An Introduction to Linear Matrix Inequalities

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

An Introduction to Linear Matrix Inequalities An Introduction to Linear Matrix Inequalities Raktim Bhattacharya Aerospace Engineering, Texas A&M University Introduction to LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Schur Complement Lemma Variable Elimination Lemma Trace of LMIs Linear Matrix Inequalities What are they? Inequalities involving matrix variables Matrix variables appear linearly Represent convex sets polynomial inequalities Critical tool in post-modern control theory AERO 632, Instructor: Raktim Bhattacharya 2 / 39 Introduction to LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Schur Complement Lemma Variable Elimination Lemma Trace of LMIs Standard Form F (x) := F0 + x1F1 + ··· + xnFn > 0 where 0 1 x1 Bx C B 2C m x := B . C ;Fi 2 S m × m symmetric matrix @ . A xn Think of F (x): Rn 7! Sm: Example: 1 x 1 0 0 1 > 0 , + x > 0: x 1 0 1 1 0 AERO 632, Instructor: Raktim Bhattacharya 3 / 39 Introduction to LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Schur Complement Lemma Variable Elimination Lemma Trace of LMIs Positive Definiteness Matrix F > 0 represents positive definite matrix F > 0 () xT F x > 0; 8x =6 0 F > 0 () leading principal minors of F are positive Let 2 3 F11 F12 F13 ··· 6 7 6F21 F22 F23 ··· 7 F = 4 5 F31 F32 F33 ··· ············ n Polynomial Constraints as a Linear Matrix Inequality F11 F12 F13 F11 F12 F > 0 () F11 > 0; > 0; F21 F22 F23 > 0; ··· F21 F22 F31 F32 F33 AERO 632, Instructor: Raktim Bhattacharya 4 / 39 Introduction to LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Schur Complement Lemma Variable Elimination Lemma Trace of LMIs Definiteness Positive Semi-Definite F ≥ 0 () iff all principal minors are ≥ 0 not just leading Negative Definite F < 0 () iff every odd leading principal minor is < 0 and even leading principal minor is > 0 they alternate signs, starting with < 0 Negative Semi-Definite F ≤ 0 () iff every odd principal minor is ≤ 0 and even principal minor is ≥ 0 F > 0 () −F < 0 F ≥ 0 () −F ≤ 0 Matrix Analysis, Roger Horn. AERO 632, Instructor: Raktim Bhattacharya 5 / 39 Introduction to LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Schur Complement Lemma Variable Elimination Lemma Trace of LMIs Example 1 y x y > 0; y − x2 > 0; () > 0 x 1 y x LMI written as > 0 is in general form. x 1 We can write it in standard form as 0 0 1 0 0 1 + y + x > 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 General form saves notations, may lead to more efficient computation AERO 632, Instructor: Raktim Bhattacharya 6 / 39 Introduction to LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Schur Complement Lemma Variable Elimination Lemma Trace of LMIs Example 2 2 3 1 0 x1 2 2 () 4 5 x1 + x2 < 1 0 1 x2 > 0 x1 x2 1 Leading Minors are 1 > 0 1 0 > 0 0 1 1 x2 1 x1 0 1 1 − 0 + x1 > 0 x2 1 x1 1 x1 x2 Last inequality simplifies to − 2 2 1 (x1 + x2) > 0 AERO 632, Instructor: Raktim Bhattacharya 7 / 39 Introduction to LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Schur Complement Lemma Variable Elimination Lemma Trace of LMIs Eigenvalue Minimization n Let Ai 2 S ; i = 0; 1; ··· ; n: Let A(x) := A0 + A1x1 + ··· + Anxn: T Find x := [x1 x2 ··· xn] that minimizes J(x) := min λmaxA(x): x How to solve this problem? AERO 632, Instructor: Raktim Bhattacharya 8 / 39 Introduction to LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Schur Complement Lemma Variable Elimination Lemma Trace of LMIs Eigenvalue Minimization (contd.) Recall for M 2 Sn λmaxM ≤ t () M − tI ≤ 0: Linear algebra result: Matrix Analysis – R.Horn, C.R. Johnson Optimization problem is therefore min t x;t such that A(x) − tI ≤ 0: AERO 632, Instructor: Raktim Bhattacharya 9 / 39 Introduction to LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Schur Complement Lemma Variable Elimination Lemma Trace of LMIs Matrix Norm Minimization n Let Ai 2 R ; i = 0; 1; ··· ; n: Let A(x) := A0 + A1x1 + ··· + Anxn: T Find x := [x1 x2 ··· xn] that minimizes J(x) := min kA(x)k2: x How to solve this problem? AERO 632, Instructor: Raktim Bhattacharya 10 / 39 Introduction to LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Schur Complement Lemma Variable Elimination Lemma Trace of LMIs Matrix Norm Minimization contd. Recall T kAk2 := λmaxA A: Implies min t2 t;x A(x)T A(x) − t2I ≤ 0: or Optimization problem is therefore tI A(x) min t2 subject to ≥ 0: t;x A(x)T tI AERO 632, Instructor: Raktim Bhattacharya 11 / 39 Important Inequalities Introduction to LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Schur Complement Lemma Variable Elimination Lemma Trace of LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Lemma For arbitrary scalar x; y, and δ > 0, we have p y 2 1 δx − p = δx2 + y2 − 2xy ≥ 0: δ δ Implies 1 2xy ≤ δx2 + y2: δ AERO 632, Instructor: Raktim Bhattacharya 13 / 39 Introduction to LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Schur Complement Lemma Variable Elimination Lemma Trace of LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Restriction-Free Inequalities Lemma Let X; Y 2 Rm×n;F 2 Sm; F > 0, and δ > 0 be a scalar, then XT FY + Y T FX ≤ δXT FX + δ−1Y T FY : When X = x and Y = y 2xT F y ≤ δxT F x + δ−1yT F y: Proof: Using completion of squares. p p T p p δX − δ−1Y F δX − δ−1Y ≥ 0: AERO 632, Instructor: Raktim Bhattacharya 14 / 39 Introduction to LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Schur Complement Lemma Variable Elimination Lemma Trace of LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Inequalities with Restrictions Let F = fF j F 2 Rn×n;F T F ≤ Ig: Lemma Let X 2 Rm×n;Y 2 Rn×m, then for arbitrary δ > 0 XFY + Y T F T XT ≤ δXXT + δ−1Y T Y ; 8F 2 F: Proof: Approach 1: Using completion of squares. Start with p p T p p δXT − δ−1FY δXT − δ−1FY ) ≥ 0: AERO 632, Instructor: Raktim Bhattacharya 15 / 39 Introduction to LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Schur Complement Lemma Variable Elimination Lemma Trace of LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Inequalities with Restrictions Let F = fF j F 2 Rn×n;F T F ≤ Ig: Lemma Let X 2 Rm×n;Y 2 Rn×m, then for arbitrary δ > 0 XFY + Y T F T XT ≤ δXXT + δ−1Y T Y ; 8F 2 F: Proof: Approach 2: Use following Lemma. (To do) AERO 632, Instructor: Raktim Bhattacharya 16 / 39 Introduction to LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Schur Complement Lemma Variable Elimination Lemma Trace of LMIs Schur Complements Very useful for identifying convex sets Let Q(x) 2 Sm1 ;R(x) 2 Sm2 Q(x);R(x);S(x) are affine functions of x Q(x) S(x) Q(x) > 0 > 0 () ST (x) R(x) R(x) − ST (x)Q(x)−1S(x) > 0 Generalizing, Q(x) ≥ 0 Q(x) S(x) ≥ 0 () ST (x) I − Q(x)Qy(x) = 0 ST (x) R(x) R(x) − ST (x)Q(x)yS(x) ≥ 0 Q(x)y is the pseudo-inverse This generalization is used when Q(x) is positive semidefinite but singular AERO 632, Instructor: Raktim Bhattacharya 17 / 39 Introduction to LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Schur Complement Lemma Variable Elimination Lemma Trace of LMIs Schur Complement Lemma Let A A A := 11 12 : A21 A22 Define − −1 Sch(A11) := A22 A21A11 A12 − −1 Sch(A22) := A11 A12A22 A21 For