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The Stockholm Environment Institute Comparative Destination Vulnerability Assessment SEI is an independent, international research institute.It has been for Thailand and Sri Lanka engaged in environment and development issuesat local, national, regional and global policy levels for more than a quarterofacentury. Emma Calgaro and Janet Cochrane SEI supports decision making for sustainable development by bridging science and policy.
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Comparative Destination Vulnerability Assessment for Thailand and Sri Lanka
Sustainable Recovery and Resilience Building in the Tsunami Affected Region
Emma Calgaro(1) and Janet Cochrane(2)
(1) Department of Environment and Geography, Macquarie University, Sydney (2) International Centre for Responsible Tourism, Leeds Metropolitan University, UK Stockholm Environment Institute Kräftriket 2B SE 106 91 Stockholm Sweden
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The study presented in this report has been made possible through financial support provided by the Swedish International Develop- ment Cooperation Agency (Sida). However, Sida was not involved in the design of the study and does not necessarily support the views expressed in the report.
Copyright © December 2009 by Stockholm Environment Institute Contents
Foreword and acknowledgements iv
List of tables and figures iv
1. Introduction 1 1.1 The 2004 tsunami and tourism destinations 1 1.2 Project rationale and objectives 1
2 Research framework and design 2 2.1 Assessing destination vulnerability and resilience to shocks 2 2.2 Developing a destination vulnerability framework 4 2.3 Research methods 8
3 Case study areas and Impact of the tsunami 10 3.1 Profile of case study destinations - Thailand 10 3.2 Profile of case study destinations – Sri Lanka 12 3.3 Governance structures influencing tourism 14 3.4 The impact of the 2004 tsunami and Sri Lanka civil conflict 14 3.5 Post-tsunami recovery 15
4 Comparative assessment of destination vulnerability 17 4.1 Exposure 17 4.2 Sensitivity 17 4.3 Responses and system adaptation 27
5 Strategies for enhancing destination resilience 30 5.1 Factors of destination vulnerability and resilience 30 5.2 Tourism and resilience cycle stages 31 5.3 Creating resilient tourism systems 32 5.4 Action points for reducing vulnerability and building resilience 33
References 36 Foreword and acknowledgements
his report is produced just over five years since This summary report is a compilation of two earlier, Tthe devastating Indian Ocean tsunami struck the detailed reports on the individual countries. The reports coastlines of eleven countries on December 26th, 2004. are available at www.sei-international.org. In addition to the loss of around 270,000 lives, the tourism industry in several countries was devastated We would like to thank all those who kindly participated for months. Two of the worst-affected countries in in the project by offering their time, insights and economic terms because of this were Sri Lanka and experiences, particularly the Thai communities of Thailand. In both places, the disaster revealed pre- Khao Lak, Patong Beach, and Phi Phi Don and the existing weaknesses in the tourism system which Hikkaduwa, Anuradhapura, and Kataragama in Sri increased vulnerability to the disaster and hampered Lanka . We would also like to extend our thanks to recovery. Sopon Naruchaikusol (at SEI) and Kannapa Pongponrat (at Mahidol University International College) for their In recognition of this, the Stockholm Environment sizable contributions to the fieldwork in Thailand and Institute (SEI) set up a programme to determine the analysis and Matthew Chadwick at SEI for providing principal causes of tourism system vulnerability in cases invaluable support in the final writing and editing of shock or perturbation, and also the factors of system stages of the report. resilience. The study was designed as a comparative vulnerability assessment, using representative In Sri Lanka, we would like to thank Professor destinations in each country as case studies. Lakshman Dissanayake, Dr. D.A.C. Silva from University of Colombo and Claire Eldridge for their The study ran from 2005-2009 and was funded by essential contributions through fieldwork to the study. the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida). Researchers came from SEI-Asia Any queries should be directed to: (Bangkok), Leeds Metropolitan University (UK), Macquarie University, Sydney, and the University of Emma Calgaro: [email protected] Colombo (Sri Lanka). Janet Cochrane: [email protected]
List of tables and figures
Figure 1: The resilience cycle (the ‘Holling Loop’) 2 Figure 2: Destination sustainability framework 5 Figure 3: Map of Thailand showing case study areas 10 Figure 4: Map of Thailand showing case study areas 13 Figure 5: The sphere of tourism resilience 32
iv s t o c k h o l m environment i n s t i t u t e
1. Introduction
1.1 The 2004 tsunami and tourism • to identify the drivers of vulnerability in the destinations affected communities by understanding the socio- political processes and environmental linkages On 26 December 2004 a devastating tsunami struck that lead to vulnerability coastal communities in 11 countries bordering the Indian Ocean, killing over 270,000 people, including • to recommend strategies for securing future an estimated 35,000 in Sri Lanka and 8,212 in Thailand. sustainable livelihoods by building capacity and The affected areas included several popular tourism enhancing decision-making processes in the destinations, especially in Sri Lanka, the Maldives and coastal zone. Thailand, and amongst the dead were 2,448 foreigners from 37 countries (UN, 2005). The death toll was The study formed one component (Sub-Project 4) of a particularly high amongst tourists because it was peak wider SIDA-funded programme entitled “Sustainable season. Recovery and Resilience Building in the Tsunami Affected Region” which supported post-tsunami The tourism industry was badly impacted in other recovery in Sri Lanka and Thailand through the ways, with significant loss of skilled personnel, and generation of knowledge and capacity building. 25 per cent of the hotel stock in affected destinations destroyed or badly damaged. Tourist arrivals in the In order to identify the factors of vulnerability in a affected provinces in Thailand decreased by 53 per cent range of situations, three tsunami-affected destination in the 6-month period following the disaster and in Sri communities were selected for Thailand, namely Lanka dried up almost completely for a few months. Khao Lak, Patong and Phi Phi Don, all of which are Around 120,000 tourism-related jobs were lost and on Thailand’s Andaman Coast. Three contrasting incomes significantly reduced. There was an estimated destinations were selected in Sri Lanka: Hikkaduwa infrastructural loss of USD 341 million in Thailand (south-west coast), Anuradhapura (a World Heritage (UN, 2005), while in Sri Lanka projected output losses Site in the north) and Kataragama (a pilgrimage site were estimated at US$130 million for the two years in the south-east). The two inland sites were chosen following the tsunami (Robinson and Jarvie, 2008). because the long-running civil conflict in Sri Lanka gave the opportunity of determining more general insights into the factors of vulnerability and resilience 1.2 Project rationale and objectives by offering a comparison between destinations affected by different kinds of crisis. Given the significance of tourism to the Thai and Sri Lankan coastal communities, as well as the This report develops a Destination Vulnerability overall national economies, a revival of the sector Framework and presents the collective findings from was vital. In the aftermath of the disaster, provision the Destination Vulnerability Assessments (DVA) of of immediate emergency relief, restoration of basic the six case studies, draws conclusions as to the causes services and rebuilding of damaged infrastructure of vulnerability and the factors of resilience, presents were of paramount importance, with subsequent a model for creating more resilient tourism systems, attention focused on longer-term strategies that aimed and presents specific recommendations for enhancing to reduce vulnerability and increase resilience to future destination resilience. shocks (ACTPPR, 2005; Miller et al, 2005). In 2006- 08 a research programme funded by the Stockholm Environment Institute took place in Thailand and Sri Lanka with two principal aims:
1 comparative destination vulnerability a s s e s s m e n t f o r t h a i l a n d a n d s r i l a n k a
2 Research framework and design
2.1 Assessing destination vulnerability and resilience to shocks
Comprehensive assessments of the vulnerability or resilience of destination host communities are rare, as are robust frameworks for guiding destination assessments (Calgaro and Lloyd, 2008). Accordingly, the research was constructed around frameworks of resilience and vulnerability. Both terms are linked very closely, with each having a slightly different emphasis. Yet despite the close relationship between the two terms, their theoretical conceptualisations are very different but complimentary when used together Figure 1: The resilience cycle (the ‘Holling to understand the causal factors and processes that Loop’) Source: Holling 2001:394 influence destination vulnerability and resilience to ά: reorganisation / regeneration / renewal shocks and stressors. r: building-up of new systems through exploitation of stored potential K: construction of a stable state, conservation of structures Resilience and resources and accumulation of capital, but leading to Resilience, refers to increasing rigidity Ω: specific disturbance event (quick or slow), leading to “the capacity of a system to absorb disturbance and change reorganize while undergoing change so as to still retain essentially the same function, structure, identity, and feedbacks” (Walker et al, 2004: 1). and accommodate perturbation, thus strengthening underlying structures to allow faster and more Resilience is in effect an expression of the strength successful regeneration. These adaptive policies can of the linked human-environment system, reflecting only occur when policy-makers accept that systems its immediate response, self-organisation, learning, are complex, that there is not necessarily an ideal, and adaptive capabilities (Carpenter et al, 2001). single state which exists with definable parameters, Grounded in ecology, resilience thinking accepts and that processes designed to cope with stress must uncertainty and change as a constant condition of be highly flexible and based on a continual learning the socio-ecological system. Its focus, then, is on process by individuals and institutions. adapting to and co-existing with multiple changes and cross-scale interactions that unfold at different speeds Resilience theory powerful contribution to (gradual versus rapid transitions) over time (Berkhout, understanding and assessing destination vulnerability 2008). Exploring resilience in the context of coastal and resilience comes from its emphasis on process— areas Adger et al (2005) concluded that mitigating those that determine differential outcomes of the the effects of disasters requires the enhancement of adaptive cycle, ecological thresholds, socio-ecological adaptive capacity of social systems across multiple relations and the consequences of disturbance scales, including “collective institutions, robust responses that feed back into the system (Miller et governance systems, and a diversity of livelihood al., forthcoming, Nelson et al., 2007). Applying these choices”.. Holling’s ‘lazy eight’ conceptualisation patterns of change to tourism destinations enables us of adaptive cycles portrayed in Figure 1 shows how to better understand the linkages between destination socio-ecological systems shift between states of developmental cycles and their vulnerability and relative stability through destabilisation and back to resilience to shocks and stressors over space and time, near-stability (Holling, 2001). This occurs in four a point we discuss in-depth in Section 5.3. It also has phases: growth and exploitation (r), conservation (K), other advantages as a theory. collapse or release (Ω), and reorganisation (α). Resilience is constructivist in its approach, championing Understanding the fluctuations within systems means multiple voices and the existence of multiple stable that mechanisms can be incorporated to predict states, reflexivity, adaptive governance, and diverse
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framings of sustainability (Turner, 2008a). Its reframing Exposure - largely a product of physical location and of risk and change as predictable and unpredictable the character of the built and natural environment constants in the socio-ecological system (as opposed (Pelling, 2003, Villagrán De León, 2006); to seeing risk and disruptions as unacceptable and abnormal). Finally, its emphasis on feedback Sensitivity - refers to the degree to which a household consequences of actions taken following a disruption or group are affected by exposure to any set of stresses enable anticipation and adaptation to change over time and reflects the capacity of a population to anticipate and space (Miller et al., forthcoming). However, this and withstand the immediate impacts of a hazard approach has some detractors. (Clark et al., 2000, Pelling, 2003); and
Resilience, as a concept, successfully explores Resilience - as above, resilience refers to the systems the processes of how to transform through social, ability to absorb recurrent external stresses without institutional and organisational learning (Miller et losing its fundamental structure and function (Adger al., forthcoming) but does not sufficiently address et al., 2002). deeper questions on why some choices and responses are taken over others, the reasoning for their success These dimensions of vulnerability (particularly or failure (including why appropriate responses sensitivity and resilience levels) are largely fail), and who these actions serve and marginalise determined by a lack of options due largely to (Adger, 2008, Jasanoff, 2008, Leach, 2008, Shah et the unequal distribution of power and resources in al., 2008, Turner, 2008b). It lacks theoretical depth society (Jäger et al., 2007, Birkmann, 2006). An in analysing the social dimension of the socio- individual’s or group’s ability to anticipate, withstand, ecological system including the political economy and recover from shocks over time is intrinsically of resource and power distribution and usage within linked to access and entitlements to socio-political, the socio-economic system and the consequences economic and environmental resources (Adger and of these patterns over space and time (Leach, 2008, Kelly, 1999, Pelling, 2003). In their review of the Miller et al., forthcoming). There is a pressing need to vulnerability of coastal communities to the Asian move beyond the socio-ecological system to focus on tsunami, Larsen et al (2008) tried to identify the agency, power and accountability: the role actors have proximate and underlying causes of the negative on creating and perpetuating vulnerability, examine outcomes of the tsunami and the slow speed of relationships and networks, and to consider the recovery, and found that the vulnerability of multiple framings or narratives, and ideologies that communities “depend on a large number of causes drive actor choices and competing actions (Jasanoff, and risks, embedded in the livelihood situation of 2008, Shah et al., 2008). Contemporary vulnerability people, and rooted in the political and historical and sustainability science approaches do this. Finally, trajectories of the social groups and the respective it is highly conceptual, making its use problematic in country” (Larsen et al, 2008: 11). Fundamental to guiding the assessment of sustainability challenges this conceptualisation are the contested actions and informing policy and practice (Berkhout, 2008, and outcomes that link human agency (recognising Jasanoff, 2008, Miller et al., forthcoming). people as active participants in shaping their lives and events that shape the world) and scaled structures of Vulnerability power over time and space. The political economy of Vulnerability is regarded as an inherent, place-based resource access and distribution is determined by: (a) and multi-dimensional characteristic of the coupled the competing actions and agendas of social actors, human-environment system and is defined here as and (b) the strength and effectiveness of multiple- scaled governance systems and social networks that The degree to which an exposure unit [human groups, confer access to some, while restricting entitlements ecosystems and communities] is susceptible to harm and influence to others (Adger, 1999, Pelling, 2003, due to exposure to a perturbation or stress, and the Wisner et al., 2004). Underlying these unequal ability (or lack thereof) of the exposure unit to cope, entitlement patterns are historically-embedded recover, or fundamentally adapt” (Kasperson et al., power structures, cultural norms and supporting 2001: 7). ideologies, and doctrines that permeate and bind society (Bankoff, 2003, Cannon et al., 2003, Cutter From a vulnerability perspective, these dynamic et al., 2000). and evolutionary changes are determined by three interconnected dimensions of a given location (Turner The longer research history of vulnerability prompts et al., 2003, Clark et al., 2000): deeper analysis into who is vulnerable or resilient, to
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what, and why. Vulnerability research offers a more 2.2 Developing a destination sophisticated understanding of context, agency and vulnerability framework power; the multi-scaled socio-political processes that shape reactions to risk and change and the Comprehensive assessments of the vulnerability or form these changes take in the socio-ecological resilience of destination host communities are rare, system including the underlying influences of power as are robust frameworks for guiding destination systems, values and ideologies, knowledge and assessments. cultural norms (Miller et al., forthcoming). This includes resistance to change, trade-offs between Resilience, as a concept, successfully explores people, systems, levels and scales, and the narratives the processes of how to transform through social, used by actors and institutions to acquire credibility, institutional and organisational learning but does not legitimacy, authority and power (Berkhout, 2008). sufficiently address deeper questions on why some Two vulnerability frameworks that best encompass choices and responses are taken over others, the the political economy of differential resource reasoning for their success or failure (including why distribution and vulnerability levels within and appropriate responses fail), and who these actions across populations are the Sustainable Livelihoods serve and marginalise. It lacks theoretical depth in (SL) Framework (DFID, 1999b) and the Pressure analysing the social dimension of the SES including the and Release (PAR) Model (Wisner et al., 2004). political economy of resource and power distribution Subsequent frameworks, such as the Sustainability and usage within the socio-economic system and the Science Framework (Turner et al., 2003) and the BBC consequences of these patterns over space and time Model (Birkmann, 2006), situate this place-specific (Leach, 2008; Miller et al., forthcoming). There is examination of who to what and why within a wider a need to move beyond the SES to focus on agency, context that recognises vulnerability as a dynamic power and accountability (specifically, the role of and highly-scaled condition of the socio-ecological actors in creating and perpetuating vulnerability); to system. They also aknowledge that population examine relationships and networks; and to consider characteristics, the multiple stressors populations the multiple framings or narratives and ideologies that are exposed and susceptible to, and their capacity drive actor choices and competing actions (Jasanoff, to respond and adapt are influenced by human and 2008; Shah et al., 2008). environmental influences operating outside the focal population. These frameworks also acknowledge This need can be answered by vulnerability that adaptive capacity is contingent upon the pre- research, which prompts deeper analysis into who is existing characteristics (including a system’s vulnerable or resilient, to what, and why and offers strengths and weaknesses) of the affected system. a sophisticated understanding of context, agency and Therefore, both short and long-term responses power; the multi-scaled socio-political processes and consequent feedbacks that dominate adaptive that shape reactions to risk and change and the form capacity and resilience research are included in these changes take in the SES. These forms include the frameworks. Together, these actor-approaches the underlying influences of power systems, values enable the identification of appropriate entry points and ideologies, knowledge and cultural norms (Miller for action along with negotiation and decision- et al., forthcoming) and covers resistance to change, making processes (Miller et al., 2008, Miller et al., trade-offs between people, systems, levels and scales, forthcoming). Yet vulnerability approaches also have and the narratives used by actors and institutions to limitations in assessing the causal factors underlying acquire credibility, legitimacy, authority and power destination vulnerability. (Berkhout, 2008). Frameworks that best encompass the political economy of differential resource In the light of the merits and detractors of each distribution and vulnerability levels within and across approach, a new Destination Sustainability populations also acknowledge that adaptive capacity Framework is presented in the next section that is contingent upon the pre-existing characteristics draws on the strengths of vulnerability research, of the affected system. Therefore, both short and advances in sustainability science, innovation from long-term responses and consequent feedbacks that resilience theory and the specificity of tourism sector dominate adaptive capacity and resilience research approaches. It also introduces geography theories of are included in the frameworks. Together, these actor- place and relational scale to improve understanding approaches enables the identification of appropriate of the importance of contextual influences that shape entry points for action along with negotiation and destination vulnerability and overcome hierarchical decision-making processes (Miller et al., 2008; Miller notions of scaled actions. et al., forthcoming).
