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Antoine De Chandieu (1534-1591): One of the Fathers Of
CALVIN THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY ANTOINE DE CHANDIEU (1534-1591): ONE OF THE FATHERS OF REFORMED SCHOLASTICISM? A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF CALVIN THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY BY THEODORE GERARD VAN RAALTE GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN MAY 2013 CALVIN THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 3233 Burton SE • Grand Rapids, Michigan • 49546-4301 800388-6034 fax: 616 957-8621 [email protected] www. calvinseminary. edu. This dissertation entitled ANTOINE DE CHANDIEU (1534-1591): L'UN DES PERES DE LA SCHOLASTIQUE REFORMEE? written by THEODORE GERARD VAN RAALTE and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy has been accepted by the faculty of Calvin Theological Seminary upon the recommendation of the undersigned readers: Richard A. Muller, Ph.D. I Date ~ 4 ,,?tJ/3 Dean of Academic Programs Copyright © 2013 by Theodore G. (Ted) Van Raalte All rights reserved For Christine CONTENTS Preface .................................................................................................................. viii Abstract ................................................................................................................... xii Chapter 1 Introduction: Historiography and Scholastic Method Introduction .............................................................................................................1 State of Research on Chandieu ...............................................................................6 Published Research on Chandieu’s Contemporary -
Bibliographie Castellio (Auswahl).Pdf
Bibliographie zum Umfeld der protestantischen Glaubensflüchtlinge in der Schweiz, ihren Herkunftsorten und ihren Fluchtwegen, auch zu Sebastian Castellio, seinen Kollegen an der Universität Basel und anderen Dissidenten von Barbara Mahlmann-Bauer (Bern) Quellen, Neueditionen und Übersetzungen Jacobus Acontius: Tractaat de methodo (erstmals Basel 1558). Met een inleiding uitgegeven door Herman J. de Vleeschauwer. Antwerpen, Paris 1927. Diese Ausgabe enthält auch bisher ungedruckte Briefe, u.a. an und von Petrus Ramus. Jacob Acontius: Satanae Stratagematum libri octo (erstmals Basel 1565). Ad Johannem Wolphium eiusque ad Acontium Epistulae. Epistula apologetica pro Adriano de Haemstede. Epistula ad ignotum quendam de natura Christi. Hg. von Walther Koehler. München 1927. Walther Köhler und Erich Hassinger (Hg.): Acontiana. Abhandlungen und Briefe des Jacobus Acontius. Heidelberg 1932 (= Abhandlungen der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse 4). Theodor Beza, Brief an Bullinger, 24.1. 1564, Opera Calvini Bd. 20, c. 242. Theodor Beza, Vita Joannis Calvini (1564), französisch, als Vorwort zur postumen Ed. von Calvins Josua-Kommentar, in Opera Calvini Bd. 21, c. 21ff. Urteil über Castellio c. 24- 27. Theodor Beza: Vita Joannis Calvini, 1575, in Opera Calvini Bd. 21, 119ff. Theodor Beza: De haereticis a civili magistratu puniendis (Anti-Bellius). Sebastian Castellios Antwort auf Beza: Ad sycophantarum quorundam calumnias quibus unicum salutis nostrae fundamentum, i.e. aeternam Dei praedestinationem nituntur responsio. 1558. Johannes Brenz: Ob eyn weltliche Oberkeyt ... möge die Widertouffer zum Tod richten lassen. In: Martin u.a. (Hg.): Johannes Brenz Frühschriften, Teil II. Tübingen 1974. [Originaldruck von 1528 in UB Basel]. Jean Calvin, Jean: Brevis responsio ad diluendas nebulonis cuiusdam calumnias (1557); Ders.: Calumniae nebulonis cuiusdam (1558), beide in Opera Calvini IX, c. -
University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting
SMATHERS LIBRARIES’ LATIN AND GREEK RARE BOOKS COLLECTION UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2016 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS page LECTORI: TO THE READER ........................................................................................ 20 LATIN AUTHORS.......................................................................................................... 24 Ammianus ............................................................................................................... 24 Title: Rerum gestarum quae extant, libri XIV-XXXI. What exists of the Histories, books 14-31. ................................................................................. 24 Apuleius .................................................................................................................. 24 Title: Opera. Works. ......................................................................................... 24 Title: L. Apuleii Madaurensis Opera omnia quae exstant. All works of L. Apuleius of Madaurus which are extant. ....................................................... 25 See also PA6207 .A2 1825a ............................................................................ 26 Augustine ................................................................................................................ 26 Title: De Civitate Dei Libri XXII. 22 Books about the City of God. ..................... 26 Title: Commentarii in Omnes Divi Pauli Epistolas. Commentary on All the Letters of Saint Paul. .................................................................................... -
Research Collection
Research Collection Journal Article Republicans of Letters, Memory Politicians, Global Colonialists Historians in Recent Histories of Historiography Author(s): Hirschi, Caspar Publication Date: 2012-09 Permanent Link: https://doi.org/10.3929/ethz-b-000054641 Originally published in: The historical journal 55(3), http://doi.org/10.1017/S0018246X12000337 Rights / License: In Copyright - Non-Commercial Use Permitted This page was generated automatically upon download from the ETH Zurich Research Collection. For more information please consult the Terms of use. ETH Library The Historical Journal, , (), pp. – © Cambridge University Press doi:./SX REPUBLICANS OF LETTERS, MEMORY POLITICIANS, GLOBAL COLONIALISTS: HISTORIANS IN RECENT HISTORIES OF HISTORIOGRAPHY CASPAR HIRSCHI Eidgenössische Technische Hochschule, Zürich ABSTRACT. Writing the history of historiography is a tricky business. There is no unbiased way of doing it, and it can serve different goals that at best complement and at worst contradict each other. The genre can seem both suitable to promote one’s own academic agenda and to reflect upon one’s own ideological constraints, epistemological presumptions, and social aspirations. This article analyses the motivations and methods of recent authors in the field, and it does so principally by focusing on the roles they attribute to historians past and present. To enable comparisons, the article includes works with a national, European and global framework, on early modern and late modern historiography, by intellectual, cultural and post-colonialist historians. A general conclusion will be that while most publications use the genre to pursue academic interests with epistemic arguments, only few try to exploit its potential for critical self-reflexion. As a consequence, they tend to be of limited credibility and originality when it comes to describing historiography’s functions and historians’ roles. -
Reference Genres and Their Finding Devices," in Too
3 Reference Genres and Their Finding Devices The first new reference books to appear in print starting ca. 1500 were in- debted to ancient and medieval sources and models, but they also initiated a period of new experimentation and explosive growth in methods of information management. Printed compilations were larger than their medieval counterparts and often grew larger still in successive editions, while remaining commercially viable; reference books were steady sellers despite their considerable size and expense and despite being accessible only to the Latin- literate.1 The impressive size of many early modern reference books is a symptom of the same stockpiling mentality that motivated the large collections of reading notes. But while note- takers could rely on their memories to find their way around their notes, printed reference works needed to offer readers formalized finding devices with which to navigate materials they had not had a hand in preparing. These tools often came with instructions for use, which indicate that despite medieval precedents for some of them, readers of early printed books were not assumed to master them. For example, Conrad Gesner explained the reference function of his alphabeti- cally arranged natural history of animals in five volumes (Historia animalium, 1551): the “utility of lexica [like this] comes not from reading it from beginning to end, which would be more tedious than useful, but from consulting it from time to time [ut consulat ea per intervalla].”2 Here the classical Latin term consulere, usually applied to the consultation of people or oracles for advice, was applied to books; aware of introducing a new usage of the term Gesner added “per inter- valla” to make clear the intermittent and nonsequential nature of the reading he had in mind. -