symmetric A, A > 0 () A11 > 0;Sch(A11) > 0 () A22 > 0;Sch(A22) > 0 AERO 632, Instructor: Raktim Bhattacharya 18 / 39 Introduction to LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Schur Complement Lemma Variable Elimination Lemma Trace of LMIs Example 1 I x x2 + x2 < 1 () 1 − xT x > 0 () > 0 1 2 xT 1 Here R(x) = 1; Q(x) = I > 0: AERO 632, Instructor: Raktim Bhattacharya 19 / 39 Introduction to LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Schur Complement Lemma Variable Elimination Lemma Trace of LMIs Example 2 P −1 x kxk < 1 () 1 − xT P x > 0 () > 0 P xT 1 or p p p I ( P x) 1 − xT P x = 1 − ( P x)T ( P x) > 0 () p > 0 ( P x)T 1 p where P is matrix square root. AERO 632, Instructor: Raktim Bhattacharya 20 / 39 Introduction to LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Schur Complement Lemma Variable Elimination Lemma Trace of LMIs LMIs are not unique If F is positive definite then congruence transformation of F is also positive definite F > 0 () xT F x; 8x =6 0 () yT M T F My > 0; 8y =6 0 and nonsingular M () M T F M > 0 Implies, rearrangement of matrix elements does not change the feasible set QS 0 I QS 0 I RST > 0 () > 0 () > 0 ST R I 0 ST R I 0 SQ AERO 632, Instructor: Raktim Bhattacharya 21 / 39 Introduction to LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Schur Complement Lemma Variable Elimination Lemma Trace of LMIs Variable Elimination Lemma Lemma: For arbitrary nonzero vectors x; y 2 Rn, there holds max (xT F y)2 = (xT x)(yT y): F 2F:F T F ≤I Proof: From Schwarz inequality, p p jxT F yj ≤ xT x yT F T F y p p ≤ xT x yT y: Therefore for arbitrary x; y we have (xT F y)2 ≤ (xT x)(yT y): Next show equality. AERO 632, Instructor: Raktim Bhattacharya 22 / 39 Introduction to LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Schur Complement Lemma Variable Elimination Lemma Trace of LMIs Variable Elimination Lemma contd. Let xyT F0 = p p : xT x yT y Therefore, yxT xyT yyT F T F = = : 0 0 (xT x)(yT y) yT y We can show that T T σmax(F0 F0) = σmax(F0F0 ) = 1: ) T ≤ 2 F = F0 F0 1; thus F0 : AERO 632, Instructor: Raktim Bhattacharya 23 / 39 Introduction to LMIs Generalized Square Inequalities Schur Complement Lemma Variable Elimination Lemma Trace of LMIs Variable Elimination Lemma contd.
Recommended publications
  • Romani Syntactic Typology Evangelia Adamou, Yaron Matras
    Romani Syntactic Typology Evangelia Adamou, Yaron Matras To cite this version: Evangelia Adamou, Yaron Matras. Romani Syntactic Typology. Yaron Matras; Anton Tenser. The Palgrave Handbook of Romani Language and Linguistics, Springer, pp.187-227, 2020, 978-3-030-28104- 5. 10.1007/978-3-030-28105-2_7. halshs-02965238 HAL Id: halshs-02965238 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-02965238 Submitted on 13 Oct 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Romani syntactic typology Evangelia Adamou and Yaron Matras 1. State of the art This chapter presents an overview of the principal syntactic-typological features of Romani dialects. It draws on the discussion in Matras (2002, chapter 7) while taking into consideration more recent studies. In particular, we draw on the wealth of morpho- syntactic data that have since become available via the Romani Morpho-Syntax (RMS) database.1 The RMS data are based on responses to the Romani Morpho-Syntax questionnaire recorded from Romani speaking communities across Europe and beyond. We try to take into account a representative sample. We also take into consideration data from free-speech recordings available in the RMS database and the Pangloss Collection.
