different tastes around the table, can be exhausting and promoters of “better meat consumption”, for example butchers who cumbersome. In such moments, prescriptions can be irritating, or they might promote high-end products from Argentina or North America for can also provide safe harbor in helping to prioritize and reduce the their taste and quality, and in doing so put them on equal food with burden of choice. A most telling case is that of a mother who has opted local, organic or “ethical” meat production. to receive a weekly vegetable basket from a local farmer, as a form of To complete this portrait, g) slimming diets is a strong, highly gen- community supported agriculture. She expresses relief in being able to dered prescription, loaded with symbolism and carrying a heavy moral build her meals around what has been provided, rather than making weight (Godin, 2016). While weight and beauty are rarely explicitly any choices in the purchase of vegetables herself – echoing earlier mentioned in consumer discourse, it is omnipresent in the media qualitative research on CSA customers in the Geneva area (Sahakian, landscape, especially media outlets aiming at women. Moreover, irre- 2015). As she explains, spective of gender, a slim body came to be synonymous with a healthy Shopping for food is exhausting, it makes me cry. […] Me, I would body (Guillen & Barr, 1994), and slimming diets are put forward in a like to be in a simply country where you don't need to… Too much rhetoric of healthy eating, overshadowing the aesthetic content of this choice kills choice. And on top of that, we don't have trust. Because prescription. let's say something is labeled organic, but maybe it came from too In addition to these dominant prescriptions, we also noted what far away. In which case, it's better to take this one even if it's not might be called “emerging prescriptions” that are not featured in Fig. 1, organic (Myriam, 50 years old). but represent interesting trends. The notion of a “sustainable diet” is not prominent in consumer representations but is being advanced by or- In other contexts, grocery shopping, cooking, and all related prac- ganizations and researchers, often working in partnership. Such a diet tices can be viewed as relaxing activities in which the senses are called would aim at protecting the environment in terms of promoting bio- upon and satisfied. In some instances and for some people, visiting diversity or reducing environmental impacts (e.g., greenhouse gases farmers' markets, browsing the Internet to find new recipes or ideas, or emissions), while also ensuring social justice at a local and international learning about new food trends have become leisure. This is the case for scale (e.g., fair labor conditions and fair trade). This prescription is Laurent, a 50-year-old professional living in a rural area, who explains: manifest in the zero-waste movement, for example, as well as in efforts “[I]f I'm in a big city, I will easily go into a large supermarket for to promote community supported agriculture (CSA). The idea of a nothing – nothing but the pleasure of looking, and sometimes without – “sustainable diet” is most often associated with the “local and seasonal” without buying anything at all.” For people who experience food as a food prescription, as well as with the prescriptions related to eating less pleasure, not only preparing, but also sharing a meal are seen as high meat or no meat. points in a day or a week. In such a context, prescriptions are more Diets based on the exclusion of certain food or categories of food for likely to be seen as a basis for practices or an area of interest, as op- health, sustainability, or moral reasons are also emerging. Many are posed to a constraint or a burden. based on an ideal of purity, as shown with the growing trend of “clean If a food prescription is fully enacted in practices that are main- eating”. The main goal of this prescription is to preserve bodily in- tained over time, it can become a defining part of a person's identity, tegrity by either cleaning the body, or avoiding polluting it with pro- whereby food has become a lifestyle. This is sometimes the case in ducts considered by some as detrimental for biological or evolutionary relation to vegetarian or vegan diets, which can guide most or all food reasons, such as gluten or lactose. We do not include restrictive diets consumption in everyday life, and even come to infl uence other areas of adopted for medical reasons, such as allergies or celiac disease, in this consumption. This is the case for Victoria, 42 years old, who has been emerging prescription. Our research also did not consider diets based following a raw vegan diet for over 5 years at the time of our interview: on religious principles, which for some could also be represented as Yeah, I think it's a lifestyle, for sure. And it's impacting many things: both “healthy and sustainable”. how I shop, how I dress, how I … what products I use. I think about anything that goes in, that's on my skin or goes in my body, I think 4.2. Prescriptions as a resource for practices about it a lot. Based on the time, space, and context within which a practice plays When food becomes a lifestyle, consumption practices are organized out, prescriptions can take on more or less importance for one person or in relation to a fixed and solid set of prescriptions, as can be a person's