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Figure 2: Destination sustainability framework
However, vulnerability approaches also have term feedbacks in simultaneously determining limitations in assessing the causal factors underlying resilience for some, while causing emerging destination vulnerability. Vulnerability approaches vulnerabilities for others. are highly normative, where risk reduction is sought so as to maintain equilibrium within the In the light of the merits and detractors of each existing SES (Adger, 2008). This is beneficial when approach, a new Destination Sustainability looking at calculable risk to a select population Framework is presented in the next section that or institution but downplays uncertainty and the draws on the strengths of vulnerability research, possibility of alternative stable states (Nelson et advances in sustainability science, innovation from al., 2007). Second, the consequential feedbacks resilience theory and the specificity of tourism sector of actions taken following a disturbance and their approaches. It also introduces geography theories of impact (positive or negative) on the system over place and relational scale to improve understanding time are a recent feature of vulnerability approaches of the importance of contextual influences that shape but require greater emphasis. Resilience thinking destination vulnerability and overcome hierarchical highlights the importance of both short- and long- notions of scaled actions.
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The purpose of the Destination Sustainability The factors that contribute to exposure, sensitivity Framework1 (DSF) presented in Figure 2 is to and responses and adaptation are then broken down guide the identification of the multiple factors and into commonly used sub-groups that reflect the key scale processes that create and perpetuate tourism determinants of the three dimensions. destination vulnerability along with the social actors and agendas that drive action and non-action. Exposure: Exposure as the first dimension of Highlighting these factors and processes creates entry vulnerability presents an inventory of the destination’s points for adjustments and transformation. The DSF defining characteristics including the population comprises five main elements, as below. and the characteristics and health of the biophysical and built environments. The characteristics of each Shocks and stressors destination population will differ, but they generally Events disrupt and destabilise an existing system, comprise households; accommodation providers making them the natural starting point for the and staff; tour operators, travel agencies and guides; analysis of destination vulnerability. The Shocks support service providers, including spas, beach and Stresses element (to what) is shown as piercing service providers and localised transport; restaurants, the socio-ecological system through the Exposure cafés and bars; souvenir and general shops; dimension of the DSF. The event itself does not and localised tourism representative bodies and cause vulnerability but the nature of the shock or government departments. Destination characteristics stressor does influence how the system is affected are further moulded by the natural terrain, supporting over space and time. As with Turner et al. (2003), the ecosystems and the built environment that reflect the DSF makes an important distinction between shocks tastes of tourist groups and local interpretations of and stressors. Shocks are rapid onset events, such as these. Biophysical characteristics (e.g., flat terrain, terrorist acts, including bombings, natural hazards removal of natural vegetation resulting in erosion, and health epidemics. These are most likely to be etc.) and development type and patterns (large sea- unanticipated events (in terms of frequency and size), facing windows or wooden structures, for example) whereas stressors are slow-onset events that are often affect exposure levels to natural hazards, climatic manifestations of human-environment interactions changes and environmental degradation but may be and place increasing pressure on the localised a smaller consideration for economic downturns and system over time. These include: climate change negative travel trends. and responses, environmental degradation, changes in biophysical elements (the removal of coastal Sensitivity: The sensitivity dimension of the DSF grasses and trees, and alterations to the geological captures the pre-existing economic, social and terrain), economic downturns, and changes in travel political conditions that shape anticipatory and and product trends. The distinction between shocks immediate response capabilities to shocks. This and stressors concords with Faulkner’s 2001 disaster involves an exploration of the political economy management framework for tourism destinations, in of access and entitlements to resources and which he distinguishes between a ‘crisis’ as an event their distribution. Particular factors influencing caused at least in part by managerial ineptitude, an tourism destination sensitivity include tourist flow a ‘disaster’ as an unpredictable and catastrophic seasonality, livelihood portfolios and dependency event. on tourism, localised and global economic trends, markets and marketing strategies, destination The interconnected dimensions of developmental histories, positioning and destination vulnerability image. Common sources of economic capital include Vulnerability is place-specific. Therefore, the three the accumulation of liquid and fixed assets, credit interconnected dimensions of vulnerability form the histories and insurance, employment opportunities, heart of the DSF: Exposure and Sensitivity, which business stability, and access to welfare safety nets encapsulate pre-existing environmental, socio- in times of unemployment. Human capital includes political and economic conditions, and Responses knowledge, skills, and labour ability. High skill levels and System Adaptation, which incorporate short- enable greater employment flexibility if employment term coping responses to a shock or stressor as well opportunities are interrupted whilst knowledge as the long-term adjustments and their consequences. about trends and risk facilitate preparedness. Social capital embodies networks and connectedness, group membership, relationships, and levels of trust and 1 Framework developed by Calgaro as part of her Ph.D. reciprocity. Kinship and tourism business networks thesis currently being undertaken at Macquarie Univer- promote cohesion, connectedness, reinsurance, and sity, Sydney.
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stability in times of need. They can also promote Feedback loops greater access to financial capital and power networks. The outcomes of action, inaction and failed actions (or However, social relationships and networks can also the combination of all three) feed back into the system foster social exclusion manifested through dominant and determine new levels of exposure and sensitivity power structures and historically-embedded cultural to future shocks and stressors. The monitoring of the norms (DFID, 1999a). consequences of differential system feedbacks over time and space is arguably the most important aspect Power and its distribution is formalised through of the adaptive cycle but the least understood. Actions government structures and processes that regulate can produce both positive and negative outcomes. asset distribution and influence preparedness levels Interventions that address pre-existing weaknesses in through the regulation of knowledge and strategy the system and increase preparedness, social cohesion, norms (DFID, 1999b). Hence, the analysis of these learning and exchange can enhance access and processes and structures requires an understanding entitlements to resources and redress power inequities. of roles and responsibilities, and knowledge of rights This in turn decreases future exposure and sensitivity and relationships between groups and organisations. levels to shocks and stressors and enhances resilience. The role of human agency in determining resource In Figure 2, these positive outcomes are portrayed by access and distribution cannot be discounted as there the green arrows. However, adjustments and mitigation is a cyclical relationship between actor actions and strategies are not always possible or wanted. Lack of the government structures that help determine action adaptation and/or the failure of adaptive strategies are outcomes. Finally, the inclusion of physical and a function of institutional capacity and knowledge environmental sensitivities here acknowledges that systems, as well as human agency, involving choices social and economic development cannot take place based on perceived likelihood of future risk and the without a functioning life support system (Nelson et socio-economic cost of implementing and managing al., 2007; Folke, 2008). Key factors include access to strategies. Inaction in the face of adversity and natural resources, access to lifeline infrastructure and the acceptance of pre-existing limitations merely communication systems, and biophysical alterations compounds exposure and sensitivity and increases and changes. vulnerability levels (shown by red broken arrows). The choices of which actions to take (if any), consequent Responses and System Adaptation: A household’s trade-offs between choices and the competing needs or community’s capacity to respond, recover and of population sub-groups, as well as their success or adapt to shocks and their consequences is dependent failure, are coloured by value systems and dominant upon anticipatory actions for preparedness, ideologies, perceptions of risk and probable gain (socio- including resource stockpiling, immediate and short- political and financial), power system configurations term coping capacities, followed by longer-term and human agency. Together, these conditions form the adjustments and adaptations. This final dimension of context of human-environment interaction. vulnerability features both the immediate and short- term coping responses and longer-term adjustments, Contextual influences on destination and acknowledges their consequent feedbacks. Impact vulnerability and coping responses (short-term) to shocks depends The pink circle that encompasses the three dimensions on the available capital including the effectiveness of vulnerability - and, in part, the shock – represents of governance structures, levels of preparedness, the context within which destinations are formed and capacity to learn (Tompkins and Adger, 2004; and their vulnerability and resilience to shocks and Villagran de Leon, 2006). This component of the stresses. The context includes both place or destination DSF therefore bridges the Sensitivity and Responses characteristics and the wider influences that shape and System Adaptation dimensions to acknowledge it. Understanding the nature of place and destination the aforementioned relationship. Reactionary in creation enables the identification of the actors (who nature, immediate impact responses to shocks contributes to vulnerability creation, perpetuation include emergency service actions and the provision and resilience) and the causal processes (why actions and distribution of emergency aid. Short-term are taken over others) that shape its vulnerability and coping actions include financial aid strategies and resilience to shocks. trauma support and usually give way to longer-term adjustments and adaptation measures that can involve Places are more than physical locations and politically reflection, self-organisation, social learning, and demarcated spaces; they are dynamic, elastic, and embracing emerging opportunities for transformation. contested landscapes that have multiple identities, In spite of this, positive change is not guaranteed. meanings and interpretations dependent upon multiple
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viewpoints and socio-ecological interactions that and agenda-driven actions also illuminate the creation evolve over space and time. Place, as a socio-political and perpetuation of social inequality and differential construct of multiple meanings and interpretations vulnerabilities within destinations. Finally, the by multiple actors, is perfectly demonstrated in the identification of key actors with a vested interest in creation of tourist destinations. It encapsulates the tourism development and the multi-scaled structures enduring tourist images of desired experiences that they work through provide planners, policy makers are represented and packaged by tour operators and and community members with a clear directive then reinterpreted and constructed by the destination regarding the type of resilience strategies required, host community (Knox and Marston, 2004; Pritchard the target audience, and the most appropriate scales and Morgan, 2000; Young, 1999). The place and for policy action and execution. the experience it provokes are then reinterpreted by interactions between the destination and the travelling public. 2.3 Research methods
The actions of actors involved in the creation of Vulnerability reduction is a dynamic process not just an destinations are influenced by multiple factors, outcome, so monitoring this process and how it evolves including political and economic ideologies, religious over space and time is vital to understanding root causes doctrines, cultural norms and power systems, values, as well as to charting the success of interventions, perceptions of risk and resultant choices, and the social learning, adaptation and transforming processes agendas and expectations of both tourism industry (Adger, 2006). Case study analysis was chosen as stakeholders and tourists. These contextual influences the overarching method for assessing destination permeate the fabric of a destination and influence vulnerability given that both vulnerability and tourism the nature and intensity of disruptive events, actions, destinations are socially-constructed and place-based. reactions, and consequences and, in turn, vulnerability and resilience. They are power-laden and deeply Destination site selection rooted in culture, history, religion and ideology. These, The choice of six destinations provided an opportunity along with the enabling contemporary processes and to explore the relationship between development levels, structures, shape every aspect of the tourist destination destination placement and popularity, sustained damage and help explain the causal factors that underlie resulting from the tsunami event (and the civil conflict vulnerability and resilience over time and space. They in the case of Sri Lanka) and vulnerability. The case shape governance structures and reinforce dominant study areas were selected based on the level of damage ideologies, influence developmental decisions and sustained from the tsunami or from the long-running destination characteristics, determine differential civil conflict, the destinations’ developmental histories, access and entitlement to resources and the value and the differential stages and speed of recovery. Profiles and use of available resources, influence business of the destinations and their responses to the crises are decisions, and shape perceptions of risk, as well given in Section 3, but in brief: as short- and long-term responses to stressors and shocks. These dynamic socio-ecological interactions Khao Lak sustained the greatest losses in terms of lives evolve over time and space. lost and rooms destroyed during the tsunami event, with around 90 per cent of the infrastructure damaged, and Scale and time was the newest of the three Thai destinations studied: The final element of the DSF that encircles all tourism only began to flourish in 1996. the remaining elements represents scale and time. This continuous and non-linear time-space element Phi Phi Don also sustained heavy losses (1400 rooms in acknowledges that places and their vulnerability 34 facilities were destroyed) but had a more established and resilience are dynamic and evolve with people’s destination history dating back more than 20 years and a choices, outcomes, and persistent cause-and-effect prominent international tourism market position. relationships that play out at different rates. Patong Beach is one of the oldest, wealthiest and best Recognising scale as an expression of power and established destinations in Thailand. Tourism businesses control over capital, relational scale adds depth and benefit from a high international profile that has dynamism to the DSF. First, it provided a greater generated strong returns over a 30 year period. Damages understanding of the scaled processes social actors to the tourism infrastructure were lowest here out of use to gain access to the resources they need to fulfil the three Thai destinations, with 10-20 per cent of the their objectives and agendas. Second, these politicised infrastructure damaged.
