Democracy's Champion: Albert Shanker and The
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Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration Mulford Q
Hastings Law Journal Volume 16 | Issue 3 Article 3 1-1965 Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration Mulford Q. Sibley Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Mulford Q. Sibley, Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration, 16 Hastings L.J. 351 (1965). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal/vol16/iss3/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Law Journal by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. Direct Action and the Struggle for Integration By MuLorm Q. Smri.y* A MOST striking aspect of the integration struggle in the United States is the role of non-violent direct action. To an extent unsurpassed in history,1 men's attentions have been directed to techniques which astonish, perturb, and sometimes antagonize those familiar only with the more common and orthodox modes of social conflict. Because non- violent direct action is so often misunderstood, it should be seen against a broad background. The civil rights struggle, to be sure, is central. But we shall examine that struggle in the light of general history and the over-all theory of non-violent resistance. Thus we begin by noting the role of non-violent direct action in human thought and experience. We then turn to its part in the American tradition, par- ticularly in the battle for race equality; examine its theory and illus- trate it in twentieth-century experience; inquire into its legitimacy and efficacy; raise several questions crucial to the problem of civil disobedience, which is one of its expressions; and assess its role in the future battle for equality and integration. -
Massachusetts AFL-CIO Records, 1902-1995 Finding
Special Collections and University Archives : University Libraries Massachusetts AFL-CIO Records 1902-2008 132 boxes (198 linear ft.) Call no.: MS 369 Collection overview Massachusetts AFL-CIO formed as the Massachusetts state branch of the American Federation of Labor in 1887. Consists of proceedings, reports, resolutions, correspondence, memoranda, minutes, agenda, speeches, statements, clippings, flyers, newsletters, publications, films, photographs, memorabilia, posters, sound recordings, and video recordings. See similar SCUA collections: Labor Massachusetts Political activism Background on Massachusetts AFL-CIO The Massachusetts AFL-CIO was formed as the Massachusetts state branch of the American Federation of Labor in 1887. Its purpose was to organize workers, advance the interests of workers through organization and legislation, and to provide general assistance in the event of difficulties such as strikes and lockouts. Presidents of the Massachusetts State Federation of Labor and Massachusetts AFL-CIO 1887 C.G. Wilkins 1887-1888 Charles Rawbone 1888-1889 Henry Abrahams 1889-1890 G.W. Clark 1890-1891 J.F. Melaven 1891-1894 O.A. Robbins 1895-1899 J.D. Pierce 1899-1900 Jonas Weener 1900-1902 Frank H. McCarthy 1902-1904 James R. Crozier 1904-1906 Francis J. Clarke 1906-1908 Edward Cohen 1908-1909 Philip H. Sweet 1909-1911 Thomas J. Durnin 1911-1912 James W. Wall 1912-1915 E.S. Alden 1915-1916 Joseph J. Hunt 1916-1918 George H. Wrenn 1918-1920 William A. Nealey 1920-1921 Thomas H. Gerraughty 1921-1922 Jeremiah F. Driscoll 1922-1924 William Walsh 1924-1926 Michael J. O'Donnell 1926-1928 John Van Vaerenewyck 1928-1930 Joseph J. Cabral 1930-1934 James T. -
Civic Education: Is There Common Ground? March 13, 2019 | Noon to 2:00 P.M
Conversation Series Civic Education: Is There Common Ground? March 13, 2019 | noon to 2:00 p.m. LEO CASEY Leo Casey is the executive director of the Albert Shanker Institute, a think tank established by the American Federation of Teachers which focuses on issues of public education, unionism and democracy promotion. He previously served as vice president from academic high schools for the United Federation of Teachers (UFT), New York City’s 200,000 person strong teacher union. After a stint in political organizing, Casey began his teaching career at Clara Barton High School in the Crown Heights section of Brooklyn, where he taught for fifteen years. For ten years in a row, his classes— composed entirely of students of color, who were largely immigrant and predominantly female—won the New York City championship of the national We The People civics competition, winning the New York State championship four times and placing fourth in the nation twice. Casey won many additional awards for his teaching and was named national Social Studies Teacher of the Year for the American Teacher Awards in 1992. In 1999, Casey became a full-time UFT special representative for high schools and was elected vice president from academic high schools in 2007. While vice president, he taught a class in Global Studies every day at Bard High School Early College in Manhattan. He has a long history of union involvement, including work as a United Farm Worker’s organizer and participation in the first unionization drive of graduate teaching assistants in Canada, serving as vice president of the Graduate Student Union at the University of Toronto and on the executive of the Ontario Federation of Students. -