Tegli Inglese Mordeglia
Caterina Mordeglia Silvestro Tegli and the first Latin translation of Machiavelli’s Il Principe Abstract : Although Agostino Nifo produced a Latin reworking of Il Principe before Machiavelli’s treatise saw print, the first proper Latin translation was not completed until 1560. Commissioned by the publisher Pietro Perna, it was carried out by the Reformed Umbrian exile Silvestro Tegli and published in Basle as a work of politico-religious Reformist propaganda. The translation was essentially faithful to the original, except for the omission of some passages whose content was too compromising and a stylistic reworking marked by the use of rhetorical amplificatio , as was typical of literary prose in the sixteenth century. With its 14 republications and re-printings in the space of 60 years, it helped spread Machiavelli’s text throughout Europe, and its fame was only surpassed by Hermann Conring’s Latin translation published in 1660, which however largely recast the original for ideological reasons. Before looking more closely at the first Latin version of Machiavelli’s Il Principe , I think it is best to start with some background. Machiavelli’s celebrated political treatise, which since its first appearance has enjoyed a level of diffusion and fame (for good or ill) that even surpasses Dante’s Divine Comedy , was given a Latin version even before it was printed. But that is precisely what it was: a version, and not a translation in the strict sense of the word. As we know 1, in March 1523 in Naples the philosopher Agostino Nifo, famous primarily for his commentaries on Aristotle 2, published an essay in Latin entitled De regnandi peritia , an example of the genre of specula principis which was very common during the Renaissance humanist period. -
A. Quaranta, Umanesimo Medico E Culture Confessionali Nell’Europa Del Cinquecento
www.giornaledistoria.net – Alessandra Quaranta, Umanesimo medico e culture confessionali nell’europa del Cinquecento. Carteggi inediti (1560-1587) di Girolamo Donzellini, “Physicus et Philosophus” UMANESIMO MEDICO E CULTURE CONFESSIONALI NELL’EUROPA DEL CINQUECENTO. CARTEGGI INEDITI (1560-1587) DI GIROLAMO DONZELLINI, “PHYSICUS ET PHILOSOPHUS” di Alessandra Quaranta 1. Il ruolo di Girolamo Donzellini nel movimento eterodosso veneto Il 5 ottobre 1585, due anni prima di morire, il medico bresciano Girolamo Donzellini, in una lettera indirizzata al suo amico e collega Ioachim Camerarius il Giovane di Norimberga, annotava che Dio “non permette che noi siamo afflitti oltre quanto possiamo tollerare”.1 Esprimendo un tentativo di autoconsolazione, tali parole potrebbero riferirsi alle drammatiche vicende che Donzellini aveva vissuto in prima persona negli anni 1575-1576, quando si abbatté su Venezia una terribile epidemia di peste, e vorrebbero trovare un senso a quelle non meno tormentate che il medico stesso aveva affrontato sul piano personale, professionale e confessionale. Il breve sintagma appena citato richiama a sua volta un passo della lettera del 10 marzo 1566, indirizzata ancora a Camerarius in occasione della morte della moglie di Hierolamus Herold,2 archiatra lipsiense attivo a Norimberga,3 e amico di Donzellini. Con queste parole, infatti, quest’ultimo commentava il lutto che aveva colpito il collega tedesco: «Ma al vero cristiano non accade nulla di intollerabile. Soltanto il Signore sia il nostro Dio. Tutte le altre cose sono da considerare con indifferenza».4 Tale osservazione, richiamata da altre simili sparse nell’epistolario di Girolamo Donzellini, esprime una visione consolatoria e ottimistica della morte, sulla quale avremo modo di tornare nel corso dell’articolo. -
The Council and the “Papal Prince”: Trent Seen by the Italian Reformers*
