DOCSLIB.ORG

Elizabeth Peretz

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Elizabeth Peretz Maternal and Child Welfare in England and Wales Between the Wars: A Comparative Regional Study Elizabeth Peretz Ph. D 1992 BEST COPY AVAILABLE Variable print quality MATERNAL AND CHILD WELFARE IN ENGLAND AND WALES BETWEEN THE WARS: A COMPARATIVE REGIONAL STUDY ELIZABETH PERETZ Ph. D. (submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for this degree) November 1992 I Ree, Middlesex University Dr Charles Webster, University of Oxford: - Wellcome Unit for the History of Medicine 1985-88. All Souls College 1988- Ah!; Lrmrt Maternal and Child Welfare in England and Wales Between the Wars: A Comparative Regional Study, Elizabeth Peretz. This study explores the factors which shaped the local maternal and child welfare services of the inter-war period. It draws on research from local authority minute books, local newspapers, and from mothers themselves. It shows the strong influences exerted by the complex interplay of geographical, economic, political and cultural factors in determining the shape of services in the four very different localities studied here. The services were very different in the different localities, in two of the four areas expensive for the mothers, offering little practical medical or material help, and relying heavily on voluntary effort to meet government targets of every scheme being as self-sufficient as possible. Although it is shown that those indices of maternal and infant health, the infant and maternal mortality rates, fell in all four areas studied, the precise connection between educating the mothers and better perinatal and infant health remains to be established. Acknowledgments This thesis could not have been written without the help and supervision of Dr Charles Webster and the encouragement of Jonathan Ree. I am also indebted to Dr Irvine Loudon, Dr Anne Laurence and Sean Loudon for their help at various stages, and to Dr Stephen Brown, Dr Lara Marks, Dr Hilary Marland, Dr Anne Marie Rafferty, lack Walton, and Ruth Walton for their support. Much of the thesis has already been published as essays and articles. These have formed the basis of the following chapters: Chapter One is based on Elizabeth Peretz, 'Regional variation in maternal and child welfare Between the wars: Merthyr Tydfil, Oxfordshire and Tottenham' in Philip Swan and David Foster, (eds), Essays in Regional and Local History, Beverley, 1992. Chapter Two is an expanded version of Elizabeth Peretz, 'Infant welfare in inter-war Oxford', in Richard Whiting, (ed. ), Oxford and its People, Manchester, forthcoming. Chapter Three is an expanded version of Elizabeth Peretz, 'A maternity service for England and Wales: Local Authority maternity care in the inter- war period in Oxfordshire and Tottenham', in So Garcia, Robert Kilpatrick and Martin Richards, (eds), The Politics of Maternity Care, Oxford, 1990. Chapter Five borrows half of its material from Elizabeth Peretz, 'The professionalisation of childcare', Oral History Journal, Vol 17, No 1, Spring 1989. Chapter Six is an amended version of Elizabeth Peretz, 'The costs of modern 'in Valerie Fildes, motherhood to low income families in inter-war Britainl, Lara Marks and Hilary Marland, (eds), Women and Children-FirstL International Maternal and Infant Welfare. 1870-1945, London, 1992. The Tables in Chapters One and Six are reproduced from the original versions above. Contp. nts Introduction Chapter One Variation in maternity and child welfare between the wars: A comparison of Merthyr Tydfil, Oxfordshire, Tottenham and Oxford Chapter Two 35 Infant welfare Chapter Three 70 Maternity arrangements Chapter Four 94 Nurture or social engineering? Provision outside the home for the 2-5 year old in the inter-war period Chapter Five 106 The influence of professional groups and individuals on the shape of inter-war maternity and child welfare services Chapter Six 127 The costs of modern motherhood to low income families in inter-war Britain Chapter Seven 154 The mothers themselves Appendix I 1 Appendix 29 ABBREVIATIONS Lewis, Politics of Motherhood - Jane Lewis, The Politics of Motherhood, London, 1980 MCW Committee Minutes - Maternity and Child Welfare Committee Minutes MOH A/R - Medical Officer of Health Annual Report NSPCC - National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children Our Towns - Our Towns: A Close-Up., Women's Group on Public Welfare, with a preface by Margaret Bondfield, London, 1943, 4th impression 1943 PH Committee Minutes - Public Health Committee Minutes PRO - Public Record Office Social Services in Oxford -A Survey of the Social Services in the Oxford District, Barnett House Survey Committee, 2 Vols, London, 1938,1940 INTRODUCTION The history of public