The NAACP and the Energy Crises: a Historical Development Towards Social Welfare
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Garveyism: a ’90S Perspective Francis E
New Directions Volume 18 | Issue 2 Article 7 4-1-1991 Garveyism: A ’90s Perspective Francis E. Dorsey Follow this and additional works at: http://dh.howard.edu/newdirections Recommended Citation Dorsey, Francis E. (1991) "Garveyism: A ’90s Perspective," New Directions: Vol. 18: Iss. 2, Article 7. Available at: http://dh.howard.edu/newdirections/vol18/iss2/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Howard @ Howard University. It has been accepted for inclusion in New Directions by an authorized administrator of Digital Howard @ Howard University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. GARVEYISM A ’90s Perspective By Francis E. Dorsey Pan African Congress in Manchester, orn on August 17, 1887 in England in 1945 in which the delegates Jamaica, Marcus Mosiah sought the right of all peoples to govern Garvey is universally recog themselves and freedom from imperialist nized as the father of Pan control whether political or economic. African Nationalism. After Garveyism has taught that political power observing first-hand the in without economic power is worthless. Bhumane suffering of his fellow Jamaicans at home and abroad, he embarked on a mis The UNIA sion of racial redemption. One of his The corner-stone of Garvey’s philosophical greatest assets was his ability to transcend values was the establishment of the Univer myopic nationalism. His “ Back to Africa” sal Negro Improvement Association, vision and his ‘ ‘Africa for the Africans at UNIA, in 1914, not only for the promulga home and abroad” geo-political perspec tion of economic independence of African tives, although well before their time, are peoples but also as an institution and all accepted and implemented today. -
Black Capitalism’
Opinion The Real Roots of ‘Black Capitalism’ Nixon’s solution for racial ghettos was tax breaks and incentives, not economic justice. By Mehrsa Baradaran March 31, 2019 The tax bill President Trump signed into law in 2017 created an “opportunity zones” program, the details of which will soon be finalized. The program will provide tax cuts to investors to spur development in “economically distressed” areas. Republicans and Democrats stretching back to the Nixon administration have tried ideas like this and failed. These failures are well known, but few know the cynical and racist origins of these programs. The neighborhoods labeled “opportunity zones” are “distressed” because of forced racial segregation backed by federal law — redlining, racial covenants, racist zoning policies and when necessary, bombs and mob violence. These areas were black ghettos. So how did they come to be called “opportunity zones?” The answer lies in “black capitalism,” a forgotten aspect of Richard Nixon’s Southern Strategy. Mr. Nixon's solution for racial ghettos was not economic justice, but tax breaks and incentives. This deft political move allowed him to secure the support of 2 white Southerners and to oppose meaningful economic reforms proposed by black activists. You can see how clever that political diversion was by looking at the reforms that were not carried out. After the Civil Rights Act, black activists and their allies pushed the federal government for race-specific economic redress. The “whites only” signs were gone, but joblessness, dilapidated housing and intractable poverty remained. In 1967, blacks had one-fifth the wealth of white families. ADVERTISEMENT Yet a white majority opposed demands for reparations, integration and even equal resources for schools. -
Papers of the Naacp
A Guide to the Microfilm Edition of BLACK STUDIES RESEARCH SOURCES Microfilms from Major Archival and Manuscript Collections General Editors: John H. Bracey, Jr., and Sharon Harley PAPERS OF THE NAACP Supplement to Part 16, Board of Directors File, 1966-1970 UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS OF AMERICA A Guide to the Microfilm Edition of BLACK STUDIES RESEARCH SOURCES Microfilms from Major Archival and Manuscript Collections General Editors: John H. Bracey, Jr., and Sharon Harley PAPERS OF THE NAACP Supplement to Part 16, Board of Directors File, 1966-1970 Edited by John H. Bracey, Jr., and Sharon Harley Project Coordinator Randolph Boehm Guide compiled by Daniel Lewis A microfilm project of UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS OF AMERICA An Imprint of LexisNexis Academic & Library Solutions 4520 East-West Highway * Bethesda, MD 20814-3389 Library of Congress Cataloglng-in-Publication Data Papers of the NAACP. Supplement to Part 16, Board of Directors file, [microform] / edited by John H. Bracey, Jr. and August Meier; project coordinator, Randolph Boehm. microfilm reels ; 35 mm.--(Black studies research sources) Accompanied by printed reel guides. Contents: 1. Supplement to Part 16,1956-1965. 2. Supplement to Part 16,1966-1970. 1. National Association for the Advancement of Colored People--Archives. 2. African Americans--Civil rights--History--20th century--Sources. 3. African Americans--History--1877-1964--Sources. 4. United States--Race relations--Sources. I. Title: Board of Directors file. II. Bracey, John H. III. Meier, August, 1923- IV. Boehm, Randolph. V. National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. VI. University Publications of America (Firm) VII. Title: Guide to the microfilm edition of Papers of the NAACP. -
ED240217.Pdf
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 240 217 UD 023 393 TITLE Selected Multicultural Instructional Materials. INSTITUTION Seattle School District 1, Wash.; Washington Office of the State Superintendent of Public Instruction, Olympia. PUB DATE Aug 83 NOTE 724p.; Light print. Published by the Office for Multicultural and Equity Education. PUB TYPE Guides General (050) EDRS PRICE MF04/PC29 