Freedom Budget for All Americans As an Economic Plan
ISSN: 2278-3369 International Journal of Advances in Management and Economics Available online at www.managementjournal.info RESEARCH ARTICLE The Freedom Budget for All Americans as an Economic Plan Enrico Beltramini Notre Dame de Namur University Abstract In the second part of the sixties, A. Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin envisioned an ambitious economic plan aimed primarily at eradicating poverty and joblessness for all Americans and significantly expanding the boundaries of Johnson’s Great Society. It never gained traction and by the end of the Johnson Presidency was relegated to the margins of historical memory. While the recent literature on the Freedom Budget has argued that the program was politically infeasible, this paper sustains that the Freedom Budget as a plan was economically infeasible. After a summary of the aims and content of the Great Society and the Freedom Budget, this paper determines that a main point of the program’s irrelevance lies to some degree in the implausibility of its economic assumptions and in the denial of any necessary economic trade-off. Keywords: Freedom Budget, Keyserling, Johnson Administration, Great Society, Keynesianism. Introduction The Freedom Budget for All Americans: budget and self-sustainability of the Budgeting Our Resources, 1966-1975, To program, as well as the denial of any Achieve Freedom from Want (also, Freedom necessary economic trade-off, including the Budget or simply Budget), written under the one between inflation and employment. supervision of Bayard Rustin and released First, the article summarizes the main in 1966 by the A. Philip Randolph Institute, features of the Great Society, President was a well developed policy program seeking Johnson’s grandiose vision of universal to secure full economic citizenship for all access to benefits, privileges, income, Americans via an unprecedented housing, hopes, visions, values, government investment. -
International Law and Economics
International Law and Economics Series editors Stefan Voigt, Germany Anne van Aaken, Switzerland Andrew T. Guzman, USA Stefan Oeter, Germany Joel P. Trachtman, USA Naigen Zhang, China More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/13428 Felix Hadwiger Contracting International Employee Participation Global Framework Agreements Felix Hadwiger Institute of Law & Economics University of Hamburg Hamburg, Germany ISSN 2364-1851 ISSN 2364-186X (electronic) International Law and Economics ISBN 978-3-319-71098-3 ISBN 978-3-319-71099-0 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-71099-0 Library of Congress Control Number: 2017960766 © Springer International Publishing AG 2018 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. -
ABOR and the ~EW Peal: the CASE - - of the ~OS ~NGELES J~~~Y
~ABOR AND THE ~EW pEAL: THE CASE - - OF THE ~OS ~NGELES J~~~y By ISAIAS JAMES MCCAFFERY '\ Bachelor of Arts Missouri Southern State College Joplin, Missouri 1987 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate College of Oklahoma Siate University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS December, 1989 { Oklahoma ~tate univ •.1...u..1u.Lu..1.; LABOR AND THE NEW DEAL: THE CASE OF THE LOS ANGELES ILGWC Thesis Approved: Dean of the Graduate College 1.i PREFACE This project examines the experience of a single labor union, the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union (ILGWU), in Los Angeles during the New Deal era. Comparisons are drawn between local and national developments within the ILGWU and the American labor movement in general. Surprisingly little effort has been made to test prevailing historical interpretations within specific cities-- especially those lying outside of the industrial northeast. Until more localized research is undertaken, the unique organizational struggles of thousands of working men and women will remain ill-understood. Differences in regional politics, economics, ethnicity, and leadership defy the application of broad-based generalizations. The Los Angeles ILGWU offers an excellent example of a group that did not conform to national trends. While the labor movement experienced remarkable success throughout much of the United States, the Los Angeles garment locals failed to achieve their basic goals. Although eastern clothing workers won every important dispute with owners and bargained from a position of strength, their disunited southern Californian counterparts languished under the counterattacks of business interests. No significant gains in ILGWU membership occurred in Los Angeles after 1933, and the open shop survived well iii into the following decade. -
The Los Angeles County Federation of Labor by Larry Frank and Kent Wong