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Hikkaduwa was one of the first areas in Sri Lanka to and confidentiality, while interview or consultancy be developed for tourism, with a significant period of fatigue was apparent in both countries because of expansion in the 1970s and early 1980s, and it is still one the attention focussed on the tsunami-affected areas of the country’s most popular beach resorts. It was badly in its aftermath, especially as findings appeared damaged by the tsunami, with around half its housing not to affect policy and practice. In some cases affected. people did not want to relive the disaster through discussions, preferring to focus on normalcy and Anuradhapura, in the north of central Sri Lanka, was the future. In Sri Lanka, the lack of tourists made it inscribed on the World Heritage list for its historical and difficult to enthuse local people about participating religious significance. Tourism to the area was badly in FGDs. However, the interview process and FGDs affected by its proximity to the war-zone of the north- also afforded opportunities for sharing experiences, east. social learning and an outlet for frustrations and grief. Care had to be taken not to raise expectations Katharagama has spiritual significance for all Sri that the research would result in direct interventions Lanka’s ethnic and religious groups and is a major in tourism practice in the study areas. pilgrimage site. As with Anuradhapura, the civil war deterred visitors, and it was also affected by the tsunami’s • paucity of baseline information: in Sri Lanka, destruction of tourist facilities in nearby Yala National there is no systematic collection of data on tourists at Park, with which it was often packaged. local level, making it challenging to obtain reliable baseline information with which to compare the Data collection results of the study. Seven complementary methods were used to collect the data needed to deconstruct the complex factors and relationships that influence and drive destination vulnerability:
• document and map analysis
• literature review
• field observation
• questionnaire survey with randomly selected households
• open-ended interviews with key informants
• case histories
• focus group discussions (FGDs).
Research implementation challenges The process of making a research strategy operational in a post-disaster destination setting presented numerous challenges including:
• participant availability: in Thailand, interviews conducted in the high season meant that people were busy with clients, while during the low season foreign business owners had returned to their home country.
• lack of interest: in both countries, there was some suspicion surrounding research goals, data usage
9 comparative destination vulnerability a s s e s s m e n t f o r t h a i l a n d a n d s r i l a n k a
3 Case study areas and Impact of the tsunami
3.1 Profile of case study Patong destinations - Thailand Patong is approximately 867 kilometres south of Bangkok on the west coast of Phuket, Thailand’s largest The rapid development of Thailand’s Andaman Coast island. Its defining geographical feature is Patong Bay, over the past 30 years has coincided with a strong rise a deep 14-kilometre long U-shaped bay that opens in tourism. The destinations of Patong, Phi Phi Don, to the Andaman Sea. The beach is approximately 3 and Khao Lak are a product of this evolution and offer kilometres long. Tourism development is located experiences that loosely revolve around ‘sun, sea and between the beach and the foot of the steep, forested sand’, but the characteristics of each destination, the escarpment which rises up on the landward sides of type of client they attract, and their developmental the bay. histories differ greatly. Phuket’s development as a tourist destination began in the 1970s starting in two small villages on Patong
Figure 3: Map of Thailand showing case study areas
10 s t o c k h o l m environment i n s t i t u t e
Bay, with development stimulated by the filming of and mainland investors (TAT, 2003). As tourism the James Bond movie “The Man With The Golden expanded some villagers sold their land and moved Gun” (1974) in nearby Phang Nga Bay. In a typical to the mainland. Those that remained switched their pattern of tourism destination development, Patong economic activity entirely to tourism (Krabi Tourist initially attracted backpackers and budget tourists Association, 2007). There has been a concentration and subsequently large-scale, 4 and 5-star hotel of land and business ownership in the hands of five investments and high-end tourists as its popularity families who remained on the island. grew from the early 1990s. Phi Phi Don’s reputation as an island paradise was Today Patong is the most visited destination on Phuket, sealed in 2000 with the release of the major film itself the most visited island and province in Thailand’s The Beach filmed on and around the neighbouring south, attracting 4.5 million visitors annually. Tourism island of Phi Phi Leh. By the mid 1990s Phi Phi had dominates the economy, accounting for 40 per cent of developed into the thriving destination whose client- Phuket’s GDP (Birkland et al, 2006). Other livelihood base had expanded from backpackers and divers to options include agriculture (rubber, coconuts, cashew, include more mainstream tourists. Bungalow-based tapioca, cacao, rice and pineapples), fishing, pearl development remained characteristic up until the time farms, shrimp farming, and the processing of marine of the tsunami when all were destroyed. products (NESD, 2008). The official population is 16,370 but a large influx of seasonal migrant workers Today, Phi Phi Don has 1160 registered residents, in the high season takes the population closer to with high levels of seasonal in-migration bringing 81,000 (Patong Municipality,2007). the population to just over 3,000 (DPWTCP, 2005). Tourism is by far the main source of income, The main attractions are beach and marine-based generating USD 113 million per annum, with 60 per activities, the bustling nightlife and cheap shopping. cent from foreign tourists, and accounting for 23 per It attracts a broad spectrum of markets, with European cent of Krabi Province’s annual tourism revenue. and North American visitors dominating the high Supplementary sources of income come from fishing season (November to April) and Asian markets and small-scale farming. predominant in the low season (May to October). Cultural activities, health/medical tourism, sport, and Tourist activities centre on the beaches, warm honeymoon packages are being fostered to attract turquoise waters, and coral reefs which offer some of emerging markets from the Middle East, China and the best diving in Thailand. Other attractions include Russia in the low season. day-trips to Phi Phi Leh and other locations. Its proximity to Phuket and Krabi make it a popular day- Phi Phi Don trip from these places. As with Patong, Phi Phi Don’s Phi Phi Don is 42 kilometres from the mainland and main markets in the high season (November to April) 48 kilometres from Phuket. It is the only inhabited one are Europeans, with Scandinavians accounting for 60 of six islands that form part of the Hat Nopparatthra- per cent of this market and French, Italians, Germans Mu Koh Phi Phi National Park. It covers 10.25 and British making up the remainder (Krabi Tourist square kilometres and is almost split into two equal Association, 2007). The low season is dominated by parts connected by a narrow strip of beach, forming Asian markets (especially Korea and China), Australia a butterfly shape. Most of the island’s population and Israel (TAT, 2008a). and tourism infrastructure is packed on this narrow isthmus, with high limestone mountains covered Khao Lak in tropical forests dominating the remainder of the Khao Lak is on the west coast of Thailand in the island. The dramatic scenery, white beaches and southern province of Phang Nga, 98 kilometres surrounding coral reefs attract over 300,000 visitors north of Phuket (see Figure 3). It is bordered by annually (DPWTCP, 2005). Khao Lak National Park to the east and Andaman Sea to the west. Much of the tourism development From the mid-20th century a small settlement is on a 12 kilometre strip of flat land that extends up appeared on the island based on fishing, and later on to two kilometres inland to the foot of the bordering coconut and cashew nut cultivation. Tourism began escarpment. Khao Lak is made up of six tourism in 1975 with the building of a few simple thatched- village hubs, with the heart of the destination roof bungalows. Awareness of the island’s attractions concentrated in Nang Thong and Bang Niang. The grew via word-of-mouth, prompting a rise in visitor population of the greater Khao Lak area is 4,683 numbers and investor interest from local villagers (Khuk Khak TAO, 2007).
11 comparative destination vulnerability a s s e s s m e n t f o r t h a i l a n d a n d s r i l a n k a
Khao Lak is the most recently developed of the There were few domestic tourists other than day- three Thai case study destinations, and tourism has visitors. By the late 1990s, the rapid development of fast become the largest and most lucrative industry, tourism gave rise to concern: sewerage and garbage attracting 321,938 visitors in 2004 when the disposal systems were being overwhelmed, the busy destination was at the height of its popularity (TAT, major highway through the village was disliked by 2004). Alternative livelihoods include rubber, fruit tourists and resulted in accidents, and the coral reefs and palm oil plantations, construction, and fishing. were being damaged (Tantrigama, 2002). Development emulated the patterns of Patong and Phi Phi Don, starting in 1988 with construction of 10 beach Despite these issues Hikkaduwa remained popular bungalows by a German and Thai couple. Initially, the and became one of the most developed beach German naturalist (nature-lovers) market was a key tourism destinations in Sri Lanka, with a range of segment. The name ‘Khao Lak’ was taken from the accommodation, restaurants, cafes and handicraft and mountain that overlooks the valley and promoted in clothing shops along the 5-kilometre-long beach. Just 1996 when the Laguna Resort was launched in tour off-shore is a coral reef which provides opportunities for brochures. Exposure by Europe’s largest tour operators snorkelling, diving and tours by glass-bottomed boats, were responsible for exponential growth from 100 with more dive-sites at wrecks in the bay, and there is rooms in 1996 to 5,312 in December 2004, making it also good surfing. Other attractions include inland lakes the premier tourist destination in Phang Nga province. with abundant bird-life and historical, archaeological and religious sites both at the destination and nearby, The tourism boom encouraged many people living in especially Galle Fort, one of the seven World Heritage the greater Takua Pa District to start tourism-related Sites in Sri Lanka, around 20 kilometres along the businesses and attracted investors from other parts of coast. Thailand. Some business owners are foreigners who came to Khao Lak as travellers and never left. Tourism A comparative study of recovery of coastal destinations was still expanding at the time of the tsunami, with after the tsunami found that around one-third of many new or unfinished buildings. households in Hikkaduwa had some involvement in tourism before the tsunami (De Silva and Yamao In contrast to bustling Patong, Khao Lak is marketed 2007), but because of its location it has comparatively as a peaceful haven for nature lovers who want to relax favourable links with the regional sub-centre of and dive. The two main market segments are wealthier Galle and a reasonably diverse economy in addition families and retirees wanting to escape the European to tourism, including fisheries, agriculture, trade and winter and dive enthusiasts. The main activities are services, food-processing, building and manufacturing, beach-based or adventure trips into the mountainous including a few large enterprises in the coir and garment hinterland, including trekking, mountain-biking, sectors. Micro-industries are also diverse and include elephant treks, rafting and canoeing. The main source door-mat weavers, broom-makers, candle-makers, markets are Germany and Sweden (31 per cent and 15 grinding mills, lamp-makers, cement-item makers, cap- per cent respectively) with the UK, Switzerland and makers, exercise-book makers, artificial flower-makers Finland rounding out the top five markets. The Asian and handicrafts. There are strong backwards linkages market is small, with domestic tourists arriving for from the tourism industry, e.g. handicrafts, textiles and long weekends and public holidays. garments, trading, and agro-processing.
Anuradhapura 3.2 Profile of case study Located in the central north-east of the country, destinations – Sri Lanka Anuradhapura forms part of Sri Lanka’s ‘Cultural Triangle’, which also includes the World Heritage Hikkaduwa Sites of Sigiriya and Polonuruwa and the additional Hikkaduwa lies on the south-west coast of Sri Lanka, cultural site of Dambulla. In 2007 the Cultural Triangle about 100 kilometres south of the capital city, Colombo accounted for 19 per cent of total foreign guest nights (Figure 4). It was one of the first areas in Sri Lanka to in Sri Lanka and around 280 million rupees (USD develop a modern tourism industry, with a significant 2.5 million) was generated from entrance tickets to period of expansion in the 1970s and early 1980s, the area, although Anuradhapura accounted for only during which time it gained some notoriety as a ‘hippy’ around 1 per cent of the total (SLTDA 2007). The destination popular with naturists and gay and lesbian contribution of tourism to district GDP is around 5-10 holiday-makers. The market was overwhelmingly per cent, although it is difficult to estimate because of European, especially Germans (Tantrigama 2002). the complicated local economy which includes a large
12 s t o c k h o l m environment i n s t i t u t e
Figure 4: Map of Sri Lanka showing case study areas 1. Hikkaduwa - south-west coast 2. Katharagama – near Tissamaharana, on the south-east coast 3. Anuradhapura – north-central
informal sector and indirectly linked stakeholders. The only one star-rated hotel. There is a Hotel Association destination is near the Wilpattu National Park (one of which groups 45 accommodation providers. three major protected areas in the country), with which it was often packaged in more peaceful times. International tourism to Anuradhapura was limited for many years because of the conflict (see Section 3.4), Visitor facilities include a museum, information centre, and domestic religious tourism is the driving force of bookstands, car-parks, restaurants, accommodation and tourism development here. At the same time, lack of toilets. A 2003 status report on the WHS concluded that infrastructure and other basic facilities to meet the needs the core values were being maintained and that WHS of domestic tourists, particularly lack of sanitation status had boosted the number of visitors to the site, and health facilities, restaurant and accommodation although there was pressure from high visitor numbers, facilities are blocking potential benefits from tourism with a need to create facilities for pilgrims. The site was development. threatened by the use of political influence to authorise extensions to private property (UNESCO 2003). Katharagama Katharagama has spiritual and religious significance In terms of tourism enterprises, the local authority for Hindus, Buddhists, Muslims and the indigenous recorded 12 hotels, 57 guest-houses and 198 restaurants population of Sri Lanka, the Veddas, and the in 2007, most of which are small, informal sector concentration of sacred sites and practices in one operations and few of which are registered with Sri location has made it Sri Lanka’s premier destination Lanka Tourism. There is some discrepancy with national for pilgrimage tourism. Over a million tourists come figures, however, which recorded only 6 hotels with a here annually, the great majority domestic tourists, total capacity of 210 rooms (SLTDA, 2007). There is although substantial numbers of foreign tourists –
13 comparative destination vulnerability a s s e s s m e n t f o r t h a i l a n d a n d s r i l a n k a
