Bill Lofy. Paul Wellstone: The Life of a Passionate Progressive. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2005. xiii + 167 pp. $19.95, paper, ISBN 978-0-472-03119-1.
Reviewed by Jason Stahl
Published on H-Pol (January, 2007)
How does a reviewer evaluate a hagiography with Lofy). Like the author, I too felt "a deep com‐ that he or she is in agreement with entirely? Such pulsion to work for Wellstone" (p. 8). This compul‐ is the question which plagues this reviewer as I sion led me to take a position as an unpaid intern set out to evaluate Bill Lofy's Paul Wellstone: The on Wellstone's fnal 2002 Senate campaign. This Life of a Passionate Progressive. I use the word compulsion continued after Wellstone's death as I "hagiography" only to make a point about my par‐ became involved in other political projects and at‐ ticular predicament, not to detract from what is a tended one of the frst "Camp Wellstones"--the ac‐ fne book and an excellent primer for those inter‐ tivist training program now put on by Wellstone ested in learning about the life and politics of the Action. The connection I felt--and still feel--to Paul late Senator from Minnesota. While Lofy's take on is deep and hard to put into words. I hope all of Wellstone is certainly that of an admirer (hardly this does not overwhelm my ability to evaluate surprising for a former Wellstone stafer and cur‐ Lofy's book with a clear eye, but that will be for rent communications director for the activist or‐ my readers to decide. ganization "Wellstone Action") this bias does not Despite its short length, Lofy's Paul Wellstone overwhelm the author's ability to evaluate his is really two books in one. It is, frst and foremost, subject's life and politics objectively. a fairly conventional biography of a very uncon‐ Towards this end, let me state all my biases ventional U.S. Senator. Secondly, embedded with‐ up front. As I said in the previous paragraph, I in Lofy's biography is a superb understanding and started reading this book knowing I would largely articulation of "The Wellstone Way"--that is, Paul agree with its basic premises. I knew this would Wellstone's successful formula for liberal/left po‐ be the case not only because of my own personal litical success in the United States. This second political orientation, but also because of my own part is by far the book's most important contribu‐ personal attachments to Paul Wellstone (through tion and, as such, will be the primary focus of this whom, I should say, I never once met or spoke review. Lofy's understanding of Wellstone's politi‐ H-Net Reviews cal success is sharp and incisive, and is a superb Way." Because of this second element, Lofy's Paul addition to the now growing body of literature re‐ Wellstone is an important addition to the ever- garding the future of the Democratic Party. growing literature regarding the problems of the Before moving on to Lofy's articulation of Democratic Party. This lively conversation is ema‐ "The Wellstone Way," a few words are necessary nating from a myriad of sources--popular books regarding the strictly biographical portions of the like Lofy's, liberal bloggers, liberal pundits, and book. For those familiar with Wellstone's life both even some academics.[2] Even though Lofy him‐ before and during his time as a Senator, Lofy's self does not directly engage this literature in his volume adds only a small amount of new infor‐ book, he nevertheless makes a passionate case for mation to a familiar narrative. Wellstone's devel‐ Wellstone's prescription for what ails the Demo‐ oping relationship with his father, his rise from cratic Party with which these writers will be juvenile delinquency to sports stardom and aca‐ forced to engage. demic success, the turbulent years his family The Wellstone Way, as the senator himself of‐ went through as Wellstone's brother was diag‐ ten said, contains "three critical ingredients" nosed with mental illness, his years as an activist which seek to bring about "democratic renewal professor at Carleton College, the ups and downs and progressive change in America: good public of his years as a Senator from Minnesota, and his policy, grassroots organizing and electoral poli‐ tragic death, will all be well known to those famil‐ tics" (pp. 99-100). Lofy correctly notes that this is iar with Wellstone's life.