Understanding Mexicans and Americans: a Mexicdn-U.S
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Los Veteranos—Latinos in WWII
Los Veteranos—Latinos in WWII Over 500,000 Latinos (including 350,000 Mexican Americans and 53,000 Puerto Ricans) served in WWII. Exact numbers are difficult because, with the exception of the 65th Infantry Regiment from Puerto Rico, Latinos were not segregated into separate units, as African Americans were. When war was declared on December 8, 1941, thousands of Latinos were among those that rushed to enlist. Latinos served with distinction throughout Europe, in the Pacific Theater, North Africa, the Aleutians and the Mediterranean. Among other honors earned, thirteen Medals of Honor were awarded to Latinos for service during WWII. In the Pacific Theater, the 158th Regimental Combat Team, of which a large percentage was Latino and Native American, fought in New Guinea and the Philippines. They so impressed General MacArthur that he called them “the greatest fighting combat team ever deployed in battle.” Latino soldiers were of particular aid in the defense of the Philippines. Their fluency in Spanish was invaluable when serving with Spanish speaking Filipinos. These same soldiers were part of the infamous “Bataan Death March.” On Saipan, Marine PFC Guy Gabaldon, a Mexican-American from East Los Angeles who had learned Japanese in his ethnically diverse neighborhood, captured 1,500 Japanese soldiers, earning him the nickname, the “Pied Piper of Saipan.” In the European Theater, Latino soldiers from the 36th Infantry Division from Texas were among the first soldiers to land on Italian soil and suffered heavy casualties crossing the Rapido River at Cassino. The 88th Infantry Division (with draftees from Southwestern states) was ranked in the top 10 for combat effectiveness. -
Emerging Paradigms in Critical Mixed Race Studies G
Emerging Paradigms in Critical Mixed Race Studies G. Reginald Daniel, Laura Kina, Wei Ming Dariotis, and Camilla Fojas Mixed Race Studies1 In the early 1980s, several important unpublished doctoral dissertations were written on the topic of multiraciality and mixed-race experiences in the United States. Numerous scholarly works were published in the late 1980s and early 1990s. By 2004, master’s theses, doctoral dissertations, books, book chapters, and journal articles on the subject reached a critical mass. They composed part of the emerging field of mixed race studies although that scholarship did not yet encompass a formally defined area of inquiry. What has changed is that there is now recognition of an entire field devoted to the study of multiracial identities and mixed-race experiences. Rather than indicating an abrupt shift or change in the study of these topics, mixed race studies is now being formally defined at a time that beckons scholars to be more critical. That is, the current moment calls upon scholars to assess the merit of arguments made over the last twenty years and their relevance for future research. This essay seeks to map out the critical turn in mixed race studies. It discusses whether and to what extent the field that is now being called critical mixed race studies (CMRS) diverges from previous explorations of the topic, thereby leading to formations of new intellectual terrain. In the United States, the public interest in the topic of mixed race intensified during the 2008 presidential campaign of Barack Obama, an African American whose biracial background and global experience figured prominently in his campaign for and election to the nation’s highest office. -
De-Conflating Latinos/As' Race and Ethnicity
UCLA Chicana/o Latina/o Law Review Title Los Confundidos: De-Conflating Latinos/As' Race and Ethnicity Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9nx2r4pj Journal Chicana/o Latina/o Law Review, 19(1) ISSN 1061-8899 Author Sandrino-Glasser, Gloria Publication Date 1998 DOI 10.5070/C7191021085 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California LOS CONFUNDIDOS: DE-CONFLATING LATINOS/AS' RACE AND ETHNICITY GLORIA SANDRmNO-GLASSERt INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................71 I. LATINOS: A DEMOGRAPHIC PORTRAIT ..............................................75 A. Latinos: Dispelling the Legacy of Homogenization ....................75 B. Los Confundidos: Who are We? (Qui6n Somos?) ...................77 1. Mexican-Americans: The Native Sons and D aughters .......................................................................77 2. Mainland Puerto Ricans: The Undecided ..............................81 3. Cuban-Americans: Last to Come, Most to Gain .....................85 II. THE CONFLATION: AN OVERVIEW ..................................................90 A. The Conflation in Context ........................................................95 1. The Conflation: Parts of the W hole ..........................................102 2. The Conflation Institutionalized: The Sums of All Parts ...........103 B. The Conflation: Concepts and Definitions ...................................104 1. N ationality ..............................................................................104 -
Puerto Ricans, Liminal Citizenship, and Politics in Florida