127 L. Godin, M. Sahakian Appetite 130 (2018) 123–133 social network, and the different sites where consumption plays out. village in the French-speaking part of Switzerland, has to deal with a Despite the constraints it can cause in social events or even at home, tight budget, and therefore visits many different stores to get the best one prescription can become all-encompassing, significantly reducing prices. At the same time, when possible, she tries to feed her son organic the burden of choice. For many participants, adhering to a more con- and local products. Despite working almost full-time, she manages to straining prescription such as raw veganism meant learning to adapt to integrate a visit to the farmer's market as part of her weekly routine, but certain limitations and develop new skills, in a first stage, but also led to her schedule nevertheless forces her to make tradeoffs she would prefer a sense of freedom from having to choose from too many food options, to avoid in turning to processed food. In her own words: and in some cases a boost in creativity regarding food preparation. … with a young son that needs me to take care of him, as there's nobody else to do so in the household, well sometimes, it's a bit of a 4.3. Putting prescriptions into practice challenge. It's really not easy, as he wants me to play with him or he wants me to… all of a sudden, he's tired and stressed, so he clings to Counting only on prescriptions to induce a transformation in food me and that, that's not easy. I try… I am obliged to make fast food. habits, however, bears the risk of obscuring their complexity and their There you have it… (Marie, 31 years old). reliance on the different dimensions that hold a practice together, some having more effect than others. Here we examine three dimensions of Marie nevertheless enjoys cooking, she likes to be informed, to everyday life – time, mobility, and social relations – which have an discover new trends, to try new recipes. But this more relaxed approach especially strong impact on the organization of eating as an integrative to food has to be relegated to weekends, as the constraints of her do- practice. We consider how the prescriptions described above are picked mestic life do not allow her to enjoy it as much the other days. ff up, or not, on the theme of eating as a dispersed practice. In relating prescriptions to practices, we found that the di erent conflicting prescriptions, along with the feeling of lacking time, sometimes lead to shortcuts – for example, people opting for “local” or 4.3.1. Time as a condition for enacting prescriptions “regional” food as a proxy for “healthy” or “environmentally friendly” When looking to enact specific prescriptions, the ability to invest food, with little attention paid to the boundaries of what is local or time seems essential. Buying food, but also planning, cooking, storing regional. In a similar way, labels represent a powerful tool to facilitate and managing it, rely on the investment of a substantial amount of time, such shortcuts for people looking to eat local, organic, vegan or even along with the acquisition of cooking competencies in some cases. low-fat products, among others. Interestingly, people turn towards la- Recent research suggests that the feeling of being rushed might bring bels with little thought dedicated to what might be hidden behind the about the consumption of fewer fruits and vegetables, more eating out, alleged qualities, but also without completely trusting them: the general and more calorie intake when this feeling persists for a few years (Venn sense is that labels are “better than nothing”. Finally, while time is a & Strazdins, 2017). Impressions of time scarcity, said to be on the raise, constraining factor when it comes to conforming to prescriptions or have also been shown to push towards the consumption of convenience selecting between them (especially when food is “a chore”), having food and ready-made meals (Jabs & Devine, 2006). In another study, more available time does not necessarily mean a stronger investment in the overall experience of cooking was changed through the