The Life of Mary Macarthur. a TUC Library Exhibition
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Glasgow Women's Library
SCOTTISH ARCHIVES 2016 Volume 22 © The Scottish Records Association Around the Archives Glasgow Women’s Library Nicola Maksymuik In the 25 years since its inception, Glasgow Women’s Library (GWL) has faced many challenges, including four changes of location, growing from a completely unfunded organisation run solely by volunteers to what it has become today – a well-respected, award-winning institution with unique archive, library and museum collections dedicated to women’s history. GWL is the only Accredited Museum of women’s history in the UK and in 2015 was awarded ‘Recognised Collection of National Significance’ status by Museums Galleries Scotland. As well as the archive and artefact collections that have grown over its 25- year history, the library also runs an innovative seasonal programme of public events and learning opportunities. Among its Core Projects there is also an Adult Literacy and Numeracy project; a Black and Minority Ethnic Women’s project; and a National Lifelong Learning project that delivers events and resources across Scotland. All of the library’s projects and programmes utilise the archive and museum collections in their work, and the collections inform and underpin almost everything that the library does. The library developed from an arts organisation called Women In Profile (WIP), which was established in 1987 with the aim of ensuring that women were represented when Glasgow became the European City of Culture in 1990. WIP consisted of artists, activists, academics and students, including the library’s co-founder and current Creative Development Manager, Dr Adele Patrick. The group ran projects, events, workshops and exhibitions before and during 1990. -
The Theological Socialism of the Labour Church
‘SO PECULIARLY ITS OWN’ THE THEOLOGICAL SOCIALISM OF THE LABOUR CHURCH by NEIL WHARRIER JOHNSON A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Theology and Religion School of Philosophy, Theology and Religion College of Arts and Law University of Birmingham May 2015 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT The thesis argues that the most distinctive feature of the Labour Church was Theological Socialism. For its founder, John Trevor, Theological Socialism was the literal Religion of Socialism, a post-Christian prophecy announcing the dawn of a new utopian era explained in terms of the Kingdom of God on earth; for members of the Labour Church, who are referred to throughout the thesis as Theological Socialists, Theological Socialism was an inclusive message about God working through the Labour movement. By focussing on Theological Socialism the thesis challenges the historiography and reappraises the significance of the Labour -
The Labour Party and the Idea of Citizenship, C. 193 1-1951
The Labour Party and the Idea of Citizenship, c. 193 1-1951 ABIGAIL LOUISA BEACH University College London Thesis presented for the degree of PhD University of London June 1996 I. ABSTRACT This thesis examines the development and articulation of ideas of citizenship by the Labour Party and its sympathizers in academia and the professions. Setting this analysis within the context of key policy debates the study explores how ideas of citizenship shaped critiques of the relationships between central government and local government, voluntary groups and the individual. Present historiographical orthodoxy has skewed our understanding of Labour's attitude to society and the state, overemphasising the collectivist nature and centralising intentions of the Labour party, while underplaying other important ideological trends within the party. In particular, historical analyses which stress the party's commitment from the 1930s to achieving the transition to socialism through a strategy of planning, (of industrial development, production, investment, and so on), have generally concluded that the party based its programme on a centralised, expert-driven state, with control removed from the grasp of the ordinary people. The re-evaluation developed here questions this analysis and, fundamentally, seeks to loosen the almost overwhelming concentration on the mechanisms chosen by the Labour for the implementation of policy. It focuses instead on the discussion of ideas that lay behind these policies and points to the variety of opinions on the meaning and implications of social and economic planning that surfaced in the mid-twentieth century Labour party. In particular, it reveals considerable interest in the development of an active and participatory citizenship among socialist thinkers and politicians, themes which have hitherto largely been seen as missing elements in the ideas of the interwar and immediate postwar Labour party. -
A History of Women in the Civil Service
A History of Women in the UK Civil Service This paper draws heavily on research carried out by Bea Morgan when working with Home Office Women. She now works in DCMS where she can be emailed at [email protected] . Bea in turn acknowledges the support of her partner who passed on her love of history and gave Bea confidence in herself, and also the support of Home Office Women who allowed her time to carry out this research. The 1700s and Early 1800s The general view in this period was that women should remain passive and docile and in the home, where she would be treated as subordinate to men. Any woman away from the domestic sphere and not behaving in this way was considered to be unfeminine and therefore in moral danger. Women were considered to be not much more than children with decisions made for them by fathers; husbands and when a woman was in service, her employers. There were few opportunities open to women at the time and these would have been limited to; governess; needlework; mill industry; laundry and domestic service. All work required women to be unmarried except for factory or home working for the working classes. The title of Mrs for the cook in a large household was an honorary title. Work was not considered a possibility for middle class married women. In the lower classes, married women did work, of necessity, in the mills and factories or take in ‘home working’, which would include making matchboxes, needlework or laundry. Where women did work they were considered to be a cheap and flexible labour force. -
Be Anvil Or Hammer!
