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To the William Howard Taft Papers. Volume 1
THE L I 13 R A R Y 0 F CO 0.: G R 1 ~ ~ ~ • P R I ~ ~ I I) I ~ \J T ~' PAP E R ~ J N 1) E X ~ E R IE S INDEX TO THE William Howard Taft Papers LIBRARY OF CONGRESS • PRESIDENTS' PAPERS INDEX SERIES INDEX TO THE William Ho-ward Taft Papers VOLUME 1 INTRODUCTION AND PRESIDENTIAL PERIOD SUBJECT TITLES MANUSCRIPT DIVISION • REFERENCE DEPARTMENT LIBRARY OF CONGRESS WASHINGTON : 1972 Library of Congress 'Cataloging in Publication Data United States. Library of Congress. Manuscript Division. Index to the William Howard Taft papers. (Its Presidents' papers index series) 1. Taft, William Howard, Pres. U.S., 1857-1930. Manuscripts-Indexes. I. Title. II. Series. Z6616.T18U6 016.97391'2'0924 70-608096 ISBN 0-8444-0028-9 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Washington, D.C. 20402 - Price $24 per set. Sold in'sets only. Stock Number 3003-0010 Preface THIS INDEX to the William Howard Taft Papers is a direct result of the wish of the Congress and the President, as expressed by Public Law 85-147 approved August 16, 1957, and amended by Public Laws 87-263 approved September 21, 1961, and 88-299 approved April 27, 1964, to arrange, index, and microfilm the papers of the Presidents in the Library of Congress in order "to preserve their contents against destruction by war or other calamity," to make the Presidential Papers more "readily available for study and research," and to inspire informed patriotism. Presidents whose papers are in the Library are: George Washington James K. -
The Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism
Social Ethics Society Journal of Applied Philosophy Special Issue, December 2018, pp. 181-206 The Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) and ABS-CBN through the Prisms of Herman and Chomsky’s “Propaganda Model”: Duterte’s Tirade against the Media and vice versa Menelito P. Mansueto Colegio de San Juan de Letran [email protected] Jeresa May C. Ochave Ateneo de Davao University [email protected] Abstract This paper is an attempt to localize Herman and Chomsky’s analysis of the commercial media and use this concept to fit in the Philippine media climate. Through the propaganda model, they introduced the five interrelated media filters which made possible the “manufacture of consent.” By consent, Herman and Chomsky meant that the mass communication media can be a powerful tool to manufacture ideology and to influence a wider public to believe in a capitalistic propaganda. Thus, they call their theory the “propaganda model” referring to the capitalist media structure and its underlying political function. Herman and Chomsky’s analysis has been centered upon the US media, however, they also believed that the model is also true in other parts of the world as the media conglomeration is also found all around the globe. In the Philippines, media conglomeration is not an alien concept especially in the presence of a giant media outlet, such as, ABS-CBN. In this essay, the authors claim that the propaganda model is also observed even in the less obvious corporate media in the country, disguised as an independent media entity but like a chameleon, it © 2018 Menelito P. -
From Street to Stage Theater As a Communicative Strategy for Recovery, Rehabilitation and Empowerment of Center-Based Street Children
From Street to Stage Theater as a Communicative Strategy for Recovery, Rehabilitation and Empowerment of Center-Based Street Children (The Case of Stairway’s “Goldtooth”) A Dissertation Presented to the College of Mass Communication University of the Philippines In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Communication By BELEN D. CALINGACION November 2001 Dedication This dissertation is lovingly dedicated to Mama and Papa who believe that education is the best legacy they can bequeath to their children. LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES Figure 1 Study Framework for the Analysis of Center-Based Street Children’s Theatrical Intervention Project 48 Figure 2 Map of the Philippines. With Puerto Galera in Mindoro Island where Stairway Foundation Inc. is located 53 Figure 3 Timeline of the “Goldtooth” Project 238 Table 1 Demographic Profile of Respondents 94 Table 2 Incidents of Child Abuse 110 Table 3 Summary of the Present Status of Respondents 239 xi STAIRWAY FOUNDATION, INC. PROCESSES Child PRODUCTION PERFORMANCE DISENGAGEMENT Improved ENTRY PHASE PHASE positive concept Child CHILD Preparatory stage Trained in new from skills the street Empowered PARTICIPATION AUDIENCE GOLDTOOTH Street Children’s Musical T I M E ANTECEDENT PROCESSES INTENDED CONDITIONS OUTCOMES Figure 1: Study Framework for the Analysis of Center-Based Street Children’s Theatrical Intervention Project Musical Project of Stairway Foundation 4th Quarter 1998 1st Quarter 1999 2nd Quarter 1999 3rd Quarter 1999 4th Quarter 1999 April-May 1999 -
Urban Fragmentation and Class Contention in Metro Manila