health and social welfare in the inter-war years in England and Wales is the history of public campaigns and enabling legislation. Trends and patterns were shaped by the interplay of national and local forces, leading to what Roger Lee terms the 'uneven zenith' of the power of local authorities in the 1930s (1). The Maternity and Child Welfare Act of 1918, with which this thesis starts, was a permissive piece of legislation. It was mainly a list of items which could attract government grants of up to 50%. The only statutory responsibility the Act gave to local authorities concerned committee duties and membership; one committee had to take on maternal and child welfare matters as a discrete set of responsibilities, and that committee had to contain at least two women as co-opted or elected members. The three main areas of maternity and child welfare I discuss below are provision for infants and babies, particularly infant welfare centres; provision for mothers, from birth control to post-natal care; and provision for two to five year olds in nurseries or elsewhere. I look separately at the staff who ran or funded these services, and the mothers who used them, with particular reference to costs and charging. The Ministry and its Maternity and Child Welfare Department laid down some prescriptions for regarding the shape of maternity services, and services infants. In these areas of provision there are some local differences but also significant similarities. There was little attempt from Whitehall either to promote or standardise provision for two to five year olds, which makes local initiatives particularly interesting to study. I have chosen the localities for their contrasts, and also for the availability of their records. Oxford City is a mine of information, almost obsessive in its record keeping on the voluntary, the personal, and the local authority side. Also, having an unusually stable middle-class population, there were many people still alive to interview about their experiences as volunteers, staff or mothers in the 1930s. Oxford was prosperous, expanding, with a stable and vocal public-spirited middle class. Merthyr Tydfil, on the other hand, suffered chronic unemployment, drastic population loss, and the erosion of middle-class philanthropy. It was a Labour dominated County borough, suspicious of the 'New Motherhood' and devoted to its own working-class wives and mothers. Geographically, Oxford and Merthyr are in marked contrast. Merthyr spreads over interlocking steep sided valleys, whereas Oxford was built on a flood plain. Tottenham is an interesting, more metropolitan area, compact, proud of being a 'leading edge' in the provision of services for mothers and children; in politics, more sedately Labour (Co-operative Labour) than Merthyr. Oxfordshire, by contrast with all these three, was the epitome of an old fashioned English county, where gentry owned whole villages and dominated county affairs, while agricultural labourers suffered poor wages and substandard housing. All four local authorities were different in the status. Merthyr Tydfil was a County Borough created at turn of the century within the County of Glamorgan from a County, cluster of villages. It operated apart from the having its own policies and its own budget. Tottenham was the inter-war an Urban District Council for most of period, without total autonomy. Some services were provided under Council Middlesex policies and budgets. Oxfordshire County had within it three urban district councils with varying like levels of independence, in addition to Oxford which, Merthyr Tydfil, was a totally independent County Borough. in the All these boroughs attracted social researchers inter-war years. Oxfordshire was chosen in a study on infant mortality to represent a rural county with particularly low infant mortality rates, published by the League of Nations in 1931 and also as an occasional paper by the Ministry of Health; Merthyr Tydfil featured in a Ministry of Health study on the causes of maternal mortality, as a borough with particularly high rates; Oxford is the centre of a study on the growth of social services in a region experiencing industrial expansion at a time of industrial crisis elsewhere; and Tottenham attracted interest as a centre of excellence in public welfare provision. (2) At the time, there was controversy about the efficacy of maternity and child welfare work. In 1938 an editorial in the Medical Officer talked of the pessimistic and optimistic views on the movement; The pessimistic view is that these improvements are the minimum that must have happened, that the rising tide of progress and prosperity dragged them up in its train, and that the child welfare movement has had little say in their achievement. The optimistic view is that these improvements in child nurture are far in advance of general progress, that they are