especially from India and other parts of Asia – also private sector. The main government bodies are the visit the area because of its spiritual significance. Few Tourism Authority of Thailand (TAT), the Ministry non-Asian tourists visit Katharagama, and if they do of Tourism and Sport, and provincial and local so it is because of its proximity to one of Sri Lanka’s governments. In Sri Lanka the corresponding bodies great wildlife areas – Yala National Park, which has are Sri Lanka Tourism (the Tourist Board) and the one of the highest densities of leopard in a natural park Ministry of Tourism, in addition to the district and anywhere in the world and is one of the best places in divisional levels of government. Asia to see wild Asian elephants. It is on the itinerary of many tours to Sri Lanka which offer a circuit of the According to the statutes of a new Tourism Act in country. 2005, the Sri Lanka Board (established as the Ceylon Tourist Board in 1966) was reconstituted in January There are moves to raise the profile of Katharagama 2007 as four separate organisations, each with its own to attract a broader market spectrum by focussing on responsibilities and management structure and with a the colourful pageantry and rituals rather than the stronger role for the private sector and a more market- site’s religious importance. In particular, the annual focussed outlook. The four areas of responsibility ‘Katharagama Esala Perahera’ festival held during July/ are development, promotion, tourism and hospitality August is one of the most striking cultural pageants in training, and the development of the MICE sector. The Sri Lanka, consisting of a series of daily processions new structure went some way to resolving uncertainty (or ‘Peraheras”) held over two weeks. It is well-known over assigned responsibilities between the Ministry of amongst domestic tourists and attracts huge volumes, Tourism and the Sri Lanka Tourist Board. and is starting to become known amongst foreigners. Operating within these governmental structures is the private sector that collectively drives tourism An important part of site use at Katharagama is development in both Sri Lanka and Thailand, as the Pada Yatra pilgrimage, a journey rooted in the traditions of the indigenous Vedda people and adopted in most countries. by the Jaffna Tamils. Following a route down the eastern side of the island, devotees walk for around two months in May, June and July to reach Katharagama. 3.4 The impact of the 2004 tsunami Although the pilgrimage has not always taken place in and Sri Lanka civil conflict recent years because of the conflict, in years when it has been permitted numbers have swelled to 30,000 The 2004 tsunami transformed the lives and livelihoods with the presence of ‘soft’ religious tourists (travelling of the three Thai case study communities and in vehicles) in addition to the traditional holy men, Hikkaduwa in Sri Lanka in the space of a few hours, musicians, poets and ‘ecstatics’ who exemplify the while the remaining two Sri Lanka sites were affected ascetic customs of South Asian religions (Harrigan, peripherally by the tsunami but suffered longer term 2008). effects from the civil conflict. In the coastal resorts the impact of the tsunami was huge: nearly all properties Tourism in fact engages a minority of the local along the beachfront were damaged or destroyed, population. The majority are engaged in agriculture with considerable damage also to roads, electricity or related activities. There are limited opportunities and telecommunication systems, drinking water and for off-farm income-generating activities, and the waste-water systems. The waves spread huge amounts few service sector jobs, mostly in the public sector, of debris and – where coastal profiles were flat – ran are dominated by migrants from other districts, which hundreds of meters inland (3.5 kilometres in the case may be a reflection of the low rates of engagement of Khao Lak). The flood of sea-water with its cargo in education locally, with around 58 per cent of the of human and animal cadavers contaminated inland population aged between 5 and 34 having not attended agricultural areas, plantations and water systems. school (Katharagama Division, 2005). The affected communities experienced both direct and indirect impacts: businesses were destroyed, tourist 3.3 governance structures flows dried up, jobs were lost, and the workforce influencing tourism needed to run newly opened businesses was severely depleted (UN, 2005; Handmer and Choong, 2006). The two main groups that control tourism development Businesses that escaped physical damage suffered a in Thailand are the Royal Thai Government (RTG), loss of income due to a lack of clientele. Consequently, aided by subordinate levels of government, and the thousands of workers were retrenched or had their
14 s t o c k h o l m environment i n s t i t u t e
income significantly reduced. Support business owners tsunami, especially if a swift publicity campaign and workers such as masseuses and handicraft sellers is mounted to counter the negative effects. In the lost their customers. Small and medum-scale (SME) immediate aftermath of the tsunami, the Sri Lanka industries affected included grocery stores, souvenir tourist board took a proactive stance with its ‘Bounce shops, clothing stores, internet cafes, jewellery shops Back Sri Lanka’ campaign, which emphasised that and motorcycle hire shops. Many survivors had to most of the tourism infrastructure remained unharmed rebuild their lives from scratch, and because the coastal or had been quickly reconstructed, while TAT promoted belt is in general inhabited by the poorer segments of similar messages for Thailand. the population, the people affected had little enough to lose in the first place. Other studies (e.g. Kilby 2007; De In Thailand, it was imperative to hasten recovery Silva 2009) have also noted the disproportionate effect particularly in Patong, the longstanding flagship for of the tsunami on poorer communities. The destruction Thailand’s tourism industry. Here, damage was less than of public buildings caused socio-administrative in Khao Lak and Phi Phi Don, while close collaboration issues such as the loss of legal records, mortgage between business, government administrative bodies documentation and other details. and the media enabled a rapid change from devastation to functionality within weeks, with rapid restoration In Anuradhapura and Kataragama, a more enduring of basic services and infrastructure. Within 3 weeks of concern than the tsunami was the civil conflict. After the tsunami 90 per cent of the pre-impact hotel rooms a peace agreement in 2002 entrepreneurs borrowed were available for business, and by 2007 tourist flows money to improve their properties or make other to Phuket generally had surpassed pre-tsunami levels investments, but the decline in tourist arrivals due to by 4.4 per cent, with 5,005,653 arrivals (TAT, 2008b). the tsunami and then renewed ethnic violence caused considerable financial hardship. In both places, high Recovery in Phi Phi was slower, in keeping with the levels of security because of anxieties about terrorist greater level of destruction. The Phi Phi Islands were attacks in general and concern that the religious sites labelled a danger zone by several foreign governments, would be specific targets were a deterrent to tourists and many small businesses that survived the tsunami seeking a safe, peaceful destination. ceased operating due to the trauma and negativity of the aftermath. The rebuilding of businesses was slow due to delays in finalising new building codes and 3.5 Post-tsunami recovery development plans. In Khao Lak recovery was slower still, with only 800 rooms out of the 5,312 pre-tsunami Faulkner (2001) produced a six-stage tourism disaster available for occupation by the start of the 2005/06 high management framework which illustrates how the season (ILO, 2006). In 2008 tourist arrivals here were effects on tourism of an event such as the tsunami can still less than half of pre-tsunami levels, at 1,342,871 be managed. According to his distinction between a (Office of Tourism Development, 2009). ‘crisis’ and a ‘disaster’, referred to in Section 2.2.1, the tsunami was a ‘disaster’, and as such excited In Hikkaduwa recovery was fairly swift, to the extent a classic disaster management response based on that by the start of the 2005/06 high season hoteliers communications, while the conflict was a ‘crisis’, reported their only challenge to be lack of capacity. whose long-lasting nature was due at least in part to the Here, though, while enterprises registered with the failure to implement agreed pacts and to progress peace tourist board were eligible for some financial assistance negotiations, and to political uses of the conflict. It will in the form of low cost loans, unregistered businesses be seen that all the case study destinations are affected struggled to find finance. The need was partially filled by poor management of waste, water and other natural by investment and marketing support from individual resources, and may therefore be creating a ‘crisis’ for international tourists with whom some service providers themselves which may affect business and livelihoods had developed a close relationship over a long period. in the future. When tourists were able to return they did so fairly In both Sri Lanka and Thailand, the tourism authorities quickly, partly in response to appeals from governments and private sector were experienced and sophisticated and industry to support tourism, and because of and were adept at ‘managing the message’ for tourism. awareness that a similar disaster was extremely This accorded with Faulkner’s 2001 model, while unlikely to occur. Many visitors already knew the Fall and Massey (2006) reviewed crisis management destinations and returned out of loyalty and a desire literature and point out that destinations can recover to help (Robinson and Jarvie, 2008). In some cases quickly from a discrete disaster event such as the – notably Phi Phi – a major new market was formed
15 comparative destination vulnerability a s s e s s m e n t f o r t h a i l a n d a n d s r i l a n k a
by volunteers arriving to help rebuild the island, while sector to rebuild the infrastructure were hampered by in all tsunami-affected areas the large influx of aid the application of a ‘100 metre’ rule (in some places workers helped support the industry. Leisure tourists controversially extended to 200 metre), whereby no from Europe and Australia were the first to return, construction was allowed within 100 metres of the although Asian tourists were more likely to stay away high-water mark, although hotels and other enterprises for fear of spirits and ghosts. could rebuild on their original plot if they had formal land tenure. The rule was intended to help prevent loss Interestingly, the beach destinations in both countries of life and property in the event of another tsunami, but have evidenced longer-term changes in markets since there was criticism that it impacted local inhabitants the tsunami. The length of stay has declined, coupled while businesses and outside investors were permitted with lower tourist expenditure from both domestic and to build hotels and other tourism installations within international tourists.. The change in length of stay is the buffer zone (Fernando, 2005; Rice, 2005). particularly marked in Phi Phi, from 4 weeks pre-tsunami to two to three nights subsequently (DPTCP, 2006). One The difficulty of earning a living from tourism or other reason for lower expenditure may be because pressure legitimate activities in all destinations has encouraged on accommodation led to increased prices, which left some families to engage in what Sri Lankans term ‘bad tourists with less disposable income for longer stays gearing’ activities, meaning involvement in prostitution and shopping. Markets in some places (notably Phi and drug-dealing, particularly in Anuradhapura, which Phi) have shifted away from backpackers towards has a market in the military bases nearby. These families or groups that can afford the higher costs and activities frequently offer higher returns than more towards an increase in day-trippers, particularly Thais mainstream enterprises. and Chinese. Although dive operators and some smaller businesses have lost income as a result, the changes are The multiple factors that contributed to the differential not detrimental across the board: souvenir shops and vulnerability levels found in the case study destinations, restaurants gain income from the day-trip market. the collective actions taken to rebuild the tsunami- affected destinations, and the outcomes of these actions Hoteliers in Hikkaduwa and Anuradhapura reported are presented in the following section. much more dependence on the domestic industry than before the tsunami, although this was partly because of the resurgence in civil violence which continued to deter international visitors. Both Anuradhapura and Kataragama faced particular challenges because of the conflict, including a decline in domestic tourist numbers, but also because the ‘meaning’ of the spiritual and heritage sites was not made accessible to tourists through interpretation.
In Hikkaduwa, pre-existing issues with destination management re-surfaced after the tsunami, including the uninviting appearance of the town, increasing congestion of the tourist area, pollution from solid waste and sewage, the heavy traffic on the main road passing through the village with occasional accidents, stray dogs, hassles from beach vendors, increasing prices and declining quality of the coral reef. Aesthetically, the physical damage caused by the tsunami here was still very evident even 4 years later, with piles of rubble, shattered buildings, and tree-stumps remaining from where the trees were snapped off by the force of the waves.
In Sri Lanka generally, although demand for tourism did not rise substantially during the study period because of the civil war, there were considerable challenges in reconstructing the tourism industry. Efforts by the private
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4 Comparative assessment of destination vulnerability
n this section, the six case study destinations will Development type, orientation and location Ibe analysed against the Destination Sensitivity For the coastal sites, the location of the settlements Framework described in Section 2.2, in particular the played a crucial role in determining vulnerability three elements of exposure, sensitivity, and responses levels. Capitalizing on the sea views and answering and system adaptation. market demand, most tourism development in coastal areas is close to the beach, but in both countries the types of structures heightened vulnerability 4.1 Exposure to the tsunami. In Thailand, building regulations stipulated a 30 metre setback from the maximum The magnitude of the tsunami’s physical impacts sea level line, but did not include detailed structural were determined by the biophysical characteristics codes (Bell et al, 2005; Calgaro, 2005). There was and development patterns of the different beach therefore substantial variation in building materials, destinations and, in the case of the two inland Sri orientation, structure and foundation types at or Lankan destinations, the effect of the civil conflict was beyond the 30-metre setback. Wooden structures were determined partly by their proximity to the war zone or the most vulnerable, while single-storey structures sites of guerrilla activity. with poor foundations experienced high damage patterns. Limited enforcement of engineer-designed Biophysical characteristics construction plans by local government bodies further Khao Lak has a shallow near-shore shelf, while undermined structural standards, while in Hikkaduwa the land itself is flat for a long way inland. There there was also criticism that the destructive action of are few reefs and off-shore islands to break the the waves was magnified in some cases by the poor force of the waves while the low density of quality of the original construction of the buildings. coastal building offered little resistance. The Brick buildings were also heavily damaged, while run-up height of the waves was lower at Patong taller buildings with reinforced concrete frames were due to steeper coastal morphology and different more likely to remain structurally sound. Although on-shore development patterns: the deeper water sea-fronting windows did little to resist the force of allowed the wave to travel closer to the shore the wave or protect inhabitants, the structures did at before breaking, and a prominent underwater sand least play a lifesaving role by providing a vertical dune in the Bay also helped to lessen wave energy evacuation route above the waves. and velocity. Patong’s main tourist area stands higher than at Khao Lak and Phi Phi Don, with In Sri Lanka, Anuradhapura and Katharagama both a gradual rise to approximately 20 metres above suffered more than Hikkaduwa from the effects of the conflict due to their geographical proximity to the war sea-level over a distance of 1 kilometre. Also, zone or terrorist bases. the high density of development along much of Patong Beach acted as a barrier to the waves, thereby limiting inundation penetration, although 4.2 Sensitivity the water was funnelled along the many roads that run perpendicular to the beach, damaging the Sensitivity levels to the tsunami disaster and civil war small businesses along them. The waves at Phi Phi crisis were very different between the six destinations. Don were lower than at Khao Lak and Patong, but In social and economic terms, Patong withstood fatalities were high because the ‘H’ shape of the the shock of the tsunami better than Khao Lak and island caused the water to be funnelled between Phi Phi not just because of its different physical characteristics but also because of differences in the headlands across the narrow isthmus where their developmental histories. Patong’s long history most development stood. At Hikkaduwa, the land left the destination in a strong financial position is flat for a long way inland, allowing serious that facilitated a swift recovery. Profit levels and inundation and contamination of agricultural land credit histories were strongly sourced from multiple to occur, although beachfront buildings in some businesses, owners were quickly able to access the sections of the resort provided shelter to buildings credit needed to rebuild, and the island has an active further back. and well-connected tourism association. This solid
17 comparative destination vulnerability a s s e s s m e n t f o r t h a i l a n d a n d s r i l a n k a
base was built on by Patong’s strong brand, broad working and resistance to attempts at exogenous market base and low seasonality. imposition of unpopular plans.
Khao Lak, as a new destination, lacked these strengths. Despite their differences, there were several common Its relatively new businesses did not have a strong factors that heightened the sensitivity of all six financial base: financial reserves were low, and credit destinations: limited access to credit amongst micro and histories were not well established. Many businesses smaller businesses, low levels of risk awareness, the (particularly SMEs) experienced difficulties in fragility of destination images to negative perceptions accessing capital after the tsunami, which slowed the of risk and lingering images of devastation, shortage recovery process. Sensitivity was further heightened of qualified staff, social exclusion of minority groups, by strong dependency on tourism, high seasonality and pre-existing weaknesses in governance structures. levels, and reliance on international tour operators. Public sector weaknesses and corruption have hindered Yet the disaster also revealed Khao Lak’s strengths. the implementation and enforcement of developmental Recovery was aided by the loyalty of its large repeat- regulations, led to the unequal distribution of resources, client base who offered donations and the return of and left the communities with inadequate infrastructure their business. Strong family networks also provided and little localised support (particularly in Khao Lak, financial and moral support, whilst decisive actions Phi Phi, Anuradhapura and Katharagama). Unchecked by industry representative bodies and resourceful overdevelopment in the more established destinations community members helped source financial capital of Patong, Phi Phi and Hikkaduwa has led to and marketing support. environmental degradation.
