Icelandic National Election Study - ICENES 2017 Questionnaire
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Our European Future OUR EUROPEAN
Our European Future European Our OUR EUROPEAN ChartingFUTURE a Progressive Course in the World Ideas contributed by László Andor, Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis, François Balate, Peter Bofinger, Tanja A. Börzel, Mercedes Bresso, Stefan Collignon, Olivier Costa, Emma Dowling, Saïd El Khadraoui, Gerda Falkner, Georg Fischer, Diego Lopez Garrido, Hedwig Giusto, Giovanni Grevi, Ulrike Guérot, Paolo Guerrieri, Lukas Hochscheidt, Robin Huguenot-Noël, Guillaume Klossa, Halliki Kreinin, Michael A. Landesmann, Jean-François Lebrun, Jo Leinen, Lora Lyubenova, Justin Nogarede, Vassilis Ntousas, Alvaro Oleart, Carlota Perez, David Rinaldi, Barbara Roggeveen, Vivien A. Schmidt, Ania Skrzypek, Mario Telò and Britta Thomsen edited by Maria João Rodrigues OUR EUROPEAN FUTURE The Foundation for European Progressive Studies (FEPS) is the think tank of the progressive political family at EU level. Our mission is to develop innovative research, policy advice, training and debates to inspire and inform progressive politics and policies across Europe. We operate as hub for thinking to facilitate the emergence of progressive answers to the chal- lenges that Europe faces today. FEPS works in close partnership with its members and partners, forging connections and boosting coherence among stakeholders from the world of politics, academia and civil society at local, regional, national, European and global levels. Today FEPS benefits from a solid network of 68 member organisations. Among these, 43 are full members, 20 have observer status and 5 are ex-of- ficio members. In addition to this network of organisations that are active in the promotion of progressive values, FEPS also has an extensive network of partners, including renowned universities, scholars, policymakers and activists. Our ambition is to undertake intellectual reflection for the benefit of the progressive movement, and to promote the founding principles of the EU – freedom, equality, solidarity, democracy, respect of human rights, funda- mental freedoms and human dignity, and respect of the rule of law. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-84007-1 — the Veil of Participation Alexander Hudson Index More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-84007-1 — The Veil of Participation Alexander Hudson Index More Information Index Ackerman, Bruce, 15, 29 Brandão Monteiro, José Carlos, 102 advertising, 1, 2, 56, 57, 80 Brasília, 98 Afghanistan, 1 Brazil, 2, 9, 25, 39, 46, 78, 120, 138, 176, 179 African Christian Democratic Party, 52, 71 Bright Future party (Iceland), 136 African National Congress, 3, 13, 22, 39, 44–48, 77, Bucaram, Abdalá, 153 181 Constitution Committee, 43 Camerer, Sheila, 74 internal discipline, 53, 55, 66 Canada, 18, 33 view of public participation, 72 capital punishment, 74 Afrikaners, 46, 64 Carey, John, 25, 178 Al-Noor Party (Egypt), 158 case selection, 8, 80, 113 Alþingi, 115, 116, 120, 133 Catholic Church, 100, 101 Alarcón, Fabián, 153 Centrão, 3, 23, 86 Albania, 162–164 Central Única dos Trabalhadores, 101 Albert, Richard, 183 Chabane, Ohm Collins, 36 Aliança Renovadora Nacional, 85 Chambers, Simone, 29 Alianza País, 154, 155 Charlottetown Accord, 18 Almond, Gabriel, 26 Choudhry, Sujit, 5 amendments, constitutional, 42, 46, 80, 81, 180 citizens’ assemblies, 185 apartheid, 41–45, 76 civil society organizations, 87, 96–98, 101, 115, 129 Arinos Commission, 108–111 Colón-Ríos, Joel, 28 Arinos, Afonso, 108 Colombia, 170–172 Assembleia Nacional Constituinte, 23, 27, 85, Committee of Experts (Kenya), 157 84–86, 87, 91, 102, 107, 109, 112 Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, 32 rules of procedure, 99 Confederação Nacional dos Trabalhadores na Systematization Commission, 84, 100 Agricultura, 99, 101 Confederación de Nacionalidades -
The Values Underpinning Iceland's Food System Risk Implications for Resilience Planning