Be anvil or hammer! You must sink or swim Be the master and win Or serve and lose Suffer or triumph Be anvil or hammer – Goethe INTRODUCTION In 1910 the women chainmakers of Cradley Heath focussed the world’s attention on the plight of Britain’s low- paid women workers. In their back yard forges hundreds of women laid down their tools to strike for a living wage. Led by the charismatic union organiser and campaigner, Mary Macarthur, the women’s struggle became a national and international cause célèbre . After ten long weeks, they won the dispute and increased their earnings from as little as 5 shillings (25p) to 11 shillings (55p) a week. Their victory helped to make the principle of a national minimum wage a reality. Mary Macarthur proposed that surplus money in the strike fund should be used to build a ‘centre of social and industrial activity in the district’. Thousands of local people turned out for the opening of The Cradley Heath Workers’ Institute on 10 June 1912. In 2004, the Workers’ Institute was threatened when plans for a bypass were announced. In 2006, thanks to a Heritage Lottery Fund grant of £1.535 million, the Institute was moved brick by brick to the Black Country Living Museum where it now stands as the last physical reminder of the women’s 1910 strike. 3 CHAINMAKING IN CRADLEY HEATH The foggers collected the finished chain and took a During the 19 th century, the Black Country, and percentage of the money the manufacturers paid, especially the area centred on Cradley Heath, usually 25 per cent. -
100 Years of Women in Politics
100 Years of women in politics: www.gatesheadlibraries.com The Representation of the People Act, passed on 6 February 1918 gave most women over the age of 30 the right to vote in parliamentary elections for the very first time. This is a selection of 10 of the many women in British political history, national as well as local who have ‘made a difference’. This pack briefly explains their importance and where to discover more. It provides some ideas for developing lesson plans and creative activities. You can also receive guidance and support for your research from the Local History Library gatesheadlibraries.com The development of this material has been made possible by Historic England and Gateshead Council’s Library Service. The material was researched and curated by Anthea Lang, local historian and author. Further copies are available in PDF format fromwww.gatesheadlibraries.com Each of the pages below has ideas to aid lesson planning or activities and relate to the web-links on the final page to access further information. By going to www.womensvotecentenaryfund.co.uk you will be able to see other projects around the country where the lives of women in British politics are being celebrated in this centenary year. Alice Mary Wicks (1862-1949) In November 1920, Mrs Alice Mary Wicks (Independent) was elected to represent the East Central Ward, defeating Peter S Hancock, a Trade Union Clerk, by a majority of 140. In doing so, she became Gateshead’s first female councillor. Her profession was listed as’ Married Woman’ although she had in fact been a widow since 1891. -
JOINT COMMITTEE of Rhe INDEPENDENT LABOUR PARTY and the FABIAN SOCIETY
Joint Committee of the Independent Labour Party and the Fabian Society. REPORT For the two years ended APRIL 30th. 1913. MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE, 1913-1914. INDEPENDENT LABOUR FABIAN SOCIETY: PARTY: W. C. ANDERSON (Chairman) e. M. LLOYD Miss MARGARET BONDFIELD E. R. PEASE (Vice· Chairman). • HARRY DUBERY H. H. SCHLOESSER W. HOLMES Mrs. SIDNEY WEBB J. MYLLES Mrs. C. M. WILSON FRANCIS JOHNSON W. STEPHEN SANDERS Uoint Secretary) U oint Secretary) INDEPENDENT LABOUR PARTY: ST. BRIDE'S HOUSE. SALISBURY SQUARE. LONDON, E.e. TEL~JPHONE : 1302 CI:ry. FABIAN SOCIETY ~ ':i. CLEMENT'S INN. STRAND, LONDON, w.e. TELEPHONE: 5798 CITY. JOINT COMMITTEE OF rHE INDEPENDENT LABOUR PARTY AND THE FABIAN SOCIETY. THE Joint Committee of the Independent Labour Party and the Fabian Society was constituted in May, 1911, with the object of promoting closer unity between the two bodies, and especially for the purpose of organising work in combination. Five members -afterwards increased to six-were appointed respectively by the National Administrative Council of the I.L.P. and the Executive Committee of the Fabian Society, whilst Francis Johnson and W. Stephen Sanders were appointed J(:)int Secretaries. The Joint Committee has pleasure in reporting, after two years' working, that the experiment has been an unqualified success. There has been, throughout, an entire absence of fric tion; much combined work has been done; the members of the two bodies have been brought into more friendly co-operation with each other; and successful propagandist campaigns have been carried out, without interference with the special work of either of the constituent bodies. -