    [Show full text]
  • Serial Verb Constructions Revisited: a Case Study from Koro
    Serial Verb Constructions Revisited: A Case Study from Koro By Jessica Cleary-Kemp A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Associate Professor Lev D. Michael, Chair Assistant Professor Peter S. Jenks Professor William F. Hanks Summer 2015 © Copyright by Jessica Cleary-Kemp All Rights Reserved Abstract Serial Verb Constructions Revisited: A Case Study from Koro by Jessica Cleary-Kemp Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics University of California, Berkeley Associate Professor Lev D. Michael, Chair In this dissertation a methodology for identifying and analyzing serial verb constructions (SVCs) is developed, and its application is exemplified through an analysis of SVCs in Koro, an Oceanic language of Papua New Guinea. SVCs involve two main verbs that form a single predicate and share at least one of their arguments. In addition, they have shared values for tense, aspect, and mood, and they denote a single event. The unique syntactic and semantic properties of SVCs present a number of theoretical challenges, and thus they have invited great interest from syntacticians and typologists alike. But characterizing the nature of SVCs and making generalizations about the typology of serializing languages has proven difficult. There is still debate about both the surface properties of SVCs and their underlying syntactic structure. The current work addresses some of these issues by approaching serialization from two angles: the typological and the language-specific. On the typological front, it refines the definition of ‘SVC’ and develops a principled set of cross-linguistically applicable diagnostics.
    [Show full text]
  • Tagalog Pala: an Unsurprising Case of Mirativity
    Tagalog pala: an unsurprising case of mirativity Scott AnderBois Brown University Similar to many descriptions of miratives cross-linguistically, Schachter & Otanes(1972)’s clas- sic descriptive grammar of Tagalog describes the second position particle pala as “expressing mild surprise at new information, or an unexpected event or situation.” Drawing on recent work on mi- rativity in other languages, however, we show that this characterization needs to be refined in two ways. First, we show that while pala can be used in cases of surprise, pala itself merely encodes the speaker’s sudden revelation with the counterexpectational nature of surprise arising pragmatically or from other aspects of the sentence such as other particles and focus. Second, we present data from imperatives and interrogatives, arguing that this revelation need not concern ‘information’ per se, but rather the illocutionay update the sentence encodes. Finally, we explore the interactions between pala and other elements which express mirativity in some way and/or interact with the mirativity pala expresses. 1. Introduction Like many languages of the Philippines, Tagalog has a prominent set of discourse particles which express a variety of different evidential, attitudinal, illocutionary, and discourse-related meanings. Morphosyntactically, these particles have long been known to be second-position clitics, with a number of authors having explored fine-grained details of their distribution, rela- tive order, and the interaction of this with different types of sentences (e.g. Schachter & Otanes (1972), Billings & Konopasky(2003) Anderson(2005), Billings(2005) Kaufman(2010)). With a few recent exceptions, however, comparatively little has been said about the semantics/prag- matics of these different elements beyond Schachter & Otanes(1972)’s pioneering work (which is quite detailed given their broad scope of their work).
    [Show full text]
  • A Cross-Linguistic Study of Grammatical Organization