As with Patong, Phi Phi benefited from established In the remainder of this section, sector specific and varied markets and profitable businesses, and the sensitivities will be explored. concentration of land ownership and power in the hands of five dominant families also lessened the island’s Dependency on tourism, diversification and sensitivity to the disaster since their combined wealth markets and business ties formed a robust support system that Livelihood diversification is recognised as a key strategy had guided island development before the tsunami in reducing vulnerability and building resilience and, after it, was instrumental in reconstruction. This against shocks (Moser et al., 2001; Turner et al., collective power was also a strong contributory factor 2003). All four of the coastal destination communities to the community’s social capital, enabling it to respond rely heavily on tourism, yet the assessment against effectively to externally proposed and unwanted the Destination Vulnerability Framework revealed changes. The disadvantage of the concentration of different vulnerability levels within and across each power and wealth is that advancement depends on the community. discretion and agenda of the local business elite. Khao Lak and Phi Phi Don are heavily dependant on The tourism economy of the three Sri Lankan tourism income because land resources are scarce destinations was characterised by a fragmentation and livelihood options are limited, while given the amongst business owners and reliance on narrow market profitability of tourism operations there was no bases. Whilst the resilience of individual owners was incentive to diversify when risk levels were considered in some cases high because they owned a variety of low. In contrast, the business communities in the businesses and were able to transfer financial resources other four destinations do not suffer from isolation or between them, community resilience was low because limited livelihood opportunities. However, including there was little willingness to work together in order to non-tourism businesses in livelihood portfolios does improve destination management. Only in Hikkaduwa, not make financial sense in Patong, where strong and where external interventions from the public and constant financial benefits from high tourism business NGO sectors occurred, was there any improvement demand and strong profits outweigh the risk of shocks after the tsunami in collaborative capacity. Once this to tourist flows. In the Sri Lankan destinations, poor had taken place, there was some revitalisation of the tourism flows over a long period have ensured that a destination’s fortunes through introducing successful diversified livelihood strategy has been maintained new initiatives to extend the season and diversify amongst many households. markets. Desk research into other destinations in Sri Lanka demonstrated that external intervention in two The study showed that families with a diversified other cases (Arugam Bay and Beruwela) had, similarly, livelihood portfolio were most resilient to risk, created the social capital needed for better partnership particularly when alternative sources of income are
18 s t o c k h o l m environment i n s t i t u t e
based in different locations. In all the destinations tsunami, the client base in both places consisted mainly the majority of business owners have at least two of German and Swedish families and retirees looking businesses. For larger businesses, financial resources for sun-filled getaways during the northern hemisphere from unaffected businesses elsewhere could be used winter; again, reliance on this narrow client base to secure additional credit for rebuilding, pay staff increased vulnerability levels since when shocks or and supplement earnings. It follows that micro- stressors occur there are fewer tourists to take the place entrepreneurs in all three destination communities of lost markets. Seasonality in Phi Phi and Patong is without alternative sources of income were the most less marked and the market base is more varied, which vulnerable to business interruptions caused by a shock. proved instrumental in aiding recovery. The peak season These include groups such as beach masseuses, beach (November to April) is highly Eurocentric, while the vendors and other self-employed people. However, cheaper low season (May to October) is dominated by within households it was often found that there a variety the Asian and domestic markets, Australians over their of economic opportunities were exploited, increasing winter break, and Israelis. July/August also attracts resilience at this level. bargain hunters from Europe and divers because of the optimal diving conditions at this time. The study also showed that developmental history influences vulnerability levels, in that the strength Events in significant source markets such as the of a destination’s brand and its capacity to attract a 2008-09 recession also pose a threat to tourist flows. broad range of market segments also influences the Recognising this weakness, medium and larger availability of financial resources, business stability accommodation providers in Khao Lak are diversifying and the strength of supporting industry bodies and their low season services to capture the conference governance structures. Thus, Patong’s swift recovery market, whilst others are turning their attention to Asian was directly related to its strong developmental and domestic markets. Hikkaduwa has also turned to history over 40 years. As with Patong, the resilience the domestic and Asian markets and has instigated of Phi Phi and Hikkaduwa is a product of their longer an annual beach festival in July/August, which is development history and the stability and wealth of proving popular. The tsunami had an unpredictable their tourism communities, with varied business from effect on seasonality in Phi Phi in that due to a reduced backpackers, divers and more mainstream tourists. This amount of accommodation demand now often exceeds strong market base helped businesses recover once the room supply, leading to a more even flow of tourists many foreign volunteers and aid workers departed. throughout the year.
Being in the early stages of development, Khao Lak’s Smaller accommodation providers tend to source the tourism community proved more vulnerable, with its majority of their clients (individual travellers) through recovery hampered by problems in securing financial guidebooks, internet sites, walk-ins, repeat business capital and attracting substantial market share. Many and personal recommendations. For medium and larger businesses were relatively new or even unfinished resorts, the core client base consists of package tourists when the tsunami struck. Accordingly, business owners sourced through large international tour operators. This had limited access to savings. As noted in Section dependency entails limited control over business flows, 3.1.3, Khao Lak’s loyal market base was concentrated and business losses were experienced when overseas on few source markets, making it more vulnerable. tour companies switched to substitute destinations in the Local industry association membership has boosted year after the disaster. From a marketing perspective, promotional reach and facilitated greater access to smaller businesses therefore proved more resilient than financial capital among some business sub-groups, but larger ones due to their direct access to clientele. smaller businesses and workers remain ill-represented and therefore more vulnerable. Repeat business proved a valuable stabiliser for several destinations, especially Khao Lak and Hikkaduwa. The Differences in seasonality, source markets, marketing presence of such clients did more than raise capital; strategies and clientele were also key determinants they gave businesses renewed resolve, sent positive in vulnerability levels. Business in Khao Lak and messages back home to counter sustained negativity, Hikkaduwa is highly seasonal because of high rainfall increased visitor numbers by returning with family and from April to mid-October, rendering businesses friends and in some cases provided capital in the form especially vulnerable to the tsunami which coincided of loans or gifts to business owners. with the peak earning period, exacerbated in Sri Lanka by the fact that 2004-05 was set to be only the second The two inland Sri Lankan destinations rely to a full season since the 2002 peace agreement. Before the large extent on the domestic market for religious and
19 comparative destination vulnerability a s s e s s m e n t f o r t h a i l a n d a n d s r i l a n k a
heritage tourism, which is not weather-dependent and cash, which meant the money was washed away in is therefore less seasonal. Visitor numbers increase the tsunami. Consequent financial limitations slowed substantially at weekends, and in Katharagama peaked the recovery of micro and small businesses and left during July/August when the annual Perahera festival them financially weakened and ill-prepared for future takes place. The main issue in both places was that shocks and emergencies. A further issue in Sri Lanka upsurges in violent attacks meant that domestic tourists was that the destruction of public buildings caused the were also less inclined to travel to the destinations. loss of legal and financial records, such as mortgage documents. An important market aspect is the fragility of destination images to negative perceptions of risk. Medium and larger resorts and support businesses had In the short term, the incessant images and stories of the most success in accessing financial capital due to catastrophic devastation in the coastal zones caused strong credit ratings, multiple investments and strong tourism flows to stop completely. As already noted in profits accumulated over time. These businesses were Section 3.5, Asian markets were particularly deterred more stable, established and resilient, confirming the by superstitions (Chuenpagdee, 2005; Vongs, 2006). strong correlation between access and entitlements to Khao Lak’s image was further tarnished by its slow resources and the developmental stage of businesses recovery; rebuilding delays left an incomplete and destinations. Larger businesses had usually destination landscape which lessened its appeal whilst started small and as they branched out and opened ongoing construction noise has caused some tourists further ventures used loans, creating strong credit to leave prematurely. histories. Capital was also sourced from other business ventures to finance the rebuilding effort. Strong credit However, the negative images and stories also had histories also helped larger businesses secure special positive effects. In Thailand, Patong experienced governmental soft loans set up to assist the recovery. greater interest as a result of the tsunami and benefited from the diversion of business away from the more In Sri Lanka, owners of hotels and other enterprises severely damaged Phi Phi and Khao Lak. Worldwide registered with the Sri Lanka Tourist Board received media exposure and curiosity about the disaster opened compensation for the damage and were eligible for up new markets in all the coastal destinations. Some new loans, but unregistered businesses received foreign business owners used this additional exposure no help towards reconstruction, at least initially; in to their advantage by promoting their plight within some areas there was greater flexibility in assessing their home countries, which generated interest in their needs and issuing the necessary documentation as business and in their destinations generally. time went on. However, such schemes did not help everyone. Some people had no security to guarantee Access to financial capital and insurance a loan, while others had already stretched themselves Findings from the study show that access to financial financially to improve their properties after the 2002 capital is one of the most important factors in coping peace agreement and were relying on rapid growth in and recovery capabilities. 2004-05 to pay off their loans. The thousands of people involved in tourism peripherally or informally lost Not surprisingly, micro and small enterprises were their livelihoods because of the disaster and received more vulnerable due to the difficulty in accessing the no immediate help. funds needed to rebuild. Some had access to funds from friends and family, while others were supported Insurance coverage in the Thai destinations before the by social networks abroad including newly formed tsunami shows a direct correlation between business friendships as a result of the disaster. Informal sources size and insurance levels. The majority of micro of capital such as pawning personal effects were used and smaller businesses had no insurance or were to secure smaller amounts for day-to-day expenses underinsured, which heightened their vulnerability whilst high-interest loans from private creditors to tsunami-caused damage. This backs up findings by (commonly 20 per cent accrued on a daily, weekly, or Handmer and Choong (2006) that micro-entrepreneurs monthly basis) were used for longer term credit needs. such as beach vendors and masseurs rarely have access Some short-term financial support was also provided to or knowledge about formal financial recovery by NGOs. In Phi Phi, some smaller enterprises were mechanisms such as insurance. Insurance coverage unable to obtain finance because of Islamic constraints of business assets and property was most prevalent on paying interest on bank loans (the population here among medium and large scale commercial enterprises, is predominantly Muslim). Smaller entrepreneurs, most of which had pre-existing loans; insurance is a including the sea gypsies, often kept their savings in prerequisite for securing bank credit. Businesses with
20 s t o c k h o l m environment i n s t i t u t e
comprehensive coverage still faced difficulties and savings, family loans and profits. Financial recovery economic shortfalls, partly because claim payments was particularly difficult for this group. Savings and were difficult to secure and payments often fell short loans from family members were used where possible, of covering costs. In Sri Lanka, one reason for this whilst some received financial support from former was that the shortage of building materials after the customers. As with Western business-owners, bank tsunami caused the price of these to rise. loans are not an option.
The reasons for low levels of insurance cover are At the other end of the scale, there were large 4 to 5 star the low perception of risk, the high cost of insurance transnational resort hotels in Patong well before the premiums compared to the availability of surplus tsunami, whilst their presence in Khao Lak grew with income, and low awareness of the benefits of insurance a noticeable spurt following the tsunami as smaller among micro and small-enterprise owners. operators either could not or chose not to rebuild. Foreign-owned medium-sized businesses benefited After the tsunami, there was a moderate increase in from savings and multiple business ownership, while taking out insurance cover, but for smaller enterprises larger foreign-owned hotels and resorts had the the high cost of insurance still outweighs the perceived backing of offshore hotel corporations. Large-scale risk. Furthermore, insurance providers are now foreign investment in hotels was uncommon in Sri reluctant to insure businesses in the tsunami-affected Lanka outside the capital city, where the market is areas and premiums have risen. There is also some primarily business orientated, because of the climate scepticism that insurance companies would honour of insecurity created by the civil war. comprehensive policies, with people believing they would cite the ‘force majeure’ clause which indeed Access to human capital: shortage of happened in the case of Sri Lanka when entrepreneurs qualified staff made claims after the tsunami. Instead, some people Greater access to skills and knowledge is imperative are putting regular sums of money aside to cover for increasing employability, enabling flexibility unforeseen damage or shocks. in employment, and thus increasing resilience to shocks and change (DFID, 1999b). At a business and Foreign-owned businesses destination level, a strong stock of skilled labour also Some foreign business owners returned home to enhances resilience. earn money to support the rebuilding process. Foreigners are not allowed to own land in Thailand, Access to qualified and well-trained staff was already and businesses can only be established if a Thai problematic in Khao Lak, Phi Phi and Hikkaduwa partner holds at least a 51 per cent share (BOI, 2006). prior to the tsunami, and the disaster exacerbated this Regulations are much more liberal in Sri Lanka, because of the loss of life and disruption to working with both business and land ownership possible. patterns. Some survivors returned home after the Businesses owned fully or in part by Western tsunami and were afraid to come back or their families expatriates are generally SMEs and were found in were too scared to let them return, partly because of all the case study destinations except Katharagama. anxiety about the uneasy spirits of the dead, who had Businesses in part-foreign ownership tended to rely died violently and without the proper rituals to ensure much less on loans before the tsunami, partly because peace in the afterlife. Although some returned shortly they were often better capitalised in the first place and after the disaster to help with the rebuilding process, partly because banks in Thailand are reluctant to lend others waited until the process was complete or never to foreigners, many of whom have one-year visas and returned at all. Thus, it was challenging to find staff no residency, making it easy for them to leave without for the rebuilt resorts, hotels and businesses. repaying the loans. Compounding problems of access to loans for rebuilding was the timing of the disaster Patong is largely immune to staffing issues because, on 26th December. Substantial cash takings earned on as the most established destination on the Andaman Christmas Day (the busiest and most lucrative day of Coast, it attracts much of the influx of migrant workers. the year) were washed away by the water. Competition for jobs in the larger resorts and hotels is high, with training in the low season an additional In Thailand, there are also South Asian business attraction. The demand for good staff in the larger owners and workers originating mostly from Nepal resorts in fact causes staffing problems for smaller and Myanmar. Nepalese business owners tend to run businesses, where owners sometimes commented that support businesses such as tailors and souvenir shops if they provide staff with training, they then leave to and had built up their businesses gradually from work in the larger establishments.
21 comparative destination vulnerability a s s e s s m e n t f o r t h a i l a n d a n d s r i l a n k a
The problem of sourcing qualified staff (pre-and The family-orientated business model dominates post-tsunami) is most acute in Khao Lak and Phi Phi, tourism businesses in all the destinations except the where much of the tourism workforce is semi-skilled, most developed one of Patong, but is most extreme with little tourism or hospitality training. In Phi Phi on Phi Phi Don where isolation from the mainland has the problem is compounded by its distance from the further cemented close family and village ties. The mainland, which means that high living costs and concentration of influence and money in the hands limited entertainment options deter qualified staff. The of the five dominant families here also benefits the seasonal nature of tourism in Khao Lak contributes to community as a whole, since the families cooperated staff shortages for SMEs. Supplementary labour in to create a stable, cohesive business and social Khao Lak is sourced from other parts of Thailand, environment both for themselves and their tenants Burma and Western Europe. However, the stringent and employees, recognising that the sooner physical working visa regulations which prevent the hiring recovery took place, the sooner tourist flows and of foreign staff is a particular hindrance to diving profits would be restored. enterprises, as dive instructors or buddies who speak a common language with their clients are essential to While such close family networks can stifle positive instil confidence. change and progress, foster nepotism and alienate people outside the networks, overall the benefits appear In Sri Lanka, hoteliers in Hikkaduwa reported hiring to outweigh the disadvantages. In contrast to Phi Phi, workers from outside the destination in preference to Patong lacks strong community bonds because high local people because they were less prone to leaving in-migration has created a fragmented community unexpectedly to participate in family ceremonies or focussed on profits and business growth. crises. Larger hotels in Anuradhapura and Katharagama recognised the shortage of trained staff as a limiting Social marginalisation of minority groups factor in offering a good standard of service, but Conflict and resultant migration can heighten commented that once staff were trained, they tended to vulnerability in receiving populations when move on to better jobs in larger hotels outside the area, migrants (legal or illegal) create new competition with the best people moving abroad to work in the for resources or upset cultural, economic or political Maldives or the Middle East. In Katharagama, micro- balances (Jäger et al, 2007). Many low-skilled and enterprises, SMEs and the informal sector predominate, semi-skilled jobs such as gardening, maintenance, with few formal and registered enterprises and an cleaning and construction in Khao Lak and Patong insignificant level of foreign investment - although are undertaken by workers from India, Nepal and some of the larger hotels are owned and run by people Myanmar. Much of the money earned is sent home in from outside the district. the form of remittances. However, the working and living conditions of migrants are difficult, and they Poor foreign language skills is a great concern in all are subject to widespread discrimination, abuse and the Thai destination communities. extortion, making them very vulnerable to shocks such as the tsunami. Access to social networks Resilience at household and community levels is A particularly disadvantaged sub-group is the heightened through access to strong social support Burmese, who make up a significant part of the low- networks; Jäger et al (2007) and Miller et al (2005) skilled tourism workforce in Patong and Khao Lak. found that at the community level, the level of Thai law requires foreigners to have work permits cohesion, equity, and the effectiveness of social but many Burmese have arrived illegally, causing networks in facilitating access to resources is crucial them to be harassed by the police for bribes. Even for recovery. Such networks become particularly those with valid permits are routinely harassed. Their pertinent in a post-disaster setting (Ito et al, 2005). precarious legal status means they cannot access Access to finances, governance and power structures banking services and they tend to hide money in their in both Thailand and Sri Lanka are intertwined due to houses, which meant that the tsunami washed their the close relationship between family and community savings away. This, combined with low job security, leadership structures, meaning that family structures regular bribe payouts and poor access to human form the backbone of society, which proved an rights, left them very vulnerable to the tsunami essential factor of recovery in all the affected and further abuse following the event. Having no destinations. Support included financial backing for secure rights inhibited access to humanitarian aid, business ventures, child-minding by grandparents, financial support and local social networks. The and psychological support to overcome trauma. only support available – which proved a critical
22 s t o c k h o l m environment i n s t i t u t e
source of assistance after the tsunami - came from Access to information and risk perception relatives and compatriots who are also in Thailand, Perceptions of risk and preparedness are directly related and sympathetic employers. to access to information: it is self-evident that lack of awareness of coastal hazards and vulnerabilities limit Even if people have work permits, their marginalised capacity to address risk (US-IOTWS, 2007). Since few position prevents them from reporting employer and people in the destination communities were aware of law enforcement abuses (Oberoi, 2005). There were the risk of a tsunami and information about the risk no NGOs to turn to and they have no knowledge of was scarce, they were completely unprepared for it. or access to tourism representation bodies. Their only option in the event of abuse is to leave their employer, One reason for the paucity of information on risks to but their documents may not be transferred to the new tourism destinations is the possible negative effect on employer, leaving them without healthcare access arrivals. This was certainly the case in Thailand. In 1998, and vulnerable to arrest (Robertson, 2007; TAG, the Director General of the Meteorological Department 2005). This widespread discrimination increased in issued a warning about the threat of tsunamis along the the wake of the tsunami with innocent Burmese being Andaman Coast (The Nation, 26 July 2005). However, labelled as thieves whilst Thais looted. Many lost their the warning was played down by the government as working visas and jobs as a result of the tsunami and the impact on tourism flows was considered too costly. went into hiding for fear of being arrested or deported This robbed destination communities of the choice to (ALTSEAN Burma, 2005; IOM, 2007). prepare for the risk of a tsunami.