Download Thesis
This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from the King’s Research Portal at https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/ The Labour M.P. George N. Barnes and the Creation of the International Labour Office in 1919 International Labour Office in 1919 Korbet, Rebecca Bronwyn Awarding institution: King's College London The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without proper acknowledgement. END USER LICENCE AGREEMENT Unless another licence is stated on the immediately following page this work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the work Under the following conditions: Attribution: You must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work). Non Commercial: You may not use this work for commercial purposes. No Derivative Works - You may not alter, transform, or build upon this work. Any of these conditions can be waived if you receive permission from the author. Your fair dealings and other rights are in no way affected by the above. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 26. Sep. 2021 The Labour M.P. George N. Barnes and the Creation of the International Labour Office in 1919 Rebecca Korbet King’s College, London A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the Institute of Contemporary British History for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2017 1 The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it, or information derived from it, may be published without the prior written consent of the author. -
The Influence of Women on the British Labour Party in the 1920S
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Giessener Elektronische Bibliothek The influence of women on the British Labour Party in the 1920s Kathrin Ruhl, MA Giessen 2004 Giessener Elektronische Bibliothek (GEB) April 2004 Women in the Labour Party1 The first section of the article explores the struggle of women members in the 1920s to find their place within the Labour Party. By examining the party structure, it analyses whether women were able to influence the party discourse. Party publications, unpublished primary sources and official records, such as TUC files and conference minutes from the Labour Party, have been used to provide insights into the struggle of Labour women. From 1906 onward, women interested in the Labour Party were organised in the Women’s Labour League (WLL), an independent organisation with a relatively small membership of about 5,000. Already in 1915 League women declared their interest in joining the Labour Party, but the party did not agree to this request until 1917. By that point party leaders had recognised both the potential of women as a group of voters and its own strength as an emerging major British party. In order to integrate women and previously excluded male adults in greater numbers, a broad reorganisation was necessary. So far membership had only been possible through affiliated organisations such as the trade unions, but most women would not have been able to join the Labour Party in that way. It was therefore necessary to introduce a local party structure with individual membership.2 When the League finally merged with the Labour Party in 1918, i.e. -
Elizabeth Peretz
Maternal and Child Welfare in England and Wales Between the Wars: A Comparative Regional Study Elizabeth Peretz Ph. D 1992 BEST COPY AVAILABLE Variable print quality MATERNAL AND CHILD WELFARE IN ENGLAND AND WALES BETWEEN THE WARS: A COMPARATIVE REGIONAL STUDY ELIZABETH PERETZ Ph. D. (submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for this degree) November 1992 I Ree, Middlesex University Dr Charles Webster, University of Oxford: - Wellcome Unit for the History of Medicine 1985-88. All Souls College 1988- Ah!; Lrmrt Maternal and Child Welfare in England and Wales Between the Wars: A Comparative Regional Study, Elizabeth Peretz. This study explores the factors which shaped the local maternal and child welfare services of the inter-war period. It draws on research from local authority minute books, local