[1] hardly a radical idea. Nevertheless, it was "a sig‐ There are, however, places where Lofy is able nifcant departure from the conventional wisdom to add a bit more texture to the narrative of Well‐ of political strategists and community organizers. stone's life in large measure because of his access Political strategists often eschew grassroots orga‐ to heretofore inaccessible sources. Lofy's access to nizing and focus instead on message and media Wellstone's personal papers--including the writ‐ tactics, while community activists frequently dis‐ ings of Wellstone's father and an unpublished ver‐ miss electoral and legislative politics as an inefec‐ sion of Wellstone's autobiography--are combined tive way to build a broad-based social movement" with some unpublished interviews, internal cam‐ (p. 99). Even Wellstone himself, in his early years paign documents, media accounts, and published as a grassroots organizer and college professor, interviews to add new detail to Wellstone's life agreed with the latter, arguing "that running for story. Lofy's close relationship with Wellstone's ofce was 'a waste of time'" (p. 39). This changed family, as well as his fve years of working for as Wellstone became more and more involved in Wellstone in various capacities, were an obvious Democratic electoral politics and used his experi‐ asset for the book and give the biographical nar‐ ence as a community organizer to win his senato‐ rative an interesting personal depth, while also rial campaigns in 1990 and 1996. revealing details which even those most familiar Beyond the trinity of the Wellstone Way, how‐ with Wellstone might not be aware of. Thus, this ever, Lofy correctly identifes a fourth, more per‐ is an excellent place to start a primer into the life sonal, component necessary for a winning pro‐ of the man. gressive politics. Drawing from the well-known The much more important element of this Max Weber essay, "Politics as a Vocation" (1918), book, however, is the way in which Lofy uses Lofy argues that a principled "vocational politi‐ Wellstone's life experiences to show how the Sen‐ cian" is necessary if progressives are to be suc‐ ator arrived at his particular brand of successful cessful in national electoral politics. A vocational liberal politics--often known as "The Wellstone politician (as opposed to a career politician) is a
2 H-Net Reviews leader "driven by high ideals but [who] does not fully addressed. Namely, to what extent was Well‐ merely stand on the mountaintop proclaiming stone's efectiveness personal? In other words, this vision. Those who have a true political calling could Wellstone make his strident liberal/populist/ also demand results" (p. 9). Lofy makes a convinc‐ progressive message work simply because of his ing case that Wellstone was such a politician. The charismatic oratory and charisma? Additionally, author argues that Wellstone was able to achieve throughout the text, Lofy alludes to Wellstone's this balance of principles and results because he own conservatism in his personal life. We learn personalized the issues, he was relentless in push‐ that Wellstone married at nineteen and started a ing them, he looked for unlikely allies, and he was large family soon after, that he never tried mari‐ an advocate for those who had none (pp. 98-99). juana, that he gave up drinking after a bad experi‐ It is this last element that is repeatedly identi‐ ence with alcohol in high school, and that he fed by Lofy as Wellstone's key political principle. learned from his parents that his Jewish "faith Wellstone was a relentless proponent of a strident was necessarily connected to a struggle for jus‐ populist platform which championed the under‐ tice" (p. 15). In short, Wellstone's politics were the dogs of American life against those who could sixties without the counterculture. So, the ques‐ wield power over them--a sharp departure from tion which also needs to be asked is to what ex‐ the centrist politics advocated by other national tent did this conservatism in his own life allow Democrats at the same time. Ultimately, Wellstone him to sell a strident liberal populism to the pub‐ believed that if he adhered to these populist prin‐ lic at large? One cannot fault Lofy for not fully ad‐ ciples, he could win elections--even garnering the dressing these questions, as they are inherently votes of those who disagreed with him, but who subjective. However, these questions need to be liked that he stood for what he believed. Two win‐ grappled with by those looking to use the Well‐ ning elections prove that this strategy worked. stone model to reinvigorate the liberal/left in the United States. In some sense this was the "happy warrior" populism of another Minnesota Senator--Hubert In the end, however, I am not sure any of H. Humphrey. Wellstone did, of course, possess an what I have just written gets at the importance of infectious jubilancy. But, as Lofy correctly notes, Paul Wellstone. Set aside the Wellstone Way, the Wellstone's populism was one which was also populist messaging, and Wellstone's character flled with indignation at those forces and institu‐ and charisma. At base, Wellstone had an uncanny tions in American society which