Intense Political Mobilization: The Los Angeles County Federation of Labor by Larry Frank and Kent Wong political regional allegiances.3 Once a stronghold The L.A. County Federation of Labor has of unionized manufacturing, about 500,000 light attracted national attention as a focal point of the manufacturing jobs still remain in L.A. County, new American labor movement. The emergence but in low wage non-union industries such as of Los Angeles as a union city has been an garment and food processing.4 impressive accomplishment, especially in light of its anti-union history. The growth of labor Until the 1980’s, Los Angeles was headquarters power in the political arena, the organizing of to a host of Fortune 500 companies and other new workers, the advancement of progressive major businesses. Their leaders were the public policy, and the forging of labor- oligarchy of the downtown business interests. community alliances, especially with immigrant These companies, such as Hughes, Rockwell, communities, have all contributed to Los Litton, the Atlantic Richfield Company, Security Angeles’s new labor power. Power building in Pacific Bank, Great Western Bank, even the Los Los Angeles combines the sophisticated political Angeles Times, have been subjected to mergers, work of the L.A. County Federation of Labor acquisitions, or closures. The heads of the and the economic development activism fostered remaining entertainment conglomerates, along by its allies. with the major developers of the region, have largely replaced the old oligarchy at the seats of The L.A. Context power. With over ten million residents, Los Angeles Construction, business services, the hospitality County has the largest population of any county industry and retail have all been greatly impacted in the United States. -
Trade Unions As Actors of Development Education and Awareness Raising for Global Solidarity © TUDCN 2016 8
The involvement of trade unions in development cooperation has been going on for many decades and is now recog- nised and increasingly known, but it is only recently that trade unions have been acknowledged as actors in develop- Trade unions as actors of development education ment in their own right. A less known façade of trade union work is that of Development Education and Awareness Raising (DEAR). and awareness raising for global solidarity Workers’ education has been at the core of trade union efforts since their creation, and awareness raising has always been one of the key actions of trade unions in the form of organising, campaigning, etc. DEAR interventions have therefore been going on for many decades within trade unions, in the context of international solidarity actions with colonised peoples, against dictatorships and against apartheid, among others. This work has been evolving towards more elaborate forms of DEAR actions and programmes that show a great expertise on the part of trade unions on the subject. Trade unions understand DEAR to be a form of engagement with citizens and workers in order to educate and raise awareness of the realities in partner countries, and to put forward common responses to common problems, through increased international solidarity. Trade Union Development Cooperation Network c/o International Trade Union Confederation Boulevard du Roi Albert II, 5, Bte 1, 1210 Brussels, Belgium [email protected] - www.ituc-csi.org/development-cooperation Twitter: @TUDCN_RSCD - Facebook: /TUDCN.RSCD This document has been produced with the financial assistance of the European Union. The contents of this document are the sole responsibility of the ITUC and can under no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the European Union. -
Black-Jewish Coalition” Unraveled: Where Does Israel Fit?
The “Black-Jewish Coalition” Unraveled: Where Does Israel Fit? A Master’s Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Hornstein Jewish Professional Leadership Program Professors Ellen Smith and Jonathan Krasner Ph.D., Advisors In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts by Leah Robbins May 2020 Copyright by Leah Robbins 2020 Acknowledgements This thesis was made possible by the generous and thoughtful guidance of my two advisors, Professors Ellen Smith and Jonathan Krasner. Their content expertise, ongoing encouragement, and loving pushback were invaluable to the work. This research topic is complex for the Jewish community and often wrought with pain. My advisors never once questioned my intentions, my integrity as a researcher, or my clear and undeniable commitment to the Jewish people of the past, present, and future. I do not take for granted this gift of trust, which bolstered the work I’m so proud to share. I am also grateful to the entire Hornstein community for making room for me to show up in my fullness, and for saying “yes” to authentically wrestle with my ideas along the way. It’s been a great privilege to stretch and grow alongside you, and I look forward to continuing to shape one another in the years to come. iii ABSTRACT The “Black-Jewish Coalition” Unraveled: Where Does Israel Fit? A thesis presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Brandeis University Waltham, Massachusetts By Leah Robbins Fascination with the famed “Black-Jewish coalition” in the United States, whether real or imaginary, is hardly a new phenomenon of academic interest. -