Access to social security and employment The importance of knowledge in determining benefits immediate responses, coping capacities, and timely In Thailand, the Social Security Act of 1990 (updated recovery is clear when reviewing post-tsunami actions. in January 2004) entitles all full-time Thai employees Knowledge of who to approach to receive emergency (with the exception of those working in bars and aid, loans for rebuilding, institutional support, and restaurants) to social security benefit in the event of basic human rights led to greater success in securing unemployment, injury or sickness, maternity, or death the resources needed for recovery. In both Thailand (B.E. 2533 1990). Contributions to the Social Security and Sri Lanka, poor awareness of sources of finance, Fund are sourced from the government, the employer insurance and the benefits of industry representation and the employee, with the employer responsible for was much lower amongst micro and small businesses staff registration. However, evidence from the Thai than for larger ones. destinations show that the disbursal of social security benefits is not universal despite it being a legal Since the event, the installation of the Tsunami Early mandate. In Sri Lanka, social security benefits after Warning System in eighteen countries around the the tsunami were only available to those with a formal Indian Ocean Rim, the establishment of the National contract of employment. Tourism Intelligence Unit and Crisis Management Centre in Thailand, and personal knowledge of the Many employees were covered by workers’ tsunami have helped Indian Ocean coastal destinations insurance, but amounts paid out were minimal become better prepared. People now know what and access to the benefits is a complicated and natural warning signs to look for and have an improved bureaucratic process, necessitating supplementary understanding of how to access help, which increases sources of income until jobs were restored. Access their resilience to future shocks. to social security benefits proved most problematic among self-employed, part-time or casual workers Access to institutional and political capital (Thai and foreign) who are not eligible for social According to the Assistant Director of the TAT southern welfare benefits. Some hotels in both countries branch (Phuket): “strong leadership and governance is paid full salaries during the closure to help their the key to a quick recovery”. This proved resoundingly workers, while other employers shared basic true when comparing the differences in strengths, provisions and passed on donated money to staff. power and response capabilities between the tourism Additional financial assistance was available in representation bodies in the case study destinations. Thailand through the Office of Labour’s ‘Social Fund for Tsunami Workers’. Encouragingly, there The associations of Patong, principally the Phuket is some evidence that employee saving levels have Tourism Association (PTA), and their strategically increased post-tsunami as a result of heightened scaled actions formed the backbone of the destination’s awareness of risk and the need for preparedness. quick recovery and demonstrated their resilience
23 comparative destination vulnerability a s s e s s m e n t f o r t h a i l a n d a n d s r i l a n k a
to shocks. Many of the 300 PTA members are local the government for resources and support after the politicians and large investors who are well-connected tsunami. to local, provincial and national scales of power: for instance the President of the PTA sits on the National A particularly tight and supportive sub-group on Phi Phi Tourism Council, a private sector lobby group that is the dive community. The dive shops work together to influences tourism policy and planning at the national create a supportive business and working environment; level. The PTA established the self-financed Phuket mutually beneficial measures include product price Small Business Recovery Centre on 4th January agreements to avoid price wars. This camaraderie 2005, and through it participated in activities such as proved instrumental in aiding recovery: for instance promoting the destination and providing financial or shops that had lost expensive dive equipment rented advisory assistance for people who had lost their jobs equipment from others until they earned enough to or business assets. replace the lost equipment.
Khao Lak’s tourism associations were swift in their In Sri Lanka, all three case study destinations response to the disaster but their efforts waned over time. demonstrated considerable vulnerability to stress events There are two tourism representative bodies here: the in terms of their political and institutional capital, in Phang Nga Tourism Association (PNTA) and the more that politically none was powerful enough in relation recent Khao Lak SME Group. Both were instrumental to national structures to position themselves separately in petitioning for more funding to hasten rebuilding, from the negative publicity affecting the entire country, influencing development plans, and communicating while the social capital needed to strengthen tourism with core markets to restore confidence. In particular, was lacking in all three places. Local institutions the PNTA’s access to multi-scaled governmental and were also too weak to counter the negative pressures industry networks was key in accessing the financial of both the tsunami and the conflict in terms of being and political capital needed to advance recovery in able to communicate with suitable markets, develop the early stages. However, PNTA-led recovery actions new itineraries and attractions which would answer slowed over time as members turned to the recovery of to market trends, or build stakeholder networks which their own businesses, reducing their collective ability could present a coordinated strategy. Business owners to harness ongoing support from government and in general felt abandoned by the central government industry bodies. services as far as tourism was concerned, with little support for promotion or for creating business The SME Group was set up in direct response to the networks. tsunami and actions included seeking political forums to voice concerns regarding new building regulations In all three Sri Lankan destinations there was lack of and establishing business sponsorships, whereby cohesiveness amongst service providers, exemplified foreign donors supplied capital to smaller hotels and by poor economic capacity and the inability to fund resorts in exchange for annual time-share options at the initiatives among community members involved resort until the debt was repaid. However, the Group’s with tourism; a lack of know-how to take advantage effectiveness and longevity were hampered because of economies of scale and economies of scope; few individual credit problems caused active interest to clusters and networks among small-scale business wane once immediate needs had been addressed, while communities; low levels of innovative entrepreneurship, some participants left due to misunderstanding and and few linkages between public and private sectors. A disagreement about aid distribution and use of Group very few sectors showed exceptions to the generally resources. The loose network still exists, but active poor cooperation: for instance in Anuradhapura only participation is limited. the three-wheeler drivers locally had an effective organisation. The Hotel Association here was aware of Phi Phi Don’s community members are represented by the lack of social and institutional capital but seemed five informal representative groups: Phi Phi Tourism unable to provide sufficiently strong leadership to Club; Krabi Tourist Association; Phi Phi Marine address the problem. The poor institutional capacity Resource Conservation Club; and the Long-tail Boat also extends to provincial level: North Central Group. The effectiveness of these associations and Provincial Government officials reported that their groups is however hindered by low membership, own enthusiasm for revitalising tourism in the area budgetary constraints, inertia, a lack of localised was countered by poor coordination with the central leadership, and conflicting interests. There is a government and with the private sector. The provincial consequential lack of solid representation which left government does not have the authority or budget to the community without a collective voice to petition generate its own plans, needing authority from the
24 s t o c k h o l m environment i n s t i t u t e
central government. It was also evident that it had failed real consequences and there are few staff to monitor to engage with current market realities and trends due infringements. Local development initiatives favour to lack of knowledge of the tourism industry. the mainland where more actions can be provided for less capital. Also, the constant rotation of civil servants On the other hand, the tsunami did catalyse a general creates planning and enforcement inconsistencies and reorganisation of tourism institutions. A Tourism Act means that personnel rarely acquire the knowledge and designed as a new industry framework and to facilitate expertise needed to oversee tourism plans effectively. policy and planning was enacted in 2005, although it was only promulgated in 2007. A dynamic and Whilst the decentralisation of tourism governance charismatic Chairman was appointed for the new tourist structures in 2003 in Thailand signalled a positive step board, who attended stakeholder meetings in tsunami- towards localised empowerment, it lacked logistical affected destinations and enthused local communities support at provincial, district and sub-district levels. to rebuild and revitalise their product. In some cases, Local government administrators in Khao Lak and Phi such as in Hikkaduwa, the market had been declining Phi show little interest in tourism-related planning, since before the tsunami, but fragmentation amongst whilst the lack of community participation in planning local stakeholder groups meant that the strong networks strategies is a concern in all the destinations. In the needed to regenerate the product and address new Thai island destinations, government lack of interest in markets was lacking. There were Sri Lanka Tourism tourism is embedded within the larger issue of access intervention after the tsunami motivated the diverse to avenues of power and vested interests of the ruling groups to work together to devise new products and elite in maintaining mainland services. marketing strategies. In Khao Lak, the public authorities do not have the Pre-existing weaknesses in governance excuse of distance to justify their lack of engagement Jäger et al. (2007) found that the vulnerability of in tourism development. They consider the provision local populations is intensified by poor governance of basic infrastructure such as road systems, water and and a lack of public sector capacity, and in all the Sri waste management and electricity supply as their main Lankan destinations it was apparent that weaknesses role and distance themselves from tourism concerns. in governance structures and processes are a major Community members attest to being repeatedly ignored contributor to vulnerability. This was also the case in by local authorities when assistance was sought. Khao Lak and Phi Phi and to a lesser extent in Patong. Frustrated by a history of limited government response Despite the existence of well-developed tourism plans, and accessibility, people are increasingly reluctant to implementation and enforcement is problematic due to seek government assistance. These weaknesses are a lack of capacity and expertise, budgetary constraints compounded by opaque governance processes and and limited political engagement at local levels. corruption. Mirroring the experiences of Phi Phi, those Corruption and abuse of power by local elites further with money and connections to power networks are undermine policy and planning success, leaving able to secure developmental approvals that contravene communities disillusioned. In all the coastal case study planning regulations. The power of the local elite sites, planning regulations designed to guide tourism is deeply embedded in social structures, and local development had been loosely enforced, resulting in community members will not challenge discrepancies ad hoc tourism development, planning and building due to fear of reprisal and marginalisation. Local code violations and environmental degradation, while corrupt practices have been reported to the Provincial in Katharagama there was no successful attempt by Government and local Parliamentary Representatives local governance bodies to control tourist flows, the but to no avail. proliferation of vendor stalls or dumping of rubbish. These governance issues have caused a divide between The reasons for these planning failings are comparable the destination communities and local government across all the destinations. First, a lack of coordination bodies in Thailand. The uneven distribution of aid and among government departments and overlapping limited public sector assistance for tourism businesses in departmental jurisdictions produce unclear and the aftermath of the tsunami further worsened relations. conflicting development policies and hinder clear There is a direct correlation between access to scaled avenues for regulation implementation and enforcement, avenues of power and vulnerability: Patong has the as noted by Phayakvichien (2005) for Thailand. Second, needed contacts and benefited from a strong recovery, district and sub-district (divisional) governmental while Phi Phi, Khao Lak and the Sri Lanka destinations bodies lack the expertise, power and motivation to did not. In Katharagama, for instance, the public implement and enforce plans: violations meet with no sector has had little involvement in regulating tourism
25 comparative destination vulnerability a s s e s s m e n t f o r t h a i l a n d a n d s r i l a n k a
activities at the site, with a lack of policy measures, dumping of waste on vacant land plots or on sensitive no tourism associations, no training opportunities, coastal ecosystems. and no coordinated promotional activities for the area. The problems here were recognised in 1991 by the The lack of basic infrastructure also affects the quality Katharagama Devotees Trust, which produced nine of life on Phi Phi. Despite a decade of community recommendations including stronger protected status petitioning, low investment levels by mainland-based for the site; establishment of a ‘Board of Custodians’ local authorities has left the community with no to safeguard the integrity and sanctity of the traditions; centralised electricity, water or waste management a limit to commercial developments; economic, social services. Again, local authorities reason that the and environmental impact assessment; revitalising the costs of providing these services to a small, remote traditional system of education involving religious community are too high to justify initial expenditure pundits; establishing a handicrafts marketing and ongoing maintenance - despite substantial tax cooperative; forming appropriate community income from businesses and landowners. Electricity organizations to ensure community participation in is sourced from unreliable private generators, whilst the tourism decision-making process; and improving water is delivered from the mainland by boat. The only training opportunities and creating coordination pier on Phi Phi and its connecting laneways are too between all stakeholders (Harrigan, 1991). These narrow for the simultaneous transferral of supplies and suggestions would effectively have created a Destination tourist traffic. The subsequent high costs of water and Management Organisation and are likely to have gone electricity increase the price of accommodation and some way towards controlling the negative impacts of goods on the island, which deters longer tourist stays tourism identified by stakeholders while spreading the and is one of the reasons for the decline in the previous benefits more equitably. It is disheartening to note that core backpacker market. they were not implemented. Patong was also highly polluted prior to the tsunami The deterioration of governance networks reduces due largely to the discharge of untreated waste-water, communities’ collective capacity to cope with and tourist complaints about sea-water quality are shocks and respond effectively, and hence heightens increasing. Both here and in Hikkaduwa, waste-water vulnerability. When sustained governmental support pollution also damages the coral reefs by saltation is lacking, the private sector will shape and advance and eutrophication, while poorly managed boat trips tourism development in the respective destinations but and diving have added to the damage as boats anchor will almost always serve its own short-term interests, on reefs, breaking the sensitive coral organisms, and irrespective of whether longer-term environmental divers handle and trample the reefs. or social stresses are thereby created. In Patong, the vested interests of the ruling elite are also negatively Khao Lak does not yet have pressing environmental affecting tourism development, with little respect from concerns since prior to the tsunami development the business community for local governance. The there was still relatively minor and new. However, the private sector is also the main driver behind tourism community is worried that unmonitored post-tsunami advancements in Phuket. rebuilding and future growth may place unsustainable pressure on fragile coastal ecosystems. There are Access to physical capital and environmental rising concerns about poor management of solid sensitivities waste and waste-water and the detrimental impact Enduring government weakness has also led to environmental degradation may have on tourism flows inadequate infrastructure, illegal exploitation of and livelihoods. natural resources and environmental degradation, all of which hamper sustainable tourism growth Development demand and illegal (Santana, 2003; Tantrigama, 2002) and limit access to encroachment the physical capital needed to restore the functions of One drawback of a strong market branding is a tourism system after a stress event. This was most competition for space for business enterprises and prevalent in Phi Phi, Patong and Hikkaduwa, where housing, resulting in high purchase and rental costs. the natural environment was heavily degraded long Some space was freed by businesses whose owners before the tsunami: sanitation was sub-standard and had been killed or who chose not to return after the pollution was caused by poor waste management. tsunami, with the newly vacated space quickly taken The removal of waste from islands by boat is costly up by new or expanding businesses in Patong and Khao while in Hikkaduwa there is no adequate organised Lak. New openings were also created on Phi Phi, where waste collection, in both cases prompting the regular some landowners reduced rents for a short period to
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attract businesses and hasten recovery. In some cases, support and redressing human rights for migrant however, tenants who had informal and non-binding workers to financial and marketing assistance, skills rental agreements were vulnerable to eviction or rent and leadership training, environmental rehabilitation, hikes as some landowners raised rents to try and cover and disaster preparedness. NGO and Community- reconstruction costs. based Organisation (CBO) support was greatest in Phi Phi Don and Khao Lak where damage levels Increased development pressure in Patong and Phi Phi were highest. is placing greater strain on public lands and sensitive ecological areas, resulting in illegal encroachment However, the success of many of the government and a loss of alternative livelihoods, such as fishing. initiatives was compromised across all destinations In particular, in Patong the mangrove forests – which because of funding shortages, governmental play an essential role in ecosystem health and form preferences, and the persistence of pre-existing a natural buffer to erosion – have been converted to weaknesses in governance structures and processes. construction sites, while in Hikkaduwa construction Emergency aid relief did not reach all eligible of a new harbour has altered tidal flows and caused recipients; funding was insufficient and available increased siltation. funds were often misappropriated due to corruption and nepotism. For instance, in Phi Phi only people Phi Phi Don has a long history of land ownership disputes registered as Thai Phi Phi residents at the time of and encroachment on public lands, partly because of the tsunami were eligible for emergency payouts for the inclusion of the island in the Hat Nopparatthara- personal or property losses, while those who had not Mu Phi Phi National Park in 1983. The demand for changed their official residency from the mainland more land for tourism expansion brings developers to Phi Phi or who had lost their documentation in into conflict with the Royal Forest Department, which the disaster were not eligible. Western expatriate has jurisdiction over Thailand’s national parks, but business owners received no financial help from the regulation enforcement is difficult in the absence of a Thai government, and only the Italian government forest monitoring station on the island. was responsive in providing support to its nationals. As outlined above, Burmese and Nepalese owners and workers received little help and weaker migrants 4.3 Responses and system adaptation were subject to further exploitation and abuse.