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Theological Socialism of the Labour Church
    ‘SO PECULIARLY ITS OWN’ THE THEOLOGICAL SOCIALISM OF THE LABOUR CHURCH by NEIL WHARRIER JOHNSON A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Theology and Religion School of Philosophy, Theology and Religion College of Arts and Law University of Birmingham May 2015 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT The thesis argues that the most distinctive feature of the Labour Church was Theological Socialism. For its founder, John Trevor, Theological Socialism was the literal Religion of Socialism, a post-Christian prophecy announcing the dawn of a new utopian era explained in terms of the Kingdom of God on earth; for members of the Labour Church, who are referred to throughout the thesis as Theological Socialists, Theological Socialism was an inclusive message about God working through the Labour movement. By focussing on Theological Socialism the thesis challenges the historiography and reappraises the significance of the Labour
    [Show full text]
  • The Labour Party and the Idea of Citizenship, C. 193 1-1951
    The Labour Party and the Idea of Citizenship, c. 193 1-1951 ABIGAIL LOUISA BEACH University College London Thesis presented for the degree of PhD University of London June 1996 I. ABSTRACT This thesis examines the development and articulation of ideas of citizenship by the Labour Party and its sympathizers in academia and the professions. Setting this analysis within the context of key policy debates the study explores how ideas of citizenship shaped critiques of the relationships between central government and local government, voluntary groups and the individual. Present historiographical orthodoxy has skewed our understanding of Labour's attitude to society and the state, overemphasising the collectivist nature and centralising intentions of the Labour party, while underplaying other important ideological trends within the party. In particular, historical analyses which stress the party's commitment from the 1930s to achieving the transition to socialism through a strategy of planning, (of industrial development, production, investment, and so on), have generally concluded that the party based its programme on a centralised, expert-driven state, with control removed from the grasp of the ordinary people. The re-evaluation developed here questions this analysis and, fundamentally, seeks to loosen the almost overwhelming concentration on the mechanisms chosen by the Labour for the implementation of policy. It focuses instead on the discussion of ideas that lay behind these policies and points to the variety of opinions on the meaning and implications of social and economic planning that surfaced in the mid-twentieth century Labour party. In particular, it reveals considerable interest in the development of an active and participatory citizenship among socialist thinkers and politicians, themes which have hitherto largely been seen as missing elements in the ideas of the interwar and immediate postwar Labour party.
    [Show full text]
  • A History of Women in the Civil Service
    A History of Women in the UK Civil Service This paper draws heavily on research carried out by Bea Morgan when working with Home Office Women. She now works in DCMS where she can be emailed at [email protected] . Bea in turn acknowledges the support of her partner who passed on her love of history and gave Bea confidence in herself, and also the support of Home Office Women who allowed her time to carry out this research. The 1700s and Early 1800s The general view in this period was that women should remain passive and docile and in the home, where she would be treated as subordinate to men. Any woman away from the domestic sphere and not behaving in this way was considered to be unfeminine and therefore in moral danger. Women were considered to be not much more than children with decisions made for them by fathers; husbands and when a woman was in service, her employers. There were few opportunities open to women at the time and these would have been limited to; governess; needlework; mill industry; laundry and domestic service. All work required women to be unmarried except for factory or home working for the working classes. The title of Mrs for the cook in a large household was an honorary title. Work was not considered a possibility for middle class married women. In the lower classes, married women did work, of necessity, in the mills and factories or take in ‘home working’, which would include making matchboxes, needlework or laundry. Where women did work they were considered to be a cheap and flexible labour force.