availability such deliberations. of time as a resource, the sentiment of being rushed leading to the experience of cooking as a chore or a burden (Daniels, Glorieux, 4.3.2. Mobility and access to food provisioning systems Minnen, & van Tienoven, 2012). Along with time, issues surrounding proximity of food stores and Many of our research participants expressed the desire to spend their impacts on food choices and health have been studied through the more time purchasing foods, cooking and eating, but face constraints in lenses of what are termed “food deserts” (Walker, Keane, & Burke, work and family life. Elderly people included in our study spend more 2010), or neighborhoods where healthy food is not available, and, more time planning, shopping and preparing meals, and for them it re- recently, “food swamps”, or neighborhoods where fast foods, energy- presents an enjoyable activity. Meanwhile, people in general invest dense foods, and processed foods are easier to reach than in more af- more care and experience, and find more pleasure in cooking, over the fluent ones, and where healthier food is more difficult to find (e.g., weekend than over the week. When it comes to food, time and gender Hager et al., 2017; Luan, Law, & Quick, 2015). The former studies were seem strongly linked. Recent Swiss data show that women still cook primarily based in North America and mostly linked to issues of pov- more often and spend more time preparing meals than men, while both erty, vulnerability, and health. Access to food is nevertheless a key groups spend more time per day cooking on the weekend than during issue, with broader approaches also involving the concepts of “foods- the week (Bochud et al., 2017). This is the case in Anne's household, cape” and “food environment”, which can include attention to mobility and was also revealed in other interviews. She takes care of buying and or commuting in relation to food provisioning (Burgoine & Monsivais, cooking during the week because she has more time, whereas her 2013; Widener, Farber, Neutens, & Horner, 2013). Notions of mobility husband cooks during the weekend because he enjoys it: and access to food provisioning systems offer a more dynamic account I'm the one that does the food shopping, either lunch, or when I can of how food practices play out, or how mobility “interlocks” with food find a moment, coming home from work. And since I get home consumption practices (Spurling & McMeekin, 2015; Spurling et al., earlier during the week, I prepare the evening meals. On the 2013). Considering mobility, even in relation to local food provisioning, weekend, he does more of the cooking because he really enjoys it, so can also result in a stronger link to health and environmental con- we take turns. And if I'm not here, I'm not here, and he makes food siderations (driving versus biking to fetch a vegetable basket from a CSA on his own (Anne, 37 years old). pick up point, for example). Our study clearly demonstrates that how people get around in a Providing a balanced meal to children, while also enjoying food and given day influences the food products they buy and where they buy taking into account other prescriptions – such as eating organic foods – them, or decisions around eating out. Even more than proximity to the is all the more difficult for single parents, as documented in our qua- home, access to a store as part of a daily transit seems to be the litative work and a recent national survey,4 which shows that preparing dominant time and space in which people acquire food items. In re- meals is often experienced as a burden, particularly among families ferring to the two food retail giants in Switzerland, Laurent explains: “I with younger children. Marie, a 31-year-old single mother living in a prefer the Coop, but I go to the Migros more often because it's three times closer to my workplace, it's much closer”. On a transit from work 4 Reference to the second project will be completed after the peer review (so or school to home, people might use information and communication as to remain anonymous). technologies to coordinate their meals with other household members