oppressed vast ability to recognize essential truths about the segments of the population. Through his work as American electorate which so often go unnoticed a grassroots organizer, Wellstone knew that the among many on the American liberal/left. Well‐ downtrodden--be they welfare mothers, out‐ stone understood that the primary barrier to pro‐ sourced workers, or family farmers--felt this in‐ gressive change in the United States is the Ameri‐ dignation as well. Thus, Wellstone's populism was can conception of "the political." So often, as Well‐ never afraid to defne the enemy, to create confict stone knew all too well, Americans are condi‐ with those enemies and their political advocates, tioned to see problems--poverty, unemployment, and to situate societal relationships within imbal‐ lack of health care--as ones which are not political anced dynamics of power.[3] in nature. Or, if they do see these problems as po‐ litical, they doubt that politicians have the will to Wellstone conveyed this populism through in‐ address them. This is hardly surprising after four fectious oratory--a point often raised by Lofy decades of New Right conservatism and Clintoni‐ throughout the text. But, this sort of oratory an neoliberalism. brings up questions which could have been more
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The beauty of Paul Wellstone was that he Money and Corruption Conquered Our Govern‐ knew that this view of "the political" truly needed ment--And How We Take It Back (New York: Ran‐ to be addressed and corrected. Wellstone believed dom House, 2006); and Michael Tomasky, "Party that he had to rehabilitate the very idea of the po‐ in Search of a Notion," American Prospect, May 3, litical--especially at the national level. I think Lofy 2006. recognizes this, which is why he ends his book ar‐ [3]. Increasingly, various forms of populist guing that "the primary lesson that Wellstone's messaging have become ascendant among many life held for others is the imperative of fnding joy left-of-center writers and Democratic politicians. in politics. Wellstone refused to crumble in the However, much of the populism which is being face of adversity, and he never drifted in his polit‐ advocated is not the confrontational, defnitional ical views. He simply loved politics" (p. 132). And, populism which Wellstone practiced. Representa‐ I would add, he sought to make this love infec‐ tive of the non-Wellstone populism is Michael tious. Tomasky's much-discussed essay, "Party in Search Notes of a Notion," in which Tomasky advocates that [1]. Works on Wellstone's life include Pamela Democrats embrace the "Common Good" as their Colby's flm Wellstone! (St. Paul: Carry It Forward central message. However, as Nathan Newman Productions, 2004). Also see Dennis J. McGrath and others have pointed out, such a message does and Dane Smith, Professor Wellstone Goes to no good if there is no "naming of who is under‐ Washington: The Inside Story of a Grassroots U.S. mining that common good"--a point not addressed Senate Campaign (Minneapolis: University of by Tomasky. As Newman suggests, if Democratic Minnesota Press, 1995); Wellstone Action, Politics populists do not name the enemy, Republican the Wellstone Way: How to Elect Progressive Can‐ populists certainly will--"lazy welfare moms, ille‐ didates and Win on Issues (Minneapolis: Universi‐ gal aliens, liberal media elites," etc. Newman ends ty of Minnesota Press, 2005); Paul Wellstone, How by arguing that most Democrats are too afraid to the Rural Poor Got Power: Narrative of a Grass name the enemy because they get too much mon‐ Roots Organizer (Amherst: University of Massa‐ ey from the corporate monied interests which chusetts Press, 1978); and Paul Wellstone, The need to be named as the enemy of the common Conscience of a Liberal: Reclaiming the Compas‐ good. This problem was not an issue for Wellstone sionate Agenda (New York: Random House, 2001). as he relied on small dollar donations from his grassroots network and liked to joke that the "En‐ [2]. Given the number of left-of-center jour‐ rons of the world never even tried to ofer him nals, blogs and books on this topic, it is impossible money." Michael Tomasky, "Party in Search of a to be exhaustive. A few gaining the most traction Notion," American Prospect, May 3, 2006; Nathan follow. Jerome Armstrong and Markos Moulitsas Newman, "Who is the Enemy?," TPM Cafe, May 3, Zuniga, Crashing the Gate: Netroots, Grassroots, 2006,
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Citation: Jason Stahl. Review of Lofy, Bill. Paul Wellstone: The Life of a Passionate Progressive. H-Pol, H- Net Reviews. January, 2007.
URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=12709
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