    [Show full text]
  • 100 Years of Women in Politics
    100 Years of women in politics: www.gatesheadlibraries.com The Representation of the People Act, passed on 6 February 1918 gave most women over the age of 30 the right to vote in parliamentary elections for the very first time. This is a selection of 10 of the many women in British political history, national as well as local who have ‘made a difference’. This pack briefly explains their importance and where to discover more. It provides some ideas for developing lesson plans and creative activities. You can also receive guidance and support for your research from the Local History Library gatesheadlibraries.com The development of this material has been made possible by Historic England and Gateshead Council’s Library Service. The material was researched and curated by Anthea Lang, local historian and author. Further copies are available in PDF format fromwww.gatesheadlibraries.com Each of the pages below has ideas to aid lesson planning or activities and relate to the web-links on the final page to access further information. By going to www.womensvotecentenaryfund.co.uk you will be able to see other projects around the country where the lives of women in British politics are being celebrated in this centenary year. Alice Mary Wicks (1862-1949) In November 1920, Mrs Alice Mary Wicks (Independent) was elected to represent the East Central Ward, defeating Peter S Hancock, a Trade Union Clerk, by a majority of 140. In doing so, she became Gateshead’s first female councillor. Her profession was listed as’ Married Woman’ although she had in fact been a widow since 1891.
    [Show full text]
  • JOINT COMMITTEE of Rhe INDEPENDENT LABOUR PARTY and the FABIAN SOCIETY
    Joint Committee of the Independent Labour Party and the Fabian Society. REPORT For the two years ended APRIL 30th. 1913. MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE, 1913-1914. INDEPENDENT LABOUR FABIAN SOCIETY: PARTY: W. C. ANDERSON (Chairman) e. M. LLOYD Miss MARGARET BONDFIELD E. R. PEASE (Vice· Chairman). • HARRY DUBERY H. H. SCHLOESSER W. HOLMES Mrs. SIDNEY WEBB J. MYLLES Mrs. C. M. WILSON FRANCIS JOHNSON W. STEPHEN SANDERS Uoint Secretary) U oint Secretary) INDEPENDENT LABOUR PARTY: ST. BRIDE'S HOUSE. SALISBURY SQUARE. LONDON, E.e. TEL~JPHONE : 1302 CI:ry. FABIAN SOCIETY ~ ':i. CLEMENT'S INN. STRAND, LONDON, w.e. TELEPHONE: 5798 CITY. JOINT COMMITTEE OF rHE INDEPENDENT LABOUR PARTY AND THE FABIAN SOCIETY. THE Joint Committee of the Independent Labour Party and the Fabian Society was constituted in May, 1911, with the object of promoting closer unity between the two bodies, and especially for the purpose of organising work in combination. Five members -afterwards increased to six-were appointed respectively by the National Administrative Council of the I.L.P. and the Executive Committee of the Fabian Society, whilst Francis Johnson and W. Stephen Sanders were appointed J(:)int Secretaries. The Joint Committee has pleasure in reporting, after two years' working, that the experiment has been an unqualified success. There has been, throughout, an entire absence of fric­ tion; much combined work has been done; the members of the two bodies have been brought into more friendly co-operation with each other; and successful propagandist campaigns have been carried out, without interference with the special work of either of the constituent bodies.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Thesis
    This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from the King’s Research Portal at https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/ The Labour M.P. George N. Barnes and the Creation of the International Labour Office in 1919 International Labour Office in 1919 Korbet, Rebecca Bronwyn Awarding institution: King's College London The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without proper acknowledgement. END USER LICENCE AGREEMENT Unless another licence is stated on the immediately following page this work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the work Under the following conditions: Attribution: You must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work). Non Commercial: You may not use this work for commercial purposes. No Derivative Works - You may not alter, transform, or build upon this work. Any of these conditions can be waived if you receive permission from the author. Your fair dealings and other rights are in no way affected by the above. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 26. Sep. 2021 The Labour M.P. George N. Barnes and the Creation of the International Labour Office in 1919 Rebecca Korbet King’s College, London A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the Institute of Contemporary British History for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2017 1 The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it, or information derived from it, may be published without the prior written consent of the author.