128 L. Godin, M. Sahakian Appetite 130 (2018) 123–133 or friends. The forms of mobility, on foot, bicycle, public transport or prescriptions: who cooks for whom, and who eats with whom, have an car, will have an influence on food provisioning as well – related to influence on the types of meals prepared, and the intentions put into what kind and what volume of food can be carried along. The case of them. An adult might not give much importance to the taste or quality Ariane, 41 years old, who lives in a Swiss city bordering Germany, of food when eating alone, but might put great care in providing a tasty where food is cheaper, is representative of this trend. Her practices are and balanced meal when cooking for his or her family. For Judith, a directly influenced by access to certain shops and mobility options, as mother of two, preparing the best possible meals for her children means reflected in a focus group discussion: making the food herself as much and as often as possible: “Well, I think that, psychologically, as a mother, I tell myself: I want to give the best So I shop both in Germany and Switzerland. Germany, I usually go of the best, which is to make home-made meals, simply put” (Judith, 33 maybe twice a month and then in-between I buy stuff here so it will years old). Children have an especially strong influence on the food usually be small things. And I will decide what to buy in Germany habits of the whole family: a child that picks up a vegetarian diet will and in Switzerland so it mainly depends on the things that I can most likely influence the whole household to take up this prescription, carry because I use public transport so I can't buy all the liquids, or engage in such a direction. This is the story told by Mathieu, 35 years fruit juices, and milk in Germany. So I buy them here. old, living with his wife and his teenage daughter: As for Luc, 53 years old, he manages to get most of his fruits and So, she learned to cook vegetarian food. She brought along many vegetables from the farmers' market, which is conveniently situated at a ideas from what she had learned in school. And then…. well, we tram stop. He can go once a week, on his way to work: changed our way of eating. My wife also, who is a great carnivore, I only have to get on the tram half an hour earlier in the morning, on she has become almost entirely vegetarian. Tuesdays. I can actually get down at the station where I have to For this reason, schools are important and powerful sites of de- change train anyway, and then I can quickly go [to the farmer's monstration along with other spaces frequented by children and teen- market]. And then I continue on my way to work. agers, a fact that is recognized by organizations invested in the pro- These links between transit and food provisioning in Switzerland motion of public health. seem to be substantiated by sales numbers, as reflected in this statement More generally, people are carriers of prescriptions, which can be all by a Migros spokesperson, representing one of the main food retail the more visible when enacted on demonstration sites, such as being outlets in the country: “The Migros at the Zurich train station must be served a vegan meal at a friend's home, or being taught how to cook the most profitable square meterage of space in all of Switzerland” balanced meals with a low budget at a community center. At the same (Vakaridis, 2015). time, enacting food practices – planning, buying, cooking, eating – on a Preferred means of transportation, along with the spatial distribu- given demonstration site does not mean that people will switch diets or tion of different types of retailers ranging from supermarkets to farmer's take up new prescriptions, but demonstrating or giving form to one or markets, can facilitate the adoption of specific prescriptions. However, the other prescription makes it more socially permissive to do so. In this issues around transportation can lead to a certain incoherence in how spirit, Halkier (2017) notes that two dynamics are involved when it food-related practices play out vis-à-vis other aspects of daily life. For comes to understanding how food routines are established: first, the example, driving to the distribution point of a CSA scheme might come questioning of specific food practices on the basis of various normative in opposition to the preoccupation for environmental health behind the goals – in our case, “health and environmental sustainability”, and consumption of organic and local food. second, the development of a multiplicity of “food cultural repertoires”, Transit, especially between home and school or the workplace, akin to the prescriptions we put forward. As shown in our research, appears to be one of the main elements influencing the choice of re- when combined with the right institutional support – the most im- tailer, but also the consumption of processed foods and convenience portant being institutions involved in creating systems of provision, foods. To illustrate, if “organic” or “healthy” foods are not readily which determine what is available and where, as well as demonstration available, commuters might turn to convenience food they would sites – social relations define whether or not prescriptions will stabilize otherwise avoid, either bought at the supermarket or at the train sta- and find their way into what is considered socially acceptable. In other tion. Transit routes, combined with time, have a structuring effect on words, social relations are crucial in resolving tensions between dif- the choices that are made. If vegetarian, local, organic, or “healthy” ferent diets, but also between prescriptions and social norms. foods are not available during transit, people are less likely to go out of their way to seek them out. Given that a third of Swiss commuters use 5. Conclusion public transportation to go to school or work (FSO, 2018), retailers established in train stations, as well as near busy tram or bus stations, While food prescriptions play an important role in understanding have an important role to play in the transition towards “healthier and how healthier and more sustainable food practices could be promoted, more sustainable diets”. they are not sufficient in and of themselves. For some people, they can be a resource for how practices play out, together with other elements 4.3.3. Social dynamics inside and outside the home such as cooking skills or access to fresh produces; for others, prescrip- In addition to the share of domestic work, already discussed above tions are hardly relevant. Before being enacted, prescriptions pass in relation to time as a resource, social dynamics have a strong influ- through the filter of everyday life, with three aspects playing a pro- ence on how prescriptions might play out in practice. From early mising role in how they might be adopted and in what way: available childhood to old age, people cross many life stages typi fied by various time for planning, preparing and eating meals, as well as gaining new occupations, schedules, and living situations. The dynamic relation competencies; mobility and transit in relation to food provisioning and between life-course and everyday consumption practices is seen as a access to food types; and social dynamics, within households and when key area for encouraging more sustainable consumption (Greene & Rau, eating out. In all three aspects, the interrelation between prescribers 2018; Rau et al., 2014; Schäfer, Jaeger-Erben, & Bamberg, 2012). From and demonstration sites is an opportunity to enact prescriptions: our own study we know that prescriptions, the way they are re- workplace or school canteens, for example, can be effective spaces to- presented by everyday people, and how they are enacted into con- wards demonstrating healthier and more sustainable diets if people find sumption practices, are strongly influenced by the relationships that the time, are encouraged by those around, and are served meal options give food its context and meaning at a specific moment of the day or that might be part of such a diet. over a lifetime. Dominant prescriptions around “healthy and sustainable diets” co- Within the home, household dynamics determine the form taken by exist without a clear hierarchy, often overlapping, or in tension with