    Complement Clauses and Complementation Systems: A Cross-Linguistic Study of Grammatical Organization Dissertation zur Erlangung des akademischen Grades eines Doctor philosophiae (Dr. phil.) vorgelegt dem Rat der Philosophischen Fakultät der Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena von Karsten Schmidtke-Bode, M.A. geb. am 26.06.1981 in Eisenach Gutachter: 1. Prof. Dr. Holger Diessel (Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena) 2. Prof. Dr. Volker Gast (Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena) 3. Prof. Dr. Martin Haspelmath (MPI für Evolutionäre Anthropologie Leipzig) Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: 16.12.2014 Contents Abbreviations and notational conventions iii 1 Introduction 1 2 The phenomenon of complementation 7 2.1 Introduction 7 2.2 Argument status 9 2.2.1 Complement clauses and argument-structure typology 10 2.2.2 On the notion of ‘argument’ 21 2.3 On the notion of ‘clause’ 26 2.3.1 Complementation constructions as biclausal units 27 2.3.2 The internal structure of clauses 31 2.4 The semantic content of complement clauses 34 2.5 Environments of complementation 36 2.5.1 Predicate classes as environments of complementation 37 2.5.2 Environments studied in the present work 39 3 Data and methods 48 3.1 Sampling and sources of information 48 3.2 Selection and nature of the data points 53 3.3 Storage and analysis of the data 59 4 The internal structure of complementation patterns 62 4.1 Introduction 62 4.2 The morphological status of the predicate 64 4.2.1 Nominalization 65 4.2.2 Converbs 68 4.2.3 Participles 70 4.2.4 Bare verb stems 71 4.2.5 Other dependent
    [Show full text]
  • The Syntax of Answers to Negative Yes/No-Questions in English Anders Holmberg Newcastle University
    The syntax of answers to negative yes/no-questions in English Anders Holmberg Newcastle University 1. Introduction This paper will argue that answers to polar questions or yes/no-questions (YNQs) in English are elliptical expressions with basically the structure (1), where IP is identical to the LF of the IP of the question, containing a polarity variable with two possible values, affirmative or negative, which is assigned a value by the focused polarity expression. (1) yes/no Foc [IP ...x... ] The crucial data come from answers to negative questions. English turns out to have a fairly complicated system, with variation depending on which negation is used. The meaning of the answer yes in (2) is straightforward, affirming that John is coming. (2) Q(uestion): Isn’t John coming, too? A(nswer): Yes. (‘John is coming.’) In (3) (for speakers who accept this question as well formed), 1 the meaning of yes alone is indeterminate, and it is therefore not a felicitous answer in this context. The longer version is fine, affirming that John is coming. (3) Q: Isn’t John coming, either? A: a. #Yes. b. Yes, he is. In (4), there is variation regarding the interpretation of yes. Depending on the context it can be a confirmation of the negation in the question, meaning ‘John is not coming’. In other contexts it will be an infelicitous answer, as in (3). (4) Q: Is John not coming? A: a. Yes. (‘John is not coming.’) b. #Yes. In all three cases the (bare) answer no is unambiguous, meaning that John is not coming.
    [Show full text]
  • Schur Complement Trick for Positive Semi-Definite Energies
    Schur complement trick for positive semi-definite energies Alec Jacobson Columbia University Abstract n m r The “Schur complement trick” appears sporadically in numerical T T ˜ ˜ T optimization methods [Schur 1917; Cottle 1974]. The trick is es- A B A B A B pecially useful for solving Lagrangian saddle point problems when minimizing quadratic energies subject to linear equality constraints ˜ ˜ [Gill et al. 1987]. Typically, to apply the trick, the energy’s Hessian B C B C B C is assumed positive definite. I generalize this technique for positive semi-definite Hessians. Figure 1: If A is an n × n positive semi-definite matrix with rank r, then simply move n−r rows and columns to the B and C blocks. 1 Positive definite energies Let us consider a quadratic energy optimization problem subject to 2 Positive semi-definite energies linear equality constraints: 1 With loss of generality, assume A is symmetric, but merely positive minimize xTAx − xTf + constant; (1) x 2 semi-definite, with known rank r < n. We would like to apply the subject to Bx = g; (2) Schur complement trick from the previous section, but A is singular so we cannot factor it or solve against it. where x; f 2 n, A 2 n×n, B 2 m×n and g 2 m. R R R R However, we can simply shave off n − r linearly independent rows Solving with the Lagrange multiplier method results in a system of and columns of A and push them into the B; BT; C blocks of the linear equations: system system (see Figure1).