The values underpinning Iceland's food system risk Implications for resilience planning by Holly Johanna Jacobson Bachelor of Science in Biology and Environmental Studies Bowdoin College 2011 Submitted to the Department of Urban Studies and Planning in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER IN CITY PLANNING at the MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY June 2016 © Holly Johanna Jacobson. All rights reserved. The author hereby grants to MIT permission to reproduce istribute and to d publicly paper and electronic copies of this thesis document in whole or in part in any medium now known or hereafter created. Author: ________________________________________________________________________ Holly Johanna Jacobson Department of Urban Studies and Planning May 6, 2016 Certified by: ____________________________________________________________________ Janelle Knox-‐Hayes Associate Professor of Urban Studies and Planning Thesis Supervisor Accepted by: ___________________________________________________________________ P. Christopher Zegras Associate Professorof Urban Studies and Planning Chair, Master in City Planning Committee 1 The values underpinning Iceland's food system risk Implications for resilience planning by Holly Johanna Jacobson Submitted to the Department of Urban Studies and Planning on May 6, 2016in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree ofMaster in City Planning ABSTRACT Some claim Iceland’s food security is in grave danger. Farms fear financial failure as they compete with cheaper imports; high import reliance renders the country vulnerable to natural, political, and financial volatility; climate changethreaten s to exacerbatethese food systemweaknesses . Yet Iceland has no contingency plan, and adaptation measures are absent from national climate change reports.While thisgap could be perceived asnegligence , to do so assumes a universalistic framework for risk and resilience—a trendcurrently seen in theglobal proliferation of formulaic, resiliency plans. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
The 2008 Icelandic Bank Collapse: Foreign Factors
The 2008 Icelandic Bank Collapse: Foreign Factors A Report for the Ministry of Finance and Economic Affairs Centre for Political and Economic Research at the Social Science Research Institute University of Iceland Reykjavik 19 September 2018 1 Summary 1. An international financial crisis started in August 2007, greatly intensifying in 2008. 2. In early 2008, European central banks apparently reached a quiet consensus that the Icelandic banking sector was too big, that it threatened financial stability with its aggressive deposit collection and that it should not be rescued. An additional reason the Bank of England rejected a currency swap deal with the CBI was that it did not want a financial centre in Iceland. 3. While the US had protected and assisted Iceland in the Cold War, now she was no longer considered strategically important. In September, the US Fed refused a dollar swap deal to the CBI similar to what it had made with the three Scandinavian central banks. 4. Despite repeated warnings from the CBI, little was done to prepare for the possible failure of the banks, both because many hoped for the best and because public opinion in Iceland was strongly in favour of the banks and of businessmen controlling them. 5. Hedge funds were active in betting against the krona and the banks and probably also in spreading rumours about Iceland’s vulnerability. In late September 2008, when Glitnir Bank was in trouble, the government decided to inject capital into it. But Glitnir’s major shareholder, a media magnate, started a campaign against this trust-building measure, and a bank run started. -
Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019
Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019 Codebook: SUPPLEMENT TO THE COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET – GOVERNMENT COMPOSITION 1960-2019 Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann The Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set provides detailed information on party composition, reshuffles, duration, reason for termination and on the type of government for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member countries. The data begins in 1959 for the 23 countries formerly included in the CPDS I, respectively, in 1966 for Malta, in 1976 for Cyprus, in 1990 for Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania and Slovakia, in 1991 for Poland, in 1992 for Estonia and Lithuania, in 1993 for Latvia and Slovenia and in 2000 for Croatia. In order to obtain information on both the change of ideological composition and the following gap between the new an old cabinet, the supplement contains alternative data for the year 1959. The government variables in the main Comparative Political Data Set are based upon the data presented in this supplement. When using data from this data set, please quote both the data set and, where appropriate, the original source. Please quote this data set as: Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann. 2021. Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Composition 1960-2019. Zurich: Institute of Political Science, University of Zurich. These (former) assistants have made major contributions to the dataset, without which CPDS would not exist. In chronological and descending order: Angela Odermatt, Virginia Wenger, Fiona Wiedemeier, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, Sarah Engler, David Weisstanner, Panajotis Potolidis, Marlène Gerber, Philipp Leimgruber, Michelle Beyeler, and Sarah Menegal. -