Urban Fragmentation and Class Contention in Metro Manila by Marco Z. Garrido A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Sociology) in the University of Michigan 2013 Doctoral Committee: Professor Jeffery M. Paige, Chair Dean Filomeno V. Aguilar, Jr., Ateneo de Manila University Associate Professor Allen D. Hicken Professor Howard A. Kimeldorf Associate Professor Frederick F. Wherry, Columbia University Associate Professor Gavin M. Shatkin, Northeastern University © Marco Z. Garrido 2013 To MMATCG ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I thank my informants in the slums and gated subdivisions of Metro Manila for taking the time to tell me about their lives. I have written this dissertation in honor of their experiences. They may disagree with my analysis, but I pray they accept the fidelity of my descriptions. I thank my committee—Jeff Paige, Howard Kimeldorf, Gavin Shatkin, Fred Wherry, Jun Aguilar, and Allen Hicken—for their help in navigating the dark woods of my dissertation. They served as guiding lights throughout. In gratitude, I vow to emulate their dedication to me with respect to my own students. I thank Nene, the Cayton family, and Tito Jun Santillana for their help with my fieldwork; Cynch Bautista for rounding up an academic audience to suffer through a presentation of my early ideas, Michael Pinches for his valuable comments on my prospectus, and Jing Karaos for allowing me to affiliate with the Institute on Church and Social Issues. I am in their debt. Thanks too to Austin Kozlowski, Sahana Rajan, and the Spatial and Numeric Data Library at the University of Michigan for helping me make my maps. -
UP School of Economics Discussion Papers
UP School of Economics Discussion Papers Discussion Paper No. 2011-03 May 2011 The Demand for Unfair Gambles: Why Illegal Lotteries Persist by Desiree A. Desierto*, John V.C. Nye**, Jema M. Pamintuan*** *University of the Philippines School of Economics **Economics Department, George Mason University ***Ateneo de Manila University, School of Humanities UPSE Discussion Papers are preliminary versions circulated privately to elicit critical comments. They are protected by Copyright Law (PD No. 49) and are not for quotation or reprinting without prior approval. The Demand for Unfair Gambles: Why Illegal Lotteries Persist DESIREE A. DESIERTO, JOHN V.C. NYE, JEMA M. PAMINTUAN Version: May 2, 2011 We show how cheating in illegal gambling can be sustained in equilibrium, even when gamblers are aware of it. Not only is cheating pro…t-maximizing for operators, but it can also be utility-maximizing if it provides gamblers the oppor- tunity to engage in other related activities that generate non-monetary rewards, such as practicing superstitions. This, in turn, suggests why legalizing gambling might not fully capture the gains from the illegal market - operators and gamblers both prefer cheating, but this would be harder to hide in a legalized environment. We illustrate the model, generate results, and verify them empirically, using the example of jueteng, an illegal numbers game in the Philippines. 0 D. Desierto (corresponding author): University of the Philippines, School of Eco- nomics, Diliman, Q.C. 1101, email: [email protected]; J. Nye: Economics De- partment, George Mason University, Carow Hall MSN 1D3, 4400 University Drive, Fair- fax VA 22030, email: [email protected]; J. -
Philippine Governance: Merging Politics and Crime
PRIF-Reports No. 93 Philippine Governance: Merging Politics and Crime Peter Kreuzer I would like to thank the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) for the generous grant provided for the project “Genesis, Structure and Workings of Coercive Systems of Social Control”. Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (PRIF) 2009 Correspondence to: PRIF Baseler Straße 27-31 60329 Frankfurt am Main Germany Telephone: +49(0)69 95 91 04-0 Fax: +49(0)69 55 84 81 E-Mail: [email protected] Internet: www.prif.org ISBN: 978-3-942532-03-7 Euro 10.- Summary The Philippines are a “gambling republic” in which politicians hold “power without virtue”, dominating by means of “capital, coercion and crime”. Individual power holders are “bosses”, acting in a “mafia-style” and employing “guns, goons and gold” in order to gain, uphold or enhance their power positions. Whereas the politicians at times make use of vigilantes, private armies, death squads and hired contract-killers, the state itself resorts to “state terror” to counter the leftist threat posed by the Communist New People’s Army and its various offshoots, as a sideline killing hundreds of people in extralegal executions. Local power remains “in the family”, and national power is diffused in an “anarchy of families”. All of these characterizations of Philippine politics put in quotation marks are taken out of scientific books, articles and statements of Philippine state officials and politicians. While Philippine politics certainly is much more than captured in these characterizations, this report takes them as a starting point to analyze Philippine politics as if it was crime, or as “criminalized governance” (Briscoe 2008: 4), arguing that criminal activities do not only connect to politics in an erratic and unsystematic way, but seem to be a durable and integral part of politics from the local to the national levels. -
Volume VI — Reports of International Arbitral Awards