newspapers, and from mothers themselves. It shows the strong influences exerted by the complex interplay of geographical, economic, political and cultural factors in determining the shape of services in the four very different localities studied here. The services were very different in the different localities, in two of the four areas expensive for the mothers, offering little practical medical or material help, and relying heavily on voluntary effort to meet government targets of every scheme being as self-sufficient as possible. Although it is shown that those indices of maternal and infant health, the infant and maternal mortality rates, fell in all four areas studied, the precise connection between educating the mothers and better perinatal and infant health remains to be established. Acknowledgments This thesis could not have been written without the help and supervision of Dr Charles Webster and the encouragement of Jonathan Ree. -
WOMEN's WAR-WORK.—It Would Be Impossible Here to Attempt to Describe the Special
WOMEN'S WAR-WORK.—It would be impossible here to attempt to describe the special war-work done by women of all the belligerent countries in 1914-8; and this article is confined to an outline of women's war-work as organized in the United Kingdom and the United States, beginning with the former. United Kingdom The general dislocation which ensued in industry threw numbers of women workers in the United Kingdom out of employment. At the same time women of independent means, moved by patriotism, came forward in large numbers with offers of voluntary service. It soon became apparent that the well-meant action, of the non-professional women was likely to press heavily on the position of the unemployed wage-earners; and accordingly on Aug. 20 Queen Mary inaugurated the " Queen's Work for Women Fund," technically a branch of the National Relief Fund, to provide employment for as many as possible of the women thrown out of work by the war. The Queen's collecting committee, with Lady Roxburgh as hon. sec., raised the money, but the administration of the fund was in the hands of the Central Committee on Women's Employment, a Government Committee under the chairmanship of the Marchioness of Crewe, with Mary Macarthur (d. 1921) as hon. secretary'. The problem of the Committee was to help to adjust the dislocation of industry, so that unemployed firms and workers in a slack trade might ease the overpressure in other trades. Firms unused to Government work were assisted to undertake War Office contracts, and orders were placed with small establishments employing women, who would otherwise have had to relinquish their businesses. -
The Influence of Women on the British Labour Party in the 1920S
The influence of women on the British Labour Party in the 1920s Kathrin Ruhl, MA Giessen 2004 Giessener Elektronische Bibliothek (GEB) April 2004 Women in the Labour Party1 The first section of the article explores the struggle of women members in the 1920s to find their place within the Labour Party. By examining the party structure, it analyses whether women were able to influence the party discourse. Party publications, unpublished primary sources and official records, such as TUC files and conference minutes from the Labour Party, have been used to provide insights into the struggle of Labour women. From 1906 onward, women interested in the Labour Party were organised in the Women’s Labour League (WLL), an independent organisation with a relatively small membership of about 5,000. Already in 1915 League women declared their interest in joining the Labour Party, but the party did not agree to this request until 1917. By that point party leaders had recognised both the potential of women as a group of voters and its own strength as an emerging major British party. In order to integrate women and previously excluded male adults in greater numbers, a broad reorganisation was necessary. So far membership had only been possible through affiliated organisations such as the trade unions, but most women would not have been able to join the Labour Party in that way. It was therefore necessary to introduce a local party structure with individual membership.2 When the League finally merged with the Labour Party in 1918, i.e. in the year when women were partly enfranchised,3 women were assigned a separate sphere and thus the gender separation, which had been characteristic of the labour movement since the foundation of the WLL, was preserved.