The Council and the “Papal Prince”: Trent Seen by the Italian Reformers* Diego Pirillo Introduction In November 1550, having left Italy the previous year to embrace the Reformation, the former bishop of Capodistria Pier Paolo Vergerio published a pamphlet against Julius III, who, under pressure from Charles V, intended to reopen the Council in Trent.1 The pamphlet, one of several launched by Vergerio against the council, was dedicated to Edward VI. The English king had recently welcomed the two prominent Italian reformers Peter Martyr Vermigli and Bernardino Ochino, who had arrived in England at the invitation of the Archbishop of Canterbury Thomas Cranmer, himself determined to summon a general Protestant council in opposition to the one that had just begun in Trent.2 From his Swiss exile, Vergerio attentively followed not only his fellow reformers abroad but also those still in Italy. By opting for the vernacular over Latin, he intended to reach a wide audience of Italian readers who remained undecided on whether to break off from the Roman Church and leave Italy or to stay and compromise with Catholic orthodoxy. A skillful pamphleteer, Vergerio knew very well that the purpose of “adversarial propaganda” was to create stereotypes and that, by contrasting a positive set of ideas with its negative antithesis, he could target the “uncommitted,” situated between the two extremes.3 Thus, Vergerio outlined a sharp opposition between the supporters of the Reformation on one side and the Roman Antichrist on the other, aware that any third alternative would have undermined the efficacy of his communicative strategy. -
Petrus Martyr Vermigli (1499-1562)
Petrus Martyr Vermigli (1499-1562) Europäische Wirkungsfelder eines italienischen Reformators1 von EMIDIO CAMPI In den zur Zeit ruhigen Gewässern der Reformationsforschung scheint der 500. Geburtstag von Petrus Martyr Vermigli kleine, aber feine Wellen zu schla gen. Zumindest gibt es Anzeichen dafür, daß neuerdings wieder ein wissen schaftlicher Diskurs über diese wenig bekannte Schlüsselfigur des reformier ten Protestantismus und der europäischen Geistesgeschichte des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts in Gang gekommen ist. So haben planende Voraussicht und glücklicher Zufall Hand in Hand dafür gesorgt, daß die Jahresversammlung des ehrwürdigen Zwinglivereins im Juni 1999 ihre Aufmerksamkeit auf den italienischen Glaubensflüchtling richtete. Anfang Juli fand unter großer inter nationaler Beteiligung ein Symposium in Kappel am Albis2 statt, das die Wir kung und Bedeutung seiner Tätigkeit in Zürich würdigte. Im September wurde während der Jahreskonferenz des Sixteenth Century Journal in St. Louis, Mis souri, ein fachübergreifendes Vermigli-Kolloquium durchgeführt.3 Im Okto ber folgte schließlich eine Zusammenkunft an der Universität Padua4, der alma mater Vermiglis, bei der die Ergebnisse dieser konzentrisch angelegten Tagun gen gezielt weitergeführt wurden. Erfreulich ist zudem der Umstand, daß das Jahr 1999 nicht nur Vermigli-Kongresse brachte, sondern auch eine beträcht liche Anzahl neuer Editionen5, Studien6 und Dissertationsprojekte7 verzeich nen konnte. 1 Vortrag, gehalten an der ordentlichen Mitgliederversammlung des Zwinglivereins vom 16. Juni 1999 in der Helferei Großmünster. Für die Drucklegung wurde er geringfügig überar beitet und mit den Anmerkungen versehen. Für ihre wertvolle Mithilfe bei der Fertigstellung des Aufsatzes danke ich Frau Alexandra Seger und Herrn Michael Baumann. 1 Petrus Martyr Vermigli in Zürich (1556-1562). Humanismus, Republikanismus, Reforma tion. -
The Spread of Italian Political Culture During the Renaissance: Remarks on the First Fortunes of Guicciardini's Works
STUDIA HISTORICA BRUNENSIA 58, 2011, 2 VALENTINA LEPRI THE SPREAD OF ITALIAN POLITICAL CULTURE DURING THE RENAISSANCE: REMARKS ON THE FIRST FORTUNES OF GUICCIARDINI’S WORKS∗ Abstract: The Florentine historian and politician, Francesco Guicciardini, played a key role in Renaissance culture and his works contributed to the heated debate between the Catholic and Reformed churches. A diplomat and adviser to the Medici Family and the Papacy, his work left a crucial mark during his lifetime, and between the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries his texts made the long journey through Europe, meeting with consider- able appreciation. Leading thinkers, editors, printers, kings and military leaders published,and read his works, and this paper aims to shed light upon this important moment in the dissemination of Renaissance culture. Keywords: censorship, culture, Guicciardini, manipulation, printing, dissemination, Renaissance. In Epistolas ad Principes, letter number V to Andrea Mylio Johannes, Caselius wrote: “Recens Florentiae edita est Guicciardini historia admo- dum laudata, refertissima consiliis”.1 Caselius is a universally known figure who promoted Italian Humanism in Germany at the Rostock and Helmsted universities.2 He read authors ∗ The text comes from a paper given at Masaryk university in Brno in November 2011, as a part of the EU project Innovation of history studies: History of churches. 