Icelandic National Election Study - ICENES 2013 Questionnaire
Icelandic National Election Study - ICENES 2013 Questionnaire Ólafur Þ. Harðarson Hulda Þórisdóttir Eva H. Önnudóttir Table of contents Notes .............................................................................................................................. 9 Information about interviewers and respondents – registered ....................................... 9 Interest in politics ......................................................................................................... 11 1. Do you consider your interest in politics very great, great, some, little, or are you not interested in politics at all? .......................................................................... 11 Political trust ................................................................................................................ 11 2. Do you think that politicians are in general trustworthy, that many of them are trustworthy, some are trustworthy, few, or perhaps none? ....................................... 11 Political problems / party competence ......................................................................... 12 3. What do you think is the most important political problem facing Iceland today?........................................................................................................................ 12 4. Thinking of the most important political problem facing Iceland which party do you think is best in dealing with it? .......................................................................... 13 5. And which party do -
2020 Iceland Country Report | SGI Sustainable Governance Indicators
Iceland Report Gretar Þór EyÞórsson, Thorvaldur Gylfason, Detlef Jahn (Coordinator) Sustainable Governance Indicators 2020 © vege - stock.adobe.com Sustainable Governance SGI Indicators SGI 2020 | 2 Iceland Report Executive Summary The cabinet coalition formed after the October 2017 elections between the Left-Green Movement, the Independence Party and the Progressive Party is still in office. The prime minister is Katrín Jakobsdóttir, leader of the Left- Green Movement. Following a period of considerable political turbulence, which included three parliamentary elections in four years (2013, 2016 and 2017), things have stabilized. After limited strikes in early spring 2019, Efling, the Store and Office Workers’ Union (VR), and the Federation of General and Special Workers (SGS) signed a collective agreement with the Confederation of Icelandic Enterprise (SA) in April 2019. The agreement will expire on 1 November 2022. Members of the Efling and VR trade unions, and members of trade unions belonging to SGS approved the collective agreements. The contract applies to more than 100,000 members of 30 different unions. At the time of writing, excluding another agreement signed in mid-October 2019 between five unions and the Icelandic Confederation of University Graduates (BHM), no other unions have signed contracts. In March 2019, one of the two largest Icelandic airlines, WOW air, declared bankruptcy and ceased operations. This led to 1,500 people immediately losing their jobs. Six months later, 300 to 400 of them are still without jobs. Though the overall impact of this bankruptcy has not been as large as initially feared. In response, the other Icelandic airline, Icelandair, has increased its passenger capacity. -
The European Trust Crisis and the Rise of Populism Supplementary
The European Trust Crisis and the Rise of Populism Supplementary Online Appendix Yann Algan Sergei Guriev Sciences Po and CEPR EBRD, Sciences Po and CEPR Elias Papaioannou Evgenia Passari London Business School and CEPR Université Paris-Dauphine Abstract This supplementary online appendix consists of three parts. First, we provide summary statistics, additional sensitivity checks and further evidence. Second, we provide details and sources on the data covering regional output and unemployment, trust, beliefs, attitudes and voting statistics. Third, we provide the classification of non-mainstream political parties’ political orientation (far-right, radical-left, populist, Eurosceptic and separatist) for all countries. 