    [Show full text]
  • The Serial Verb Construction in Chinese: a Tenacious Myth and a Gordian Knot Waltraud Paul
    The serial verb construction in Chinese: A tenacious myth and a Gordian knot Waltraud Paul To cite this version: Waltraud Paul. The serial verb construction in Chinese: A tenacious myth and a Gordian knot. Lin- guistic Review, De Gruyter, 2008, 25 (3-4), pp.367-411. 10.1515/TLIR.2008.011. halshs-01574253 HAL Id: halshs-01574253 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01574253 Submitted on 12 Aug 2017 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. The serial verb construction in Chinese: A tenacious myth and a Gordian knot1 WALTRAUD PAUL Abstract The term “construction” is not a label to be assigned randomly, but presup- poses a structural analysis with an associated set of syntactic and semantic properties. Based on this premise, the term “serial verb construction” (SVC) as currently used in Chinese linguistics will be shown to simply refer to any multi- verb surface string i.e,. to subsume different constructions. The synchronic consequence of this situation is that SVCs in Chinese linguistics are not com- mensurate with SVCs in, e.g., Niger-Congo languages, whence the futility at this stage to search for a “serialization parameter” deriving the differences between so-called “serializing” and “non-serializing” languages.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 1/2 Sentence Types, Nom, and Acc. Cases Chapter 4 Singular And
    Chapter 1/2 Sentence types, nom, and acc. cases Chapter 4 Singular and plural verbs 1 Scintilla laborät (subject, verb) Verbs, nouns and adjectives have differents sets of endings for singular and plural. 2 Horätia est puella (subject, linking verb, subjective complement) 1st person singular 3rd person plural 3 Horätia fessa est (subject, subjective complement, linking verb) 1st conjugation para-t he/she prepares para-nt they prepare The linking verb does not describe an action but simply joins the subject to the 2nd conjugation mone-t he/she warns mone-nt they warn completing word, the subjective complement: Horätia is ______. 3rd conjugation regi-t he/she rules reg-unt they rule (short i changes to u before nt) The complement can be either a noun (puella) or an adjective (fessa). 4th conjugation audi-t he/she hears audi-unt they hear (long i retained then unt) irregular (esse) es-t he/she is su-nt they are 4 puella Scintillam salütat (subject, direct object, verb) Subject ends -a and object ends -am. The subject case, ending in -a, is the nominative. The object case, ending in -am, is the accusative. Word endings need to be observed with great care, since they determine sense in Latin. Chapter 3 Agreement of adjectives, verbs Chapter 4 Singular and plural nouns and adjectives Adjectives always agree with the nouns they describe; they have the same Nouns (with adjectives in agreement), endings for singular and plural: number, case and gender. singular plural The complement of the verb est always agrees with the subject.
    [Show full text]
  • The Production of Finite and Nonfinite Complement Clauses by Children with Specific Language Impairment and Their Typically Developing Peers
    The Production of Finite and Nonfinite Complement Clauses by Children With Specific Language Impairment and Their Typically Developing Peers Amanda J. Owen University of Iowa, Iowa City The purpose of this study was to explore whether 13 children with specific language Laurence B. Leonard impairment (SLI; ages 5;1–8;0 [years;months]) were as proficient as typically developing age- and vocabulary-matched children in the production of finite and Purdue University, West Lafayette, IN nonfinite complement clauses. Preschool children with SLI have marked difficulties with verb-related morphology. However, very little is known about these children’s language abilities beyond the preschool years. In Experiment 1, simple finite and nonfinite complement clauses (e.g., The count decided that Ernie should eat the cookies; Cookie Monster decided to eat the cookies) were elicited from the children through puppet show enactments. In Experiment 2, finite and nonfinite complement clauses that required an additional argument (e.g., Ernie told Elmo that Oscar picked up the box; Ernie told Elmo to pick up the box) were elicited from the children. All 3 groups of children were more accurate in their use of nonfinite complement clauses than finite complement clauses, but the children with SLI were less proficient than both comparison groups. The SLI group was more likely than the typically developing groups to omit finiteness markers, the nonfinite particle to, arguments in finite complement clauses, and the optional complementizer that. Utterance-length restrictions were ruled out as a factor in the observed differences. The authors conclude that current theories of SLI need to be extended or altered to account for these results.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Case Morphology and the Syntactic Categories David Pesetsky (MIT)1 • Terminology: I Will Use the Abbreviations NGEN, DNOM, VACC, PDAT, Etc