REPORTS OF INTERNATIONAL ARBITRAL AWARDS RECUEIL DES SENTENCES ARBITRALES VOLUME VI United Nations Publication Sales No. : 1955. V. 3 Price: $U.S. 4.00; 28/- stg. ; Sw. fr. 17.00 (or equivalent in other currencies) REPORTS OF INTERNATIONAL ARBITRAL AWARDS RECUEIL DES SENTENCES ARBITRALES VOLUME VI Decisions of Arbitral Tribunal GREAT BRITAIN-UNITED STATES and of Claims Commissions UNITED STATES, AUSTRIA AND HUNGARY and UNITED STATES-PANAMA Décisions du Tribunal arbitral GRANDE-BRETAGNE - ETATS-UNIS et des Commissions de réclamations ETATS-UNIS, AUTRICHE ET HONGRIE et ETATS-UNIS - PANAMA UNITED NATIONS — NATIONS UNIES FOREWORD The systematic collection of decisions of international claims commis- sions contemplated in the foreword to volume IV of the present series of Reports of International Arbitral Awards and already embracing the decisions of the so-called Mexican Claims Commissions, as far as available (vol. IV: General and Special Claims Commissions Mexico-United States; vol. V: Claims Commissions Great Britain-Mexico, France- Mexico and Germany-Mexico), is continued with the present volume devoted to the decisions of the Arbitral Tribunal United States-Great Britain constituted under the Special Agreement of August 18, 1910, the Tripartite Claims Commission United States. Austria and Hungary constituted under the Agreement of November 26, 1924, and the General Claims Commission United States-Panama constituted under the Claims Convention of July 28, 1926, modified by the Convention of December 17, 1932. The mode of presentation followed in this volume is the same as that used in volumes IV-V. Each award is captioned under the name of the individual claimant, together with identification of the espousing and the respondent governments. -
Supporting Shorenstein APARC 20 Financial Information 21 People
THE WALTER H. SHORENSTEIN ASIA-PACIFIC RESEARCH CENTER CENTER OVERVIEW 2015–2016 CHALLENGES TO GLOBALIZATION 1 Director’s Message 2 In Memorium 3 Yoichi Funabashi Receives Journalism Award 4 Divided Memories Project Concludes 5 New Asia Project 6 Research 8 Outreach 10 Publications PROGRAMS AND INITIATIVES 11 Asia Health Policy Program 12 China Program 13 Corporate Affiliates Program 14 Japan Program 15 Korea Program 16 Southeast Asia Program 17 U.S.-Asia Security Initiative 18 Donors / Supporting Shorenstein APARC 20 Financial Information 21 People The Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (Shorenstein APARC) is a unique Stanford University institution dedicated to the interdisciplinary study of contemporary Asia. Shorenstein APARC’s mission is: • to produce and publish outstanding interdisciplinary Asia-Pacific–focused research; • to educate students, scholars, and corporate and governmental affiliates; • to promote constructive interaction to influence U.S. policy toward the Asia-Pacific; • to guide Asian nations on key issues of societal transition, development, U.S.-Asia relations, and regional cooperation. “We remain hopeful that Asian countries will seek and find opportunity in the challenges posed by globalization.” Director’s Message Progress is one side of the story of globalization. Another story is one of friction and backsliding. Asia holds this kind of varied narrative as a region with immense diversity in political and social systems, and for some, vast economic growth set against a backdrop of inequality. Early 2016 saw stock market turbulence in China and continued stagnation in Japan, and in the United Kingdom and the United States, the EU referendum and U.S. presidential election created a sense of concern worldwide throughout the exceptionally volatile campaigns. -
Jueteng, Crises of Presidential Legitimacy, and Electoral Failures in the Philippines*
What Happens When Institutions Do Not Work What Happens When Institutions Do Not Work: Jueteng, Crises of Presidential Legitimacy, and Electoral Failures in the Philippines* Raul V.Fabella Abstract School of Economics In the Millennium Development Goals discussion, the question of University of the Philippines how we eliminate bad institutions that perpetuate global poverty Dillman, Quezon City 1101 Philippines often arises. Democracy and participatory institutions are pro- [email protected] posed as meta-institutions that are meant to create better ones. Democracies, however, also stumble. We study two episodes of crisis of presidential legitimacy in the Philippines: one arising from perceived electoral failure and the other from involvement in an illegal numbers game called Jueteng. A crisis of legitimacy can arise because the “declared winner” may not be the “true winner” be- cause of the compromise of mechanisms of recall and account- ability, or because the “true winner” reveals himself or herself ex post to be the “incorrect choice,” or both. The ensuing crisis of le- gitimacy, in turn, robs the executive of political mandate and mo- mentum for reform. In the struggle to survive, executive auton- omy is traded away as the power brokers of the status quo are enlisted for the defense. Thus, democracy’s march to good institu- tions may be blocked or even reversed. 1. Introduction That “institutions matter” has become virtually canonical in economics due to evidence from numerous conªrming country and cross-country studies (e.g., Acemoglu, John- * The author is grateful to the Philippine Long Distance Tele- phone (PLDT) Foundation for ªnancial support. -