129 L. Godin, M. Sahakian Appetite 130 (2018) 123–133 one another. These tensions represent a constraint for consumers, who from final consumption – on systems of provision, as well as on the will see their burden heightened or their actions hindered by conflicting possible demonstration sites where “healthy and sustainable” food messages. At the same time, in regards to both health and the en- consumption practices can be enacted, so as to avoid moralizing con- vironment, prescriptions circulate in a normative environment char- sumers into better habits, and placing all the burden of choice on acterized by the individualization of choice and the responsibilization households alone. of consumers (Derkatch & Spoel, 2017; Maniates, 2001). The onus of cutting through conflicting prescriptions is therefore on everyday Funding details people, involving what to buy, how to prepare, when and how to cook, and even how to dispose of any food waste – rather than on the private This paper is based on an ongoing research project funded by the sector or institutional actors. There are over sixty labels on food pro- Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF) under Grant number ducts in Switzerland: making the “right” choice is left up to the in- 406940_166763 in the frame of the national research programme dividual who must make sense of a “jungle of labels” (FRC, 2015), in “Healthy nutrition and sustainable food production” (NRP 69), co- relation to dominant and emerging prescriptions. The act of shopping ordinated by Suren Erkman (University of Lausanne) and co-co- with prescriptions in mind can be a daunting task, towards considering ordinated by Marlyne Sahakian (University of Geneva) and Claudia several tradeoffs in a limited amount of time –“Too much choice kills Binder (EPFL). choice”, as stated in an interview and cited above. In some cases, restrictive prescriptions offer relief from the burden of everyday choice. Disclosure statement Commercial players offer more “healthy” or “sustainable” options, but stop short of taking decisions as to what should or should not be offered No conflict of interest was reported by the authors. on retail shelves or on menus as unhealthy or environmentally unsound. To ease the way towards healthier and more sustainable food con- Acknowledgments sumption, the challenge lies in involving the private sector, civil society and consumers in discussions about possible transitions to healthier and We would like to thank the reviewers for their attentive reading and more sustainable diets, and the tradeoffs and tensions that different useful feedback, Alessandra Roversi for her precious engagement in scenarios might represent. Recognizing the opportunities and limits of focus groups organization, as well as Alice Wieser for her supporting food prescriptions is one piece of the puzzle, as is the need to contribute work on meat consumption. We also thank all of the people who agreed new knowledge to ensure the coherence of prescriptions and their re- to participate in our interviews and focus groups, and are grateful for levance to everyday life. Ultimately, more research is needed upstream fruitful exchanges with all partners involved in this project.