    [Show full text]
  • The Influence of Women on the British Labour Party in the 1920S
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Giessener Elektronische Bibliothek The influence of women on the British Labour Party in the 1920s Kathrin Ruhl, MA Giessen 2004 Giessener Elektronische Bibliothek (GEB) April 2004 Women in the Labour Party1 The first section of the article explores the struggle of women members in the 1920s to find their place within the Labour Party. By examining the party structure, it analyses whether women were able to influence the party discourse. Party publications, unpublished primary sources and official records, such as TUC files and conference minutes from the Labour Party, have been used to provide insights into the struggle of Labour women. From 1906 onward, women interested in the Labour Party were organised in the Women’s Labour League (WLL), an independent organisation with a relatively small membership of about 5,000. Already in 1915 League women declared their interest in joining the Labour Party, but the party did not agree to this request until 1917. By that point party leaders had recognised both the potential of women as a group of voters and its own strength as an emerging major British party. In order to integrate women and previously excluded male adults in greater numbers, a broad reorganisation was necessary. So far membership had only been possible through affiliated organisations such as the trade unions, but most women would not have been able to join the Labour Party in that way. It was therefore necessary to introduce a local party structure with individual membership.2 When the League finally merged with the Labour Party in 1918, i.e.
    [Show full text]
  • The Life of Mary Macarthur. a TUC Library Exhibition
    The life of Mary Macarthur. A TUC Library Exhibition “TO FIGHT, TO STRUGGLE, TO RIGHT THE WRONG” MARY MACARTHUR 13 AUGUST 1880 – 1 JANUARY 1921 The life of Mary Macarthur. A TUC Library Exhibition INTRODUCTION Mary Reid Macarthur, the Scottish founder and leader of the all- female trade union, the National Federation of Women Workers, died on 1 January 1921. This exhibition marks the centenary of her death and celebrates her pioneering work among British women workers. Since her death, there have been more improvements in women’s pay and conditions but history reminds us that many of the issues and challenges faced by the women organized by Macarthur – who were some of the worst paid workers in the country – remain as relevant today as they were then. ‘To Fight, To Struggle, To Right the Wrong’ was the motto of the National Federation of Women Workers. All the images from this exhibition are from the TUC Library Collections The life of Mary Macarthur. A TUC Library Exhibition THE YOUNG WOMAN Mary’s trade union career began in 1901 when she joined the National Amalgamated Union of Shop Assistants, Warehousemen and Clerks. At the time she was writing part time for a local newspaper Mary Macarthur (standing) with her and said that she went to “a labour meeting in sisters. She was born in Glasgow on order to get material for a skit….There were six 13 August 1880, the eldest of three members on the platform and fi ve in the hall, all daughters whose father ran a successful jumping up and down and arguing organisation.
    [Show full text]
  • The Influence of Women on the British Labour Party in the 1920S
    The influence of women on the British Labour Party in the 1920s Kathrin Ruhl, MA Giessen 2004 Giessener Elektronische Bibliothek (GEB) April 2004 Women in the Labour Party1 The first section of the article explores the struggle of women members in the 1920s to find their place within the Labour Party. By examining the party structure, it analyses whether women were able to influence the party discourse. Party publications, unpublished primary sources and official records, such as TUC files and conference minutes from the Labour Party, have been used to provide insights into the struggle of Labour women. From 1906 onward, women interested in the Labour Party were organised in the Women’s Labour League (WLL), an independent organisation with a relatively small membership of about 5,000. Already in 1915 League women declared their interest in joining the Labour Party, but the party did not agree to this request until 1917. By that point party leaders had recognised both the potential of women as a group of voters and its own strength as an emerging major British party. In order to integrate women and previously excluded male adults in greater numbers, a broad reorganisation was necessary. So far membership had only been possible through affiliated organisations such as the trade unions, but most women would not have been able to join the Labour Party in that way. It was therefore necessary to introduce a local party structure with individual membership.2 When the League finally merged with the Labour Party in 1918, i.e. in the year when women were partly enfranchised,3 women were assigned a separate sphere and thus the gender separation, which had been characteristic of the labour movement since the foundation of the WLL, was preserved.