As shown above, the tsunami disaster prompted Even when credit was successfully secured, financial the mobilisation of destination community action vulnerability was not necessarily eliminated. channelled through family and social networks Businesses with existing loans such as many of the and industry representative organisations. This was new enterprises in Khao Lak were left with higher accompanied by the decisive actions of the Royal debt levels and increased sensitivity to business Thai Government (RTG) and Sri Lanka Tourism. competition, economic downturns and future Short-term emergency aid and financial assistance shocks. to residents and to help repatriate tourists was followed by medium-and longer-term adjustments Humanitarian support in the immediate aftermath and adaptation responses that fell under two and short-term was substantial in Patong, Phi Phi overarching initiatives in Thailand: the Andaman and Khao Lak but longer-term initiatives favoured Tourism Recovery Plan (ATRP) and the Andaman Phi Phi and Khao Lak due in part to Patong’s quick Sub-Regional Development Plan (SRDP). recovery. Phi Phi received extensive assistance from NGOs and CBOs and other groups, ranging from Key strategies included national marketing initiatives fulfilling immediate needs to the reconstruction of to entice tourists back, the provision of credit to housing, financial support, training and education, facilitate tourism business recovery, the redrafting of infrastructure improvements, and environmental coastal tourism development plans, the development rehabilitation. Khao Lak also received support but of a Tsunami Early Warning System throughout initial NGO and CBO responses were marred by Indian Ocean Rim countries, and the establishment in conditional assistance offered by some religious Thailand of a National Tourism Intelligence Unit and organisations whilst preferences for supporting Crisis Management Centre, and multiple endeavours ‘traditional villages and livelihoods’ in the greater to promote good governance. These strategies were Takuapa district left the tourism community angry, supplemented by industry-led actions and NGO and disillusioned. However, longer-term initiatives activity that ranged from immediate emergency did much to address credit and skills shortages.
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New tourism strategies The poor planning situation has caused a return to In the Thai destinations, successful implementation the ad hoc pattern of development which marred the of the new planning strategy for the Andaman Coast island previously, with cheaply-built guesthouses, is hindered by challenges which mirror those of pre- restaurants and makeshift vendors’ stalls scattered tsunami development, especially corruption, poor about, no proper waste management systems and regulatory enforcement and bureaucratic inefficiency, deteriorating environmental conditions. including lack of staff expertise in tourism-related affairs. In many cases the plans were developed A Sub-regional Development Plan by the Asian without local consultation: for instance in Khao Lak Development Bank (ADB) to facilitate the long- the plan for an emergency road evacuation system term sustainability of the three tsunami-affected was opposed by local stakeholders who feared the Thai provinces of Phang Nga, Phuket and Krabi was new road would reduce its beachfront appeal. In meant to create a transparent planning framework Patong the private sector opposed any developments and common long-term vision for the area, which might interfere with commercial success, facilitating investment and the equitable distribution although supported a Seaboard Redevelopment of development benefits. However, there is no Plan which was designed to promote a safe beach guarantee that the strategies proposed under the plan environment. will be adopted, given ongoing operationalisation challenges that have hindered previous plan The widespread destruction of Phi Phi Don opened up implementation such as lack of institutional support an opportunity to redevelop the island in a way that and coordination among agencies at the national, would not only lift tourism development and living provincial, and local level, financial constraints, standards but also improve disaster preparedness, and a lack of local actor involvement (including sustainable use of the unique and sensitive island the private sector) and government engagement and ecosystem and boost community participation in long-term commitment (Gilchriest et al, 2007). developments. This would have helped move Phi Phi away from the unsustainable and ad hoc practices of In Sri Lanka, the tourist board has taken the decision the past and restore its image as an island paradise to move away from a principal focus on beach (Cohen, 2008). However, two different plans tourism and develop other destinations and sectors. developed sequentially by the Designated Area for As an indication of this shift, before the tsunami and Sustainable Tourist Administration (DASTA) and the for at least two years after it the main images on the Department of Public Works and Town and Country tourist board website were of tourists enjoying beach Planning (DPTCP) failed through public opposition activities, but by 2007 the images had changed to and lack of government support. The DASTA plan ones of families engaged in a variety of adventure proposed relocation of existing housing and the and cultural activities. After the civil war ended in construction of upmarket resorts, but was prepared May 2009, Sri Lanka Tourism introduced a new without community consultation and the community brand slogan: ‘Sri Lanka Small Miracle’ and has a mobilised to reject it. Their success in doing so target of 1.5 million tourists per year by 2016 (Sri was due to the strength of social and community Lanka Tourism, 2008), compared to only around half cohesion on the island. Finalisation of the DPTCP a million during the latter war years. plan experienced so much delay that community apathy set in, while indecision halted the provision Tsunami Early Warning System and disaster of emergency aid and access to finances needed for preparedness training rebuilding. The introduction of the Early Warning System (EWS) made community members in Thailand The ramifications of the planning failures affected feel safe, but there are concerns about the system’s many. Business for dive shops, for example, had effectiveness. Warning sirens and announcements not returned to pre-tsunami levels even three years cannot be heard everywhere, key parts from some later because of the drop in room capacity: in 2007, warning towers were stolen, rendering them useless, there were 40 per cent fewer rooms than in 2004. disaster preparedness training for the communities The shortage of accommodation and increased has been limited, evacuation signage is irregular, demand resulted in high occupancy rates - creating some evacuation roads are too narrow or blocked the image of recovery - and higher prices, but by development and trees, and there has been quality for money fell, which is thought to have institutional reluctance to participate. Growing been a reason for a drop in average lengths of stay mistrust in the EWS was intensified in September and an increasingly negative image for the island. 2007 following an earthquake off Sumatra. News
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of the threat and the issuance of tsunami warnings However, some of the efforts proved ineffective as in neighbouring countries came via international governments chose to implement their own measures news channels and caused many locals to run to high with little regard for the PAP, whilst systematic and ground for safety (Montague, 2007), but no news or transparent monitoring was found wanting (Rice, reassurance was issued from the National Disaster 2005). Warning Centre. Long-term support for building resilience The tsunami dramatically highlighted the impact Some NGOs, CBOs and volunteer groups instigated that shocks, uncertainties and competitive trends longer-term capacity building measures such as can have on tourism flows. Recognising this, the financial and livelihood assistance, social support, Thai Ministry of Tourism and Sports launched the skills development and training, disaster preparedness, Tourism Intelligence Unit and Crisis Management and environmental rehabilitation. Patong benefited Centre in March 2007 to monitor and respond to from skill development initiatives headed by the such events. This government initiative is a good International Labour Organization (ILO), disaster example of adjustment and adaptation response preparedness training, environmental rehabilitation that improves industry preparedness and may strategies and some financial assistance. But the prove instrumental in the long-term resilience of balance of assistance was heavily skewed towards the destination communities. more severely devastated communities of Khao Lak, Phi Phi and Hikkaduwa, where assistance took the Industry collectives, NGOs, CBOs, and form of training and education to heighten skills levels volunteers and increase employment and livelihood opportunities The RTG’s efforts to restore tourism-dependent and, in Hikkaduwa, a programme funded by the livelihoods and regain tourist confidence were not IFC (International Finance Corporation) to increase carried out in isolation. The size of the disaster and institutional capacity at the level of SMEs. In another scope of the subsequent devastation spurred one of effort to address some of the business issues, a “Back to the largest mobilisations of international aid and Business Project” was led by the FCCISL (Federation support ever seen (UN, 2005). Industry bodies such of Chambers of Commerce and Industry of Sri Lanka) as the UN World Tourism Organisation (UNWTO) with overseas aid funding. The programme offered and the Pacific Asia Travel Association (PATA) market-business linkages, technology transfer, trauma coordinated collective industry action, whilst and business counselling and business management thousands of volunteers flocked to affected areas. As training, and special support for female-led livelihoods predicted by the resilience model, which postulates and enterprises. that new organisations and connections will appear as a result of the release of social and other forms As well as giving survivors something positive to of capital by a disruptive event such as the tsunami, focus on, the emphasis on skills enabled greater local this large-scale mobilisation also saw the emergence participation in and financial benefit from tourism of new aid linkages and networks, which played whilst creating a skilled workforce for business owners. an integral role in the recovery of the Andaman The programmes also helped to diversify livelihood Coast and its tourism-dependent communities (Tan- options. Acquiring new and transferable skills builds Mullins et al., 2007). individual resilience against future shocks.
The UNWTO launched a multi-national and Since the estimated 60,000 Burmese working on the collaborative initiative called the Phuket Action Andaman Coast received limited support from the RTG, Plan (PAP) whose aims were to provide assistance various NGOs and CBOs stepped in to aid them with and training for newly unemployed tourism workers, emergency necessities, short-term financial relief, and aid the recovery of tourism-related SMEs, restore then longer-term financial, social, livelihood strategies consumer confidence and visitor flows, and introduce to improve their rights and access to information, strategies for disaster risk reduction and strengthening education, health and legal services. tourism sustainability (UN, 2005; WTO, 2005). The plan’s reach extended to Indonesia, Sri Lanka, Thailand, and the Maldives. Partners included in the formulation and execution of the PAP included PATA, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), VISA, the Netherlands Development Organisation (SNV), and private sector companies.
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5 Strategies for enhancing destination resilience
5.1 Factors of destination creates a platform for social learning and vulnerability and resilience collective action.
The comparative vulnerability assessment of • Open and responsive government bodies and destinations to the 2004 tsunami and the civil conflict international industry bodies that respond in Sri Lanka provides valuable insights into the quickly to industry needs including marketing factors and conditions of destination vulnerability and support. resilience. The study found that destination resilience was strengthened by the following factors: • Established public-private linkages and engagement, particularly those linked to higher • Appropriate building types and location – in case scales of governance. of the tsunami, reinforced concrete structures proved the most resilient. • Resourceful business owners that transform adversity into new opportunities. • Strong destination market identity and branding. There are also persistent weaknesses and emerging • Varied tourist market-base and products. sensitivities that increase destination vulnerability:
• Low seasonality levels. • Limited savings, poor credit histories, and diminished financial reserves coupled with • Diversified livelihood portfolios (including compounding debt from pre-existing and new multiple tourism businesses in various destinations loans needed for rebuilding. and alternative industries). • Limited financial credit options for micro and • A loyal and robust client base, including repeat small business enterprises due in part to strict visitors, that provide support through their business and inflexible bank lending conditions. and encouraging friends and family to visit. • Low insurance coverage. • Possession of and access to liquid financial assets. • Strong reliance on seasonal tourism employment • Established credit histories. and business returns.
• Strong family and social networks that provide • Heavy reliance on marketing strategies and personal support and help in accessing financial, preferences of national marketing support human and social capital. organisations and international tour operators.
• A varied skills-base that enables greater • Low skill levels among tourism workforces and employment options and mobility in times of villagers, leading to exclusion from the financial business and employment disruption. benefits of tourism
• Knowledge about and access and entitlements to • Social exclusion of new destination residents social security. and minorities, leaving these groups with few localised support options in times of stress. • Strong and well-connected (politically and socially) industry representative bodies and • Poor knowledge of risk and distrust of disaster community leaders that stimulate positive action, preparedness strategies; facilitate greater access to resources through multiple avenues and initiatives, and help build • Persistent governance weaknesses, especially community cohesion. lack of capacity within local government along with financial constraints, departmental overlap, • Broad stakeholder participation in community- limited political engagement, and corruption. based and industry representative groups, which These reinforce the uneven distribution
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of resources and hinder the successful organise tourism and a market response from a narrow implementation of strategies designed to build focus on specific markets and a traditional model of destination resilience. beach tourism to a more diversified offer.