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles I Am Not Your Immigrant: Puerto Ricans, Liminal Citizenship, and Politics in Florida A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology by Ariana Jeanette Valle 2019 © Copyright by Ariana Jeanette Valle 2019 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION I am Not Your Immigrant: Puerto Ricans, Liminal Citizenship, and Politics in Florida by Ariana Jeanette Valle Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology University of California, Los Angeles, 2019 Professor Vilma Ortiz, Chair This dissertation investigates how colonialism, citizenship, migration, and racialization intersect in a new destination and shape Puerto Ricans’ contemporary experiences. Puerto Ricans are a strategic case to examine through these frameworks because Puerto Ricans’ have been U.S. citizens for over a century due to an ongoing colonial relationship between the U.S. and Puerto Rico. There have been various waves of Puerto Rican migration to the U.S. mainland throughout the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. Moreover, Puerto Ricans are a phenotypically diverse group due to the historic intermixing between Indigenous, African, and European groups in Puerto Rico. And, Puerto Ricans are an original member of the institutionally created Hispanic ethnic group. Our current understanding of Puerto Ricans in the U.S. is largely based on their experiences in traditional destinations of migration located in the Northeast and Midwest. Scholars that have studied this experience have argued Puerto Ricans experienced a racialized mode of incorporation in traditional destinations, which explains their lower socioeconomic outcomes, marginalized experiences, and placement on the lower rungs of the social hierarchy in traditional destinations. -
Proposed Language to Use When Talking About Race: What You Wanted to Know but Didn’T Want to Ask
PROPOSED LANGUAGE TO USE WHEN TALKING ABOUT RACE: WHAT YOU WANTED TO KNOW BUT DIDN’T WANT TO ASK VANESSA GONLIN, UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA SAMUEL DEWITT PROCTOR INSTITUTE for Leadership, Equity, & Justice PROPOSED LANGUAGE TO USE WHEN TALKING ABOUT RACE: WHAT YOU WANTED TO KNOW BUT DIDN’T WANT TO ASK PROPOSED LANGUAGE TO USE WHEN TALKING ABOUT RACE: WHAT YOU WANTED TO KNOW BUT DIDN’T WANT TO ASK ABOUT THE AUTHOR VANESSA GONLIN Vanessa Gonlin is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Sociology at the University of Georgia. Her research and teaching areas explore racial discrimination, colorism, racial identity(ies), interracial relationships, and social demography. Race is the elephant in the room on our campuses across the United States. As necessary conversations take place in the wake of the #BlackLivesMatter movement and the insurrection at the Capitol building by White supremacists, we, as educators, must nurture learning about race – including how and why to use certain words when talking about race. On the second day of my Race and Ethnicity in America course, I teach undergraduates the rationale behind and significance of language choices we make when referring to various racial groups. Following the class, I often receive an outpouring of emails from students expressing their appreciation for the opportunity to learn something that so many feel they are expected to know and are therefore too afraid to ask about. This document features what I shared with them. INDIGENOUS PEOPLES There are numerous tribal communities and bands of people across the continent that may fall under the category of Indigenous peoples, including Native Americans or American Indians & Alaska Natives (AIAN), Pacific Islanders, Native Hawaiians, First Nations peoples, and/or Natives. -
The Cuban Americans: Ethnic Exiles. PUB DATE 96 NOTE 20P
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 392 006 CG 026 845 AUTHOR Granello, Paul F. TITLE The Cuban Americans: Ethnic Exiles. PUB DATE 96 NOTE 20p. PUB TYPE Information Analyses (070) EMS PRICE MF01/PC01 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Cubans; Cultural Background; Cultural Context; Demography; Economic Factors; *Ethnic Groups; Ethnicity; Ethnic Origins; *Hispanic Americans; Immigrants; Political Influences ABSTRACT Cuban Americans as a demographic group have violated many of the normally observed patterns concerning immigrant groups to the United States. Although included under the term "Hispanic," Cuban Americans have had a unique demographic, political, economic, and social history in the United States which has differentiated them from other Hispanic groups. Examination of some of the differentiating factors are presented in this paper so as to better understand this ethnic group's cuitural identity. Cuban Americans have been economically successful in comparison to other Hispanic and African American minority groups. Much of this success is built on the traditions of family and community. Significantly, however, Cuban Americans received superior treatment to other immigrant groups and also demographically represented a biased population of educated, older, and experienced people. Cuban Americans had a substantial pre-revolution history in the United States and have had the advantage of close geogl'aphical proximity to the Latin world to assist in preservation o17 their culture. Second generation Cuban Americans are view. ,g the family differently than their parents, what effects this will have on the Cuban American community which has built so much of its economic success on family intradependence is not yet known. Contains 18 references. (JBJ) *********************************************************************** Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made from the original document. -
The Mexican American War and Its Effects
1 The Mexican-American War and its Effects Justin GaVette History 499 Senior Thesis Primary Reader: Professor Rector Secondary Reader: Professor Jensen May 16, 2005 2 During the 19th century the United States acquired a huge portion of land through the Mexican-American War (1846-1848). President James Polk wished to acquire California by peaceful means, so he sent American envoy John Slidell to Mexico in 1845 to negotiate the sale of Texas, New Mexico, and California for no more than $25 million. This mission failed, so Polk sent General Zachary Taylor across the Rio Grande.1 Mexico saw the crossing of the Nueces River by Taylor’s troops as an act of war so Mexican troops were ordered to cross the Rio Grande. President Polk saw this as aggression towards the US and he declared war on Mexico on May 13, 1846 with the vote of 173-14 in Congress and 42-2 in the Senate both in favor of the war,2 thus starting the Mexican-American War.3 The war was waged for two years and the Americans did not cease hostilities until Mexico ratified the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo under US terms. The treaty was signed on February 2, 1848 and the US Senate amended then ratified it 4 by a vote of 38-14. 1 Jesse S. Reeves, “The Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo,” The American Historical Review 10, no. 2 (1905): 311. 2 Maria del Rosario Rodríguez Díaz, Mexicos Vision of Manifest Destiny During the 1847 War,” Journal of Popular Culture 35, no. 2 (Fall 2001): 44. -
THE “COMMON SENSE” of RACE 443 Assertion That Common Sense Racial Identification Lives on in Modern-Day Calls for Racial ―Colorblindness.‖
DO NOT DELETE 7/5/2010 12:56 AM THE ―COMMON SENSE‖ OF RACE NEIL GOTANDA* I. INTRODUCTION In What Blood Won’t Tell: A History of Race on Trial in America, Ariela J. Gross provides a compelling and nuanced account of race in America.1 Through her examination of ―racial trials‖—litigation in which racial identification plays a crucial role—Gross ties together the personal, social, and political dimensions of racial identity and classification. This discussion provides an important new perspective on the study of race in this country. Earlier studies of racial classification have focused on the meanings of statutory racial categories. Gross, however, centers her analysis on the formation and reaffirmation of racial categories as a primarily social process. Gross draws from numerous racial trials—spanning slavery in the antebellum South to modern-day Mexican Americans grappling with ―whiteness‖—in order to survey the origins and history of ―black‖ and ―white‖ as categories in American life. In analyzing racial trials, Gross focuses upon the ―fringes‖ of the traditional black and white racial categories. Some of her accounts—of Alexina Morrison and Sally Miller, for example—center on women who challenged their place within the overall racial scheme. Others tell of individuals raising group challenges—for example, the ―celebrated Melungeon case,‖ as well as the trials of Takeo Ozawa and Bhagat Singh Thind, who sought naturalization as people of Japanese and East Indian origin, respectively. In both these specific-individual and individual-for- group challenges, individuals sought a legal determination of their racial * Professor of Law, Western State University College of Law. -
Racism and the American Indian Bethany Berger University of Connecticut School of Law
University of Connecticut OpenCommons@UConn Faculty Articles and Papers School of Law 2009 Red: Racism and the American Indian Bethany Berger University of Connecticut School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_papers Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, and the Law and Race Commons Recommended Citation Berger, Bethany, "Red: Racism and the American Indian" (2009). Faculty Articles and Papers. 265. https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_papers/265 +(,121/,1( Citation: 56 UCLA L. Rev. 591 2008-2009 Content downloaded/printed from HeinOnline (http://heinonline.org) Mon Aug 15 16:42:05 2016 -- Your use of this HeinOnline PDF indicates your acceptance of HeinOnline's Terms and Conditions of the license agreement available at http://heinonline.org/HOL/License -- The search text of this PDF is generated from uncorrected OCR text. -- To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your HeinOnline license, please use: https://www.copyright.com/ccc/basicSearch.do? &operation=go&searchType=0 &lastSearch=simple&all=on&titleOrStdNo=0041-5650 RED: RACISM AND THE AMERICAN INDIAN & Bethany R. Berger How does racism work in American Indian law and policy? Scholarship on the subject too often has assumed that racism works for Indians in the same way that it does for African Americans, and has therefore either emphasized the presence of hallmarks of black-white racism, such as uses of blood quantum, as evidence of racism, or has emphasized the lack of such hallmarks, such as prohibitions on interracial marriage, to argue that racism is not a significant factor. This Article surveys the different eras of Indian-white interaction to argue that racism has been important in those interactions, but has worked in a distinctive way. -
Why Race Matters: Latcrit Theory and Latina/O Racial Identity
Why "Race Matters:" LatCrit Theory and Latina/o Racial Identity Enid Trucios-Haynest INTRODUCTION Latinas/os are a force to be reckoned with, and we now require our own room in the "Master's House."' Yet, we must not forget it is the "Master's House," and we are constrained by the basic home rule that is White supremacy. Latinas/os are not exempt from the oppression of White supremacy, yet, as a group or individually, we often are seduced into thinking we are White. Latinas/os must be vigilant to avoid the seduction of Whiteness. And we, Latinas/os, more than other groups of color, are vulnerable to the seduction of whiteness. We carry the desire for Whiteness, inscribed on our souls, from Latin America and transported across the border or from our neighborhoods where our parents and generations before have lived. Latinos/as, more than others, are seduced by Whiteness because we are not called Black, we are not even identified as a race--at least not officially. We are seduced by whiteness because we do not see that the foundation of the Master's House, the Black-White paradigm, includes the racialization of our language, our culture, our history. We must see - Tenemos que ver. t Professor of Law, Brandeis School of Law of the University of Louisville; J.D., Stanford Law School (1986). 1. Leslie Espinoza, A Vision Towards Liberation, 19 CHICANO-LATrNO L. REV. 193, 193 (1998) (citing Audre Lorde, The Masters Tools Will Never Dismantle the Master's House, in THIS BRIDGE CALLED MY BACK: WRITINGS BY RADICAL WOMEN OF COLOR 98, 99-100 (Cherrie Moraga & Gloria Anzaldua eds., 1981)). -
Race, Ethnicity, and the Health of Americans
SYDNEY S. SPIVACK PROGRAM IN APPLIED SOCIAL RESEARCH AND SOCIAL POLICY Race, Ethnicity, and the Health of Americans ASA SERIES ON HOW RACE AND ETHNICITY MATTER July 2005 SERIES BACKGROUND This on-line publication by the American Sociological Association (ASA) is one in a five-part series on the institutional aspects of race, racism, and race relations, a project intended to help commemorate the ASA centennial (1905-2005) and designed for a general read- ership. As a professional membership association, the ASA seeks to promote the contributions and uses of sociology to the public. These synthetic summaries provide an overview of the research evidence on how race remains an important social factor in understanding disparities in the well being of Americans in many important areas of life (including employment, health, income and wealth, housing and neighborhoods, and criminal justice) although demonstrable changes have occurred in American society over the last century. Published under the auspices of ASA’s Sydney S. Spivack Program in Applied Social Research and Social Policy, these syntheses are based upon a vast literature of published research by sociologists and other scholars. This body of research was reviewed and assessed at a working conference of 45 social scientists that At the dawn of the twenty-first century, attempted to create an integrated map of social science Americans are in general healthier than ever before as a knowledge in these areas. The effort was organized by result of technological advances, preventive medicine, Felice J. Levine, former ASA Executive Officer, Roberta Spalter-Roth, Director of the ASA Research and and broader access to health care; yet some racial and Development Department, and Patricia E. -
Anglo Americans and the Tejano Experience
East Texas Historical Journal Volume 31 Issue 2 Article 11 10-1993 Our Gringo Amigos: Anglo Americans and the Tejano Experience Arnold De Leon Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.sfasu.edu/ethj Part of the United States History Commons Tell us how this article helped you. Recommended Citation De Leon, Arnold (1993) "Our Gringo Amigos: Anglo Americans and the Tejano Experience," East Texas Historical Journal: Vol. 31 : Iss. 2 , Article 11. Available at: https://scholarworks.sfasu.edu/ethj/vol31/iss2/11 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the History at SFA ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in East Texas Historical Journal by an authorized editor of SFA ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 72 EAST TEXAS HISTORICAL ASSOCIAnON OUR GRINGO AMIGOS: ANGLO AMERICANS AND THE TEJANO EXPERIENCE by Arnaldo De Le6n Early critics such as Oscar Handlin, Arthur Corwin, and Manuel Machado warned the practitioners of Chicano history in the 1970s about simplistic interpretations that involved counter-stereotyping and a "them versus-us" perspective. 1 Many of us who were part of that early generation of scholars dismissed these detractors as reactionaries who refused to coun tenance the strident cries against Anglo racism, colonialism. and cultural defamation.2 After more than a score of years, Chicano historians have not departed completely from the portrayal against which Handlin and company railed. My own book, They Called Them Greasers (1983), paints just about every Anglo American who lived in nineteenth century Texas as a person with deeply ingrained racist attitudes ready to inflict violence on Tejanos.