5 Edsa 2 – a Historical Overview
DIPLOMARBEIT Titel der Diplomarbeit „The SMS – Revolution“ The impact of mobile phones on political protest using the example of the EDSA II movement in the Philippines in 2001 Verfasserin Vera Santner angestrebter akademischer Grad Magistra der Philosphie (Mag. phil.) Wien, März 2010 Studienkennzahl lt. Studienblatt: A 307 Studienrichtung lt. Studienblatt: Kultur- und Sozialanthropologie Betreuer: Ao. Univ.-Prof. Mag. Dr. Hermann Mückler 3 Abstract Abstract (English) In mass protests new media like internet and mobile phones are increasingly playing a central role. In the past year, this was especially obvious in the protests in Moldavia and in Iran. The so called EDSA 2 uprising in the Philippines in 2001 was one of the first cases when mobile phones and especially text messages (are said to) have contributed to the mobilization of thousands of protesters. This massive civil protest that blocked one of Manila’s main traffic arteries, contributed significantly to the downfall of President Joseph Estrada. The euphoria of such events and the novelty of the use of mobile phones carry with it the danger of an uncritical celebration of technology and of a lacking contextualization of their role in the events. Widespread techno-deterministic views linked to notions of modernity enhance the tendency to assign the technology with agency and thus ignore those that are actually using it. My thesis thus presents an extensive analysis of the role that mobile phones played in this protest. A pluralist view accounting for social and political contexts allows for the complexity of the involved processes. Drawing on Victor Turner’s concepts of communitas and liminality, I analyze the power attributed to the mobile phone. -
The Media, the Market and Democracy
THE MEDIA, THE MARKET AND DEMOCRACY: THE CASE OF THE SHEILA S. PHILIPPINES CORONEL Abstract The popular mobilisation that led to the downfall of Sheila S. Coronel is President Estrada in January 2001 was facilitated by the Executive Director of the use of new communication technologies, notably text Philippines Centre for messaging on mobile phones and the establishment of Investigative Journalism, web sites. Public awareness of political developments, Quezon City. @ fostered by these means and by independent media, email: scoronel cnl.net. eventually forced the main mass media to cover Estra- das impeachment trial, and it was the threat of the collapse of that trial that provoked mass demonstrations. These events illustrate some leading themes in the history of the Philippines mass media. Newspapers, radio and television have long been privately owned, and , 109 - 126 have developed into very market-oriented media. Most of the time, they are devoted to tabloid and sensational reporting, and they are mostly closely connected with large and diversified corporations. After a long period of repression by Ferdinand Marcos, his overthrow saw an explosion of genuinely independent media, although Vol.8 (2001),2 issues of ownership and traditions of bribing journalists put limits on what got reported. Estrada attempted to control the media more directly, particularly through systematic bribery, threatening the businesses of media owners with tax audits, and manipulating advertising. For some time, he was successful, but as public awareness of his crimes grew, so audiences demanded better mainstream coverage. The media were forced by their audiences to adopt a much more critical stance, and this opened the way for independent journalism. -
Go to Edsa. Wear Black.”) Were Among the Millions of Text Messages Calling Upon Manila Residents to Gather at the Edsa Shrine20 To
The Cell Phone and Edsa 2: The Role of a Communication Technology in Ousting a President Cecilia Alessandra S. Uy-Tioco 11 October 2003 4th Critical Themes in Media Studies Conference New School University Introduction I distinctly remember the night Edsa 2 (also known as People Power 2)1 began. Strangely enough, I was out on a date when the news came out that majority of the senator-judges in the on-going impeachment trial of Philippine president Joseph “Erap” Estrada had voted to suppress important evidence proving his corruption. While the pro- Estrada senators rejoiced and danced on national television, the anti-Estrada senators openly wept. The prosecutors, taking this as an early sign of acquittal, walked out of the courtroom in protest. I received this text message from my best friend: “I THNK UD BETR GO HME NW.” (“I think you’d better go home now.”) By the time I got home, I had received numerous text messages from others saying: “NOISE BARRAGE AT 11PM” and “GO 2 EDSA. WEAR BLACK 2 MOURN D DEATH F DEMOCRACY.” I barely had time to kick off my high heels and slip on my sneakers when my mom, brother, and I jumped into the car and joined the cars in our neighborhood in honking horns in protest. And then to Edsa we went. At midnight, there were a couple of hundred people. Families clad in pajamas, teenagers in party clothes, men and women in suits fresh from happy hour, college students clutching books obviously coming from a study group, nuns and priests.