Annex 1. Focus groups and interview proﬁle

Pseudonym Focus Age Gender Education Occupation Household Household type Housing Neighborhood group/ size type interview

Marc Focus 37 M High school – 2 Flatshare Appartment City center group 1 Luc Focus 53 M Vocational Journalist 2 Couple Appartment Residential group 1 training area Louise Focus 51 F Undergraduate Business manager 1 One-person household Appartement City center group 1 Jasmine Focus 28 F Undergraduate Design consultant 2 Flatshare Appartment City center group 1 Jean Focus 46 M High school Bank worker – Flatshare Appartment Residential group 1 area Marina Focus 23 F Undergraduate Student 3 Flatshare Appartment City center group 1 Madeleine Focus 29 F Undergraduate Marketing 2 Flatshare Appartment City center group 1 assistant Paul Focus 27 M Vocational Consultant 2 Flatshare Appartment City center group 1 training Christian Focus 37 M – Publisher 3 Nuclear family, 1 child House Village group 2 Eve Focus – F – Publisher 3 Nuclear family, 1 child House Village group 2 Lucie Focus 39 F Graduate Communication 3 Nuclear family, 1 child House City center group 2 coach Hélène Focus 41 F Undergraduate Consultant/ 1 One-person household Appartment Rural area group 2 researcher Pauline Focus 64 F Vocational Retail employee 1 One-person household Farm Rural area group 3 training Laurent Focus 60 M Undergraduate Monuments 1 One-person household – Rural area group 3 restaurator Odile Focus 79 F – Teacher (retired) 1 One-person household Appartment Rural area group 3

130 L. Godin, M. Sahakian Appetite 130 (2018) 123–133

Nicolas Focus 70 M Graduate Veterinarian 2 Couple House Rural area group 3 (retired) Nicole Focus 72 F High school Retired (active in 2 Couple House Residential group 4 politics) area Leila Focus 46 F Undergraduate Housewife 6 Nuclear family, 4 –– group 4 children Sarah Focus 57 F Undergraduate Social services 1 One-person household Appartment Between city group 4 center and rural area Léonie Focus 62 F – Community 2 Couple Appartment City center group 4 organizer Alexandre Focus 23 M Graduate Innovation 1 One-person household Appartment City center group 5 consultant Ariane Focus 41 F Graduate Accountant 2 Single parent, 1 child Appartment Residential group 5 area Nathalie Focus 26 F Undergraduate Finance controller 1 One-person household Appartment Residential group 5 area Valerie Focus 47 F Graduate Massage 2 Couple Appartment City center group 5 therapist/oﬃce worker Jeanne Focus 24 F Graduate Finance 1 One-person household Appartment Residential group 5 intermediary area Noemie Focus 28 F Graduate Doctor 2 Couple Appartment Residential group 5 area Stephane Focus 41 M Graduate Lawyer 2 Couple Appartment Residential group 5 area Justine Focus 35 F Graduate Controller 2 Couple Appartment Residential group 5 area Chantale Focus 41 F Graduate Manager 3 Nuclear family, 1 child Appartment Residential group 5 area Nadia Interview 46 F Graduate Researcher 3 Nuclear family, 2 Appartment Residential children area Mathieu Interview 35 M Graduate Engineer/project 3 Nuclear family, 1 child Appartment City/ managment residential area Claudia Interview 74 F Undergraduate Didactician 2 Couple House Village (retired) Anne Interview 37 F Undergraduate Asset manager/ 4 Nuclear family, 2 House City/ recently became children residential housewife area Myriam Interview 50 F Undergraduate Lawyer and 4 Nuclear family, 2 House City/ hypnosis therapist children residential area Victoria Interview 42 F Graduate Bank worker 2 Couple Appartment Residential area Marie Interview 31 F Graduate Communication/ 2 Single parent, 1 child Appartment Village marketing Pierre Interview 42 M Graduate Director 4 Nuclear family, 2 Appartment Residential consulting ﬁrma children area Judith Interview 33 F Undergraduate Preschool teacher 4 Nuclear family, 2 Appartment Residential children area Fred Interview 20 M Undergraduate Student 2 Single parent, 1 child Appartment Residential (interviewee lives with area his father)

Focus group 1: Gastronomy professionals in a city in the German-speaking part of Switzerland. Focus group 2: Vegetarians and vegans living in a city in the French-speaking part of Switzerland. Focus group 3: Residents of a small village in the French-speaking part of Switzerland, who have agricultural experience. Focus group 4: Residents and workers in a low-income neighborhood in the French-speaking part of Switzerland. Focus group 5: Expatriates working for a multinational company in a city bordering Germany, in the German-speaking part of Switzerland.

Appendix A. Supplementary data

Supplementary data related to this article can be found at https://doi.org/10.1016/j.appet.2018.08.004.

131 L. Godin, M. Sahakian Appetite 130 (2018) 123–133

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