Why America Needs a Second Party by Harold Meyerson INSIDE DEMOCRATIC LEFT Dsaction
PUBLISHED BY THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISTS OF AMERICA Why America Needs A Second Party By Harold Meyerson INSIDE DEMOCRATIC LEFT DSAction ... 11 Why We Need a Second Party Jimmy Higgins Reports ... 16 by Harold Meyerson ... 3 Turning Rage Into Action: Daring To Be Ambitious: New York City DSA Commentary on the Clarence Thomas Hearings Organizes to Elect a Progressive City Council by Suzanne Crowell ... 13 by Miriam Bensman ... 6 Book Review: Guy Molyneux reviews E.J. Dionne's Why Americans Hate Politics ... 14 On TheLefJ Canadian Health Care Speakers Tour Report ... 8 Cover photo by Robert Fox/Impact Visuals EDITORIAL West European social democracies. In bachev is correct to want those "inter SOVI ET the Soviet Union, he'd like to see similar esting results" in democracy, economic welfare state guarantees, active labor development, and human rights that market policies, and government in- are inspired by the socialist idea. In tervention in the economy for both this respect, he's in tune with the DREAMER growth and equity. In his heart of citizens of his country since polls con hearts, Gorby wants his country to sistently show widespread support by Joanne Barkan look like Sweden in good times. among them for welfare state guaran- Dream on -- James Baker would tees. If George Bush would stop ex The coup in the Soviet Union fails. certainly respond. And democratic so- porting his models of misery, what's The train of history is back on the cialists everywhere would have to admit worked best for the West Europeans reform track -- for the moment. Re that the economic resources and insti- might -- with time and aid -- work for publics of the former empire declare tutional mechanisms just don't exist the East. -
2014 Year in Review Dear ILHS Members
Illinois Labor History Society 430 South Michigan Ave. Room AUD 1361 Chicago, IL 60605 2014 Year in Review Dear ILHS Members, I am very pleased to present to you this edition of “The Reporter,” the Illinois Labor History Society newsletter. Longtime members of ILHS probably remember “The Reporter.” Hopefully you will be as pleased as we are at the renewal of our publication with this special 2014 Year in Review edition. 2014 was in many ways of year of transition for the ILHS. It was a year of loss, as we mourned the passing of Les Orear. Les was one of the founders of our organization, and his energy and commitment to the project of labor history was at the heart of everything we have accomplished for more than four decades. It was year of change, as we moved our offices to Roosevelt University. Our relationship with Roosevelt will allow us to increase access to the ILHS archives. It was a year of new beginnings, as we hired our first full time Executive Director, Stephanie Seawell, who joins ILHS from finishing her PhD in history at the University of Illinois, in Champaign-Urbana. In this ILHS 2014 Year in Review we have shared some of our programs, activities, and initiatives over the past year. Please know that all of what you read in these pages was only accomplished through the generous support of members like you. Hopefully the stories and updates you read on these pages will inspire you to renew your membership with ILHS, if you have not already done so. -
The JLC: Seventy-Five Years of Activism and Historic Achievements by Kenneth Burt
25 The JLC: Seventy-five Years of Activism and Historic Achievements By Kenneth Burt Seventy-five years ago (June the instinctive reliance on their early Nazi threat. After the Nazis’ 1934) the world looked very dif- unions and fraternal groups as effective shutting down of the ferent than it does today: the Great sources of organizational strength once-powerful German unions and Depression was approaching its was part of a long political tradi- the imprisonment and torture of fifth year, Germany had installed tion. It reflected shared values some of their leaders, the British Adolf Hitler as its chancellor the and common roots in the Gen- unions had provided refuge for year before, and most eastern Eu- eral Union of Jewish Workers of those able to escape. ropean Jews in the United States Russia, Poland, and Lithuania (or Citrine’s and Vladeck’s ad- lived in ethnic enclaves stretching Jewish Labor Bund). dresses at the AFL convention from New York’s Lower East Side This underground organiza- captured the delegates’ hearts, and to the Boyle H eights district of tion—committed to socialism, the convention voted to establish a Los Angeles. unionism, and Jewish culture— Labor Chest for Aid of the Op- The JLC’s Birth represented a powerful force in pressed People of Europe. AFL Four months earlier, one the Jewish communities of these President William Green then thousand mostly immigrant Jewish countries. Personal relationships named Dubinsky, Vice President activists had gathered at the Lower and shared experiences (such as Matthew Woll, and himself to the East Side’s Central Plaza.