    Russian case morphology and the syntactic categories David Pesetsky (MIT)1 • Terminology: I will use the abbreviations NGEN, DNOM, VACC, PDAT, etc. to remind us of the traditional names for the cases whose actual nature is simply N, D, V, and 1. Introduction (types of) P. The case-name suffixes to these designations are thus present merely for our convenience. • Case morphology: Russian nouns, adjectives, numerals and demonstratives bear case Genitive: The most unusual aspect of the proposal will be the treatment of genitive as suffixes. The shape of a given case suffix is determined by two factors: N -- with which I will begin the discussion in the next section. 1. its morphological environment (properties of the stem to which the suffix attaches; e.g. declension class, gender, animacy, number) ; and • Syntax: The treatment of case as in (1) will depend on two ideas that are novel in the context of a syntax based on external and internal Merge, but are also revivals of well- 2. its syntactic environment. known older proposals, as well as a third important concept: The traditional cross-classification of case suffixes by declension-class and by case- name (nominative, genitive, etc.) reflects these two factors. 1. Morphology assignment: When [or a projection of ] merges with and assigns an affix, the affix is copied α α β α • Specialness of the standard case names: Traditionally, the cases are called by onto β and realized on the (accessible) lexical items dominated by β. special names (nominative, genitive, etc.) not used outside the description of case- systems. The specialness of case terminology reflects what looks like a complex This proposal revives the notion of case assignment (Vergnaud (2006); Rouveret & relation between syntactic environment and choice of case suffix.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 1 Typology of Complement Clauses Magdalena Lohninger University of Vienna Susi Wurmbrand University of Vienna
    Chapter 1 Typology of Complement Clauses Magdalena Lohninger University of Vienna Susi Wurmbrand University of Vienna Put abstract here with \abstract. 1 Introduction—Universal questions about complement clauses Following Dixon (2010), complement clauses can be defined along several dimen- sions: they have the internal structure of a clause (i.e., a predicate-argument con- figuration); they function as a core argument of another predicate (the matrixor main predicate); they are restricted to a limited set of matrix predicates; and they describe semantic concepts such as propositions, facts, activities, states, events or situations (they cannot simply refer to a place or time). In this chapter we will follow this characterization and summarize major findings of clauses that “fill an argument slot in the structure of another clause” (Dixon (2010), 370). When looking at complement clauses typologically, one striking characteris- tic is found: despite extensive variation, there are restrictions of different sorts within and across languages, determined by the semantics of the matrix predi- cate, the semantics of the complement clause as well as the complement’s mor- phosyntactic properties. No language follows an “anything goes” strategy and the combination of matrix predicates and different types and meanings of com- plement clauses is often not free. However, these restrictions are not completely uniform. Cross-linguistically, the meaning of a complementation configuration is Change with \papernote Magdalena Lohninger & Susi Wurmbrand mapped
    [Show full text]
  • "Structural Markedness in Formal Features: Deriving Interpretability"
    Article "Structural Markedness in Formal Features: Deriving Interpretability" Susana Bejar Revue québécoise de linguistique, vol. 28, n° 1, 2000, p. 47-72. Pour citer cet article, utiliser l'information suivante : URI: http://id.erudit.org/iderudit/603186ar DOI: 10.7202/603186ar Note : les règles d'écriture des références bibliographiques peuvent varier selon les différents domaines du savoir. Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d'auteur. L'utilisation des services d'Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d'utilisation que vous pouvez consulter à l'URI https://apropos.erudit.org/fr/usagers/politique-dutilisation/ Érudit est un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de l'Université de Montréal, l'Université Laval et l'Université du Québec à Montréal. Il a pour mission la promotion et la valorisation de la recherche. Érudit offre des services d'édition numérique de documents scientifiques depuis 1998. Pour communiquer avec les responsables d'Érudit : [email protected] Document téléchargé le 12 février 2017 04:27 Revue québécoise de linguistique, vol. 28, n° 1,2000, © RQL (UQAM), Montréal Reproduction interdite sans autorisation de Féditeur STRUCTURAL MARKEDNESS IN FORMAL FEATURES: DERIVING INTERPRETABILITY* Susana Bejar University of Toronto 1. Introduction n this paper I propose a new approach to the morphology-syntax interface, Iwhich incorporates into minimalist checking theory (Chomsky 1995,1998) the hierarchical representations of morphological features developed in Harley 1994, Ritter 1997 and Harley and Ritter 1998. Looking at data from Georgian and Standard Arabic (SA), I account for problematic agreement facts by analyzing them as markedness effects in the morphology-syntax interface, where markedness is taken to correlate directly with the presence or absence of structure in the geometric representation of a formal feature (FF).
    [Show full text]