    [Show full text]
  • Margaret Bondfield 1873–1953 by Rasa Goštautaitié
    WILPF and The Clapham Film Unit present These Dangerous Women A Heritage Lottery Funded project Margaret Bondfield 1873–1953 By Rasa Goštautaitié “As a result of her dedication to work, Margaret became the first female cabinet minister” Margaret Bondfield, the daughter of William Bondfield and Anne Taylor, was born on 17th March 1873 in Chard, Somerset. She was the tenth child in the family of eleven children. William Bondfield had worked in the textile industry since he was a young boy and was well known in the area for his radical political beliefs. As a young man he had been secretary of the Chard Political Union. He had also been active in the Anti-Corn Law League of the 1840s. Entirely self-educated, he was fascinated by science and engineering. Margaret’s parents gave her a non-conformist faith and ethic and strong views on the active role of women in politics and the workplace, whilst she educated herself by reading widely on social, ethical and spiritual issues. Margaret was an extraordinary woman and her unique character helped her to achieve great things and played a crucial role in her political career. She was keen to work and earn a living by herself. At the age of fourteen she left home to serve an apprenticeship in a large draper's shop in Hove. She later recalled: “When I first went to Brighton for a holiday in 1887 I had the chance of a job as apprentice to Mrs. White of Church Road, Hove, a friend of my sister Annie. I eagerly grasped this opportunity of earning my living.” While working in Hove, Margaret became friendly with one of her customers, Louisa Martindale, a strong advocate of women's rights.
    [Show full text]
  • The Gertrude Tuckwell Papers
    TUC LIBRARY COLLECTIONS AT THE LONDON METROPOLITAN UNIVERSITY THE GERTRUDE TUCKWELL PAPERS IDENTITY STATEMENT Reference: TUC Library Collections - Gertrude Tuckwell Papers Dates of creation: 1890-1951 Extent: 10 metres approx. as currently shelved Level of description: Fonds CONTEXT Biographical History: Gertrude Tuckwell (1861-1951) was a trade union organiser and campaigner for Women’s rights. In 1891 she became involved with the Women’s Trade Union League (WTUL), working as its secretary and editor of its journal, the Women’s Trade Union Review before becoming president of the League in 1905. In 1908 she also became president of the National Federation of Women Workers (NFWW) which had been founded in 1906 through the WTUL. She remained active in both organisations until 1918 when she announced her retirement and withdrew effectively from January 1921 when the League merged its work with that of the Trades Union Congress (TUC). Tuckwell also became involved in the struggle for protective legislation in the international arena as she joined the executive committee of the International Association for Labour Legislation in 1906. She also maintained the Christian Socialist tradition of her family (her father was widely known as “the radical parson”) and from 1898 became secretary of the Christian Social Union Research Committee. Custodial history The file folders, which form the greater part of this Collection, are thought to have been deposited with the Trades Union Congress in 1921, along with other records from the Women’s Trade Union League. The blue despatch box, containing the personal papers and other material, was deposited in the late 1950s after her death.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Culture of Anti-Socialism in Britain, 1900-1940
    This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from Explore Bristol Research, http://research-information.bristol.ac.uk Author: Ryan, Liam Title: The Political Culture of Anti-Socialism in Britain, 1900-1940 General rights Access to the thesis is subject to the Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial-No Derivatives 4.0 International Public License. A copy of this may be found at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode This license sets out your rights and the restrictions that apply to your access to the thesis so it is important you read this before proceeding. Take down policy Some pages of this thesis may have been removed for copyright restrictions prior to having it been deposited in Explore Bristol Research. However, if you have discovered material within the thesis that you consider to be unlawful e.g. breaches of copyright (either yours or that of a third party) or any other law, including but not limited to those relating to patent, trademark, confidentiality, data protection, obscenity, defamation, libel, then please contact [email protected] and include the following information in your message: •Your contact details •Bibliographic details for the item, including a URL •An outline nature of the complaint Your claim will be investigated and, where appropriate, the item in question will be removed from public view as soon as possible. The Political Culture of Anti-Socialism in Britain 1900 - 1940 Liam Ryan A dissertation submitted to the University of Bristol in accordance with the requirement the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Arts, School of Humani September 2018 70,740 words 1 Abstract This thesis examines the political culture of anti-socialism in Britain between 1900 and 1940.
    [Show full text]