• Limited monitoring of planning and development As far as building destination resilience is concerned, codes, which enables planning violations, it seems likely that the combination of external stimuli encroachment on public lands, misuse of natural and local reactivity shown in Hikkaduwa will lead resources, and environmental degradation. to greater ability to withstand future shocks and to respond to the improved market conditions resulting • The absence of regular monitoring of Early from the end of the civil conflict. For the previous Warning System technology functionality and few years, both before and after the tsunami, tourism sporadic disaster preparedness training undermines in Hikkaduwa had been somewhat moribund and had system effectiveness and generates distrust in its merely fluctuated within this state or ‘basin’. The reliability. disaster of the tsunami and its aftermath of increased development attention proved to be the event which • Inflexible governance systems that impede caused the Hikkaduwa tourism system to ‘flip’ from beneficial adjustments in the face of change. one basin to another, since when new linkages and processes have been forming to create a new stable • Inadequate infrastructure and wastewater state. This also illustrates the validity of the resilience management facilities, leading to environmental cycle as described in Section 1.2, with the tsunami degradation. forming the omega event which forced the elements of the system to reconstitute themselves in different • Lack of political engagement between local combinations in the alpha phase. At this stage, it is governance bodies and community members, too early to know whether the new system will be leaving the populace with little support and no self-organising, as in the ‘basis of attraction’ model, platform for discussing and resolving community and whether the elements will form the connections challenges and needs. necessary to construct a stable state and accumulate the various different forms of capital needed for resilience, as predicated by the K stage of the Holling Loop 5.2 Tourism and resilience cycle cycle. stages In the case of Anuradhapura and Katharagama, the long- It is notable that the separate histories of Sri Lankan running crisis of the civil conflict was exacerbated by and Thai tourism neatly illustrate the resilience cycle, the tsunami and, as in Hikkaduwa, the underlying weak although the destinations were at different phases of institutional structures and poor level of social capital the cycle. In Sri Lanka, the structures and product offer continue to maintain the two destinations in their were becoming increasingly rigid and unresponsive stable state of touristic underperformance. As yet, the to market trends in the years up to 2004, while in interventions (either indigenous or exogenous) needed Thailand two of the destinations studied – Patong and to provoke a shift in state and a resultant generation of Phi Phi - were becoming somewhat complacent and new systems and exploitation of stored potential (the r unadventurous and were in the ‘conservation’ stage phase) has not yet occurred. It is possible that the ending of the cycle, accumulating various forms of capital of the conflict will now allow this reorganisation to but becoming increasingly inflexible. In Patong the happen, although on the basis of the research carried out connectedness between stakeholders was strong, for this study it is difficult to see that there is sufficient leading to a good stock of social, institutional, financial stored potential to allow a successful long-term (and and political capital which could be deployed after the therefore sustainable) involvement in tourism. tsunami, while in Phi Phi strength rested on a narrower stock of capital and, as a result, recovery was less The Sri Lankan government has taken some steps swift and strong. As a more recent destination, Khao to re-organise itself for tourism, but the diversion of Lak was at an earlier stage of the resilience cycle, still state resources to the conflict may be one reason for in the process of building up its systems through the the slow speed at which reforms have happened. For exploitation of potential produced in previous phases. instance the Tourism Act designed as a new industry The tsunami was the catalyst which stimulated changes framework and to facilitate policy and planning was to institutions and personnel, and in some cases enacted in 2005 but only promulgated in late 2007, provoked the emergence of new structures designed to while funds raised by a levy on tourism businesses
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and an airport tax were not disbursed in a transparent fashion. Compared to many of the rapidly-developing Asian nations, attempts to rejuvenate the country’s old- fashioned and overburdened transportation network have been sluggish. A modern expressway designed to link Colombo with the southern regions – which will cut travel time from the capital to the southern coastal resorts by at least half – will not be completed until at least 2011, with delays occasioned by disputes over land compensation and allegations of malpractice. Until the changes in public sector leadership in 2007, there was even confusion over the extent of an official policy shift from ‘sun and sand’ products to a more diversified range, and tensions between the Ministry of Tourism and the Tourist Board were openly discussed (e.g. LankaNewspapers.com 2005; Gunadass 2006), with accusations of corruption and lack of professionalism. Figure 5: The sphere of tourism resilience These issues are evidence both of structural weaknesses in the Sri Lankan tourism industry which existed before the tsunami, and of how the disaster prompted a review of performance with some necessary steps taken Resilience’: the model has been created as a result of to revise organisation of the industry. The positive this study into post-tsunami tourism recovery. messages generated after the tsunami in order to ‘manage’ the disaster were impressive, but as shown in The model draws on resilience theory in accepting that the market research carried out for this study, the main as with any SES, no tourism system can be considered markets were wary of a full-scale return to Sri Lanka in isolation from the wider context and other SES which while the conflict was running. Now that it is over there interact with it (hence the dashed line rather than a solid are strong signs of a renewed interest in the country, one). It also draws on the principles of adaptive co- and it is essential that the social and institutional management in maintaining that flexibility is essential capital needed to capitalise on this interest is created as to avoid the over-rigidity which can lead to an inability quickly as possible if tourism is to fulfil policy aims of to accommodate stress. In order to achieve an effective generating foreign exchange and employment. level of adaptability, it is essential to understand how aspects of the world which affect the SES are evolving, Because tourism is an industry with an international for example technological advances and market reach, one aspect of accumulating this capital rests on trends. To achieve this, a degree of learning (formal developing an awareness of market trends and forces or informal) about relevant systems is needed. In the so that entrepreneurs, state agencies and NGOs can case of tourism, this learning might take the form of develop appropriate products and marketing messages. training in skills such as hospitality, entrepreneurialism There is no shortage of entrepreneurs in Sri Lanka, and engagement with the market. but without exposure to different tourism scenarios and current trends it is unlikely that optimum levels of This last aspect is often omitted from development market responsiveness will be reached. planning for tourism, although it is implicit in the ‘triple bottom line’ discourse of sustainability which rests on the three dimensions of environmental, social 5.3 Creating resilient tourism and economic success. An awareness of market forces systems and trends and the ability to harness them must form one of the key elements of a revitalised tourism system. Understanding how the resilience cycle is demonstrated A further essential element is stakeholder cohesion, by the tsunami and recovery patterns is interesting, as found in all the Thai and Sri Lankan destinations but analysis needs to be taken forward to policy and studied. Similarly, Birkmann and Fernando (2007) intervention if these insights are to be of any practical examined the emergent vulnerabilities of coastal use in the real world. A diagrammatic representation communities in Sri Lanka and concluded that higher of the circumstances needed to create resilient tourism levels of education and membership of strong formal systems is shown in Figure 5, the ‘Sphere of Tourism and informal networks were central to enabling people
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to recover quickly from the disruption of the tsunami, Strengthen institutional coordination and while Renner and Chafe (2007) found that a particularly stakeholder collaboration effective post-tsunami recovery programmes was based Strong leadership and effective institutions provide on supporting strong grass-roots organisations whose the enabling governance, socioeconomic, and cultural members had a commitment to working together. conditions required for building resilience in coastal Stakeholder cohesion is also one of the principles of communities (US-IOTWS, 2007). Accordingly, collaborative management: private, public and third mutually accountable partnerships between public sectors all have separate strengths and roles to play, sector, destination communities, tourism representative and only by deploying these strengths in a coordinated groups, and informal civil collectives need to be fashion can resources be exploited equitably. In a developed and strengthened to alleviate social similar vein, exclusion, mistrust and frustration and enable informed participation in decision-making processes and future A further essential element is leadership. The tourism development. The study findings demonstrate research in Sri Lanka and Thailand has shown that that the successful design and implementation of individual or institutional leadership is needed to robust development plans cannot be accomplished spark cohesiveness and market engagement amongst without public-private collaboration; the private sector stakeholders. Research also shows that conflicts over has the knowledge and market insights needed to resource use between stakeholders are most likely to advance tourism development whilst the government be resolved within formally-constituted networks or is needed to provide a supporting and enabling role associations, and creating these structures and driving in the management and monitoring of collaborative change forward is only likely to be achieved if strong plans. For this collaboration to work there must be trust and consistent leadership is displayed, either by and accountability on both sides; unfortunately this is institutions or individuals. It was shown above that the currently lacking in all the destinations studied. Once interventions in Hikkaduwa and Arugam Bay which leadership is established, either by central government stimulated a more proactive stance on engaging with agencies or by NGOs, some form of destination suitable markets and greater stakeholder cooperation management organisations should be created in each were exogenous ones by third sector organisations. destination to address the fragmentation and lack of There are similar cases from other countries (for cooperation observed at the destinations studied. The instance a study of donor-assisted community-based DMOs would necessarily include relevant public, tourism programmes in Laos by Harrison and Schipani, private and third sector bodies and should also work 2009) where strong support by outside agents has with other stakeholders including the police and army. proved to be essential in developing tourism. External intervention is by no means imperative, however: there Strengthen business associations and extend are also cases when indigenous leadership has emerged membership to develop available opportunities. Strengthened public-private linkages need to be complemented by stronger and more inclusive The Sphere of Tourism Resilience builds on Farrell and community networks and tourism representative Twining Ward’s (2004) notion of complex adaptive bodies headed by strong, active and visionary leaders tourism systems (CATS) by identifying and illustrating who foster social and corporate responsibility and the key elements of a resilient tourism system. Its action. The advantages of industry representation are veracity needs to be further tested in different situations, three-fold: and at the very least it should help to identify the essential pillars of resilience, in the absence of which • Representative group membership provides a tourism SES – or CATS – are left vulnerable to stress. forum for sharing knowledge, developing common goals and overcoming challenges, thereby limiting the scope for conflict and damaging competition; 5.4 Action points for reducing vulnerability and building • Industry representative bodies create platforms for resilience proactive participation in development processes and form the collective voice needed to petition In the light of the collective findings of the Destination government departments and other industry actors Vulnerability Analysis, we propose eight action points effectively for change and advancement; that aim to reduce vulnerabilities and build long-term resilience in tourism destination communities against • The collective knowledge and expertise of future stressors and shocks. members along with their connections to business
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networks, social contacts and political forums Therefore, there is a need to create strong multi-scaled become a common resource for mobilising multi- government mechanisms that: scaled actions and securing favourable results. • Monitor long-term tourism development Despite the recognised benefits of industry and increase the consistency of tourism plan representation, membership amongst micro and smaller implementation; enterprises was low due largely to time constraints and a widespread perception that SME needs are not given • Oversee and enforce development regulations and enough credence by larger enterprises. The shock of the zoning that are consistent with strategic long-term tsunami spurred greater SME interest in membership, sustainability goals; and but this interest needs support in order to sustain interest and convert into active participation. A natural starting • Chart the capacity and effectiveness of local point for greater representation is the integration of government and monitor the transparency SME interests with the agendas of existing tourism of government actions and decision-making representative organisations, and connections between processes. SME sub-sets throughout the region. Such mechanisms would improve transparency and Build local government capacity trust between the private and public sector and heighten Strategies aimed at facilitating transparent resource accountability among industry and governmental distribution and monitoring cannot be achieved without actors. For this to be successful, greater support is building capacity at the local level of government where required from higher levels of government to oversee financial resources, skill levels, and human capacity and strengthen local governance and support long-term are often limited (ASIST-AP, 2004). Improving tourism development visions, strategies and standards. tourism planning knowledge and skills among local government departments and increasing awareness of Improve accessibility to finance for micro and the importance of environmental management enables small businesses a deeper understanding of tourism needs and facilitates Accessing credit was one of the largest obstacles effective engagement with destination communities smaller enterprises faced following the tsunami. on wider developmental priorities and complementary Additional credit was needed for businesses that planning strategies. These wider priorities encompass sustained physical damage and also to keep businesses tourism planning, enhancing community participation, operating during the long-term recovery phase in order infrastructural requirements, alternative industry to carry the businesses over the period of low earnings. sector needs, environmental conservation and disaster This includes a pressing need to provide credit options preparedness. Deeper engagement and involvement for both national and foreign business owners, with on both sides also promotes shared governance flexible terms and repayment options, and at all scales responsibility and accountability. of tourism enterprise, including micro-credit facilities for small entrepreneurs. Strategic planning for clusters and hubs Strategic planning is needed across Sri Lanka to Improve skills and diversify livelihood identify tourism clusters and itineraries based on portfolios geographical proximity and on affinity, e.g. nature Language and hospitality skills were poor among tourism, adventure tourism, heritage tourism. Each the less educated community members in all the cluster should be based (as far as possible) around a destinations, which decreases their employment central hub. The Sri Lankan tourism authorities already options. Improvements through regular training would have a good overview of the country’s tourism assets, enable greater local participation in tourism related but domestic and independent tourism and some niches livelihoods and access to greater financial benefits. are overlooked. Planning should incorporate existing Furthermore, improved foreign language skills of local-level initiatives rather than conflict with them. beach operators would enable them to assist tourists better in emergency situations, thereby creating a safer Improve equity and downward accountability environment. Knowledge of training programmes and The absence of systematic mechanisms of downward accessibility is a challenge for some sub-groups due accountability and transparency in all the destinations to time constraints, while there is a mismatch between has led to planning violations and land encroachment existing language capacities and available courses. as well as the uneven distribution and misappropriation Courses could be advertised and run through local of resources (including post-tsunami emergency aid). industry organisations to increase accessibility, but
34 s t o c k h o l m environment i n s t i t u t e
financial backing is needed from government sources. based on a shared environmental consciousness, and Accessibility could be improved through group- the adoption of more sustainable business practices. specific training and language programmes catering to common education levels and availability. Disaster and risk preparedness training The Thai communities studied believe that increased A high dependency on seasonal tourism was also proven awareness and preparedness does more than promote to be a major contributor to destination vulnerability. safety; they also instil community and investment Developing alternative livelihood options and confidence in livelihood resilience. The installation of expanding livelihood portfolios should be considered the Early Warning System was a positive step toward in order to boost income flows through the low season achieving this goal. However, the study showed that and in times of tourist flow disruptions. the installation of early warning system technology must be accompanied by routine maintenance of the Improve environmental awareness and technology and evacuation routes in the destinations provide adequate infrastructure and by regular disaster preparedness training and Infrastructure limitations and resource mismanagement updated risk and procedural information dissemination have caused environmental degradation in all the for the communities. coastal destinations studied, threatening the appeal of the physical environment which attracts tourists. Sub- Instigating a robust monitoring and maintenance standard waste-water treatment facilities and the absence strategy requires additional financial and technical of central garbage disposal systems have polluted support for the local authorities responsible for this task. shorelines and surrounding marine environments. The absence of regular disaster-preparedness training Since the tsunami, no substantial improvements have is also partly because of localised financial constraints. been made to basic infrastructure, waste management Another constraint for delivering effective disaster- systems, and environmental monitoring activities in any preparedness training in destination host communities of these destinations, leading to further degradation. is timing. Training and drills need to be run in the tourism low seasons to enable the participation of If waste management issues are not addressed, there smaller operators and employees. The dissemination of is a strong possibility that pollution will damage the up-to-date knowledge on possible risks and appropriate supporting coastal ecosystems to the extent that the responses is also imperative. Such information could be success of the destinations’ main livelihood – tourism circulated through a local disaster-preparedness centre – and also long-term habitation will be threatened. or committee. Other dissemination methods include direct-line early warning system to hotels, resorts and Discussions with destination stakeholders have restaurants, local radio, radio links to temples and prompted calls for a four-step approach to improving mosques, and community announcement points. resource conservation in tourism destinations. First, increase community awareness of the importance of good environmental management for long-term tourism returns and quality of life. This includes raising awareness of the harmful impacts of tourist activities on sensitive marine and other ecosystems. Second, provide training for community members, tourism businesses and staff on best practice for the management of solid waste and waste-water and the sustainable use of natural resources, and introduce strategies to reduce resource consumption (e.g. through recycling). Third, ensure that the appropriate infrastructure is in place to process waste-water and solid waste effectively – a government responsibility that was found wanting in all destinations. Fourth, create vigorous systems that monitor, enforce, and evaluate environmental standards and management procedures. Whilst the onus of regulation enforcement falls to government authorities, environmental conservation is a common responsibility that requires community ownership of the issues, community-driven monitoring and regulation
35 comparative destination vulnerability a s s e s s m e n t f o r t h a i l a n d a n d s r i l a n k a
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