1 “It has recently been published in Florence Guicciardini’s historia, which has been highly praised and is very rich in advice” (my translation of all Latin texts). In: Joan- nis Caselii Epistolas ad Principes, Nobiles, Viros celebres. Frankfurt 1687, p. 662. 2 See N e u k i r c h , Albert: Niedersächsische Adelskultur der Renaissance (Re- naissanceschlösser Niedersachsens, Text–band Zweite Hälfte). -
Legacy of the Humanists
EUROPE Legacy of the Humanists EUROPE – LEGACY OF THE HUMANISTS Humanitas hat makes human beings unique? This question was Wtaken up again during the Renaissance period upon For him, it was the rationality of language that differentiated humansreading thefrom works all other of the living Roman beings; writer it needed Cicero (106–43to be applied BCE). and precise manner, since the nurturing of the intellect saidin a refinedto be the nourishment of human dignity (humanitas humanitas implies,– and this over is andexpressed above thethrough modern language use of the– is ); term “humanity”, the aspect of „man as defined by his comprehensive intellectual wisdom“. Language, in its proper application,uch linguistic should and aim philosophical for truth and remarks the common touched good. a Scontemporary nerve amongst the Renaissance scholars, Europe–The Legacy of the Humanists for the reigning academic and cultural drift of the times Concept: Goethe-Institut Stockholm, EUNIC Stockholm, Austrian had reduced language to a practical framework which Academy of Sciences, Goethe-Institut Ljubljana, Cultural and Congress Centre Cankarjev dom For Goethe-Institut Ljubljana: Dr. Arpad-Andreas Sölter, Director withhad to socio-political be structured, changes classified the and question definable; of human freedom dignity of thought and aesthetic growth were not called for. Along For Cultural and Congress Centre Cankarjev dom: Uršula Cetinski, took on a particular dynamic, especially during this period Director General Project coordination: Nina Pirnat Spahić (Cankarjev dom), Barbara studia Krivec, Dr. Urban Šrimpf (Goethe-Institut Ljubljana), Daphne humanitatis,of transition. Based on the Classical archetype one now Springhorn (Goethe-Institut Stockholm) undertook studies that defined Man, the so-called Author of Slovene contributions: Assist. -
Igor Melani «Venire a Unirsi Con Esso Noi Nelle Cose Della Fede»
67 Igor Melani «Venire a unirsi con esso noi nelle cose della fede». Un vescovo, un papa, un ambasciatore e «un re di nome non finto». La Moscovia di Paolo Giovio e la sua tradizione ramusiana 1. Giochi di immagini L’idea di innalzare un tempio alle Muse, dandogli un nome che oggi appare evidente, ma che doveva suonare allora pressappoco come un dotto neologismo, o meglio come un calco latino (probabilmente pliniano) così dotto e ricercato da apparire quantomeno inconsueto e in qualche misura nuovo (almeno per quanto riguarda il suo uso, per la prima volta coincidente con quello attuale),1 era venuta a Paolo Gio- vio ben prima dell’inizio della sua costruzione, probabilmente già pri- ma del 1521, quando aveva iniziato la sua raccolta di ritratti di letterati illustri, e certamente prima del 1522, quando la stava già ampliando a una nuova collezione di ritratti di politici, legislatori, uomini di Stato e generali.2 L’interesse di Paolo Giovio per la ritrattistica, e per il realismo pitto- rico dei ritratti, era frutto del retroterra artistico lombardo nel quale egli aveva trascorso la propria giovinezza, e lo connotava a tal punto al mo- 1 Alla questione dedica un contributo K. Pomian, Paolo Giovio et la naissance du musée, «Archiwum historii filozofii i myśli społecznej», XLVII, 2002, pp. 143- 152. Ibid., pp. 143-144, si afferma che Giovio fu senz’altro il primo a introdurre il termine in volgare italiano e il primo ad attribuirgli, nel latino moderno, il significato attuale. 2 Cfr. T. C. P. Zimmermann, Paolo Giovio.