1 1. Summary Statistics, Additional Sensitivity Checks, and Further Evidence 1.1 Summary Statistics Appendix Table 1 reports the summary statistics at the individual level for all variables that we use from the ESS distinguishing between the pre-crisis period (2000-08) and the post-crisis period (2009-14). Panel A looks at all questions on general trust, trust in national and supranational institutions, party identification, ideological position on the left-right scale and beliefs on the European unification issue whereas in panel B we focus on attitudes to immigration. 1.2 Additional Sensitivity Checks Appendix Table 2 looks at the relationship between employment rates and voting for anti- establishment parties. Panel A reports panel OLS estimates with region fixed effects. Panel B reports difference-in-differences estimates. In contrast to Table 4, the specifications now include a dummy that takes on the value of one for core countries (Austria, France, Norway, Sweden) and zero for the periphery countries (Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Greece, Spain, Hungary, Ireland, Slovakia). -
Iceland's Long Road to Its EU Application
An evolving EU engaging a changing Mediterranean region Jean Monnet Occasional Paper 03/2013 Taking its place in Europe – Iceland’s long road to its EU application by Magnús Árni Magnússon Copyright © 2013, Magnús Árni Magnússon, University of Malta ISSN 2307-3950 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise – without any prior written permission from the Institute for European Studies, University of Malta. Publisher: Institute for European Studies, Msida, Malta. The Institute for European Studies The Institute for European Studies is a multi-disciplinary teaching and research Institute at the University of Malta, offering courses in European Studies which fully conform to the Bologna guidelines, including an evening diploma, a bachelor’s degree, a masters and a Ph.D. The Institute also operates a number of Erasmus agreements for staff and student exchanges. Founded in 1992 as the European Documentation and Research Centre (EDRC), the Institute was granted the status of a Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence in 2004. The Institute is engaged in various research and publication activities in European Integration Studies and is a member of the Trans-European Policy Studies Association (TEPSA), the LISBOAN network, EPERN, EADI, and the two Euro-Mediterranean networks, EuroMeSCo and FEMISE. The Institute is also a member of the Council for European Studies (hosted at Columbia University). The research interests of its staff include comparative politics and history of the European Union (EU); EU institutions; EU external relations and enlargement; small states in the EU; Malta in the EU; Euro-Mediterranean relations; Stability and Growth Pact; economic governance of the euro area; Europe 2020; EU development policies, climate change, international economics, economic causes and consequences of globalisation and EU trade and cohesion policy. -
Iceland Report Gretar Þór Eyþórsson, Thorvaldur Gylfason, Detlef Jahn (Coordinator)
Iceland Report Gretar Þór EyÞórsson, Thorvaldur Gylfason, Detlef Jahn (Coordinator) Sustainable Governance Indicators 2019 © vege - stock.adobe.com Sustainable Governance SGI Indicators SGI 2019 | 2 Iceland Report Executive Summary After only eight months in power, the previous coalition government (formed after the 2016 elections) collapsed when Bright Future announced its departure from the coalition due to a perceived collapse in trust within the government. In October 2017, a second parliamentary election within a year took place, with the previous government losing its parliamentary majority. The Center Party (Miðflokkurinn) – the new party led by Sigmundur D. Gunnlaugsson, the former prime minister and chairman of the Progressive Party – won 11% of the vote and seven parliamentary seats. The People’s Party won 7% of the vote and four seats. For the first time, eight parties won seats in parliament. The Left-Green Movement (11 seats), the Independence Party (16 seats) and the Progressive Party (eight seats) formed a new coalition government, with Katrín Jakobsdóttir, leader of the Left-Green Movement, as prime minister. Consequently, the current coalition government spans the left-right political spectrum. Two of the 11 elected Left-Green Movement members of parliament declared that they would not support a coalition that included the Independence Party. However, they have so far not caused any problems for the coalition, which holds 35 out of 63 parliamentary seats (or 33 out of 63 seats if the two dissenting Left-Green Movement parliamentarians are excluded). The coalition parties received a cumulative 53% of the vote in the 2017 election. Though, according to Gallup polling, their support fell from 74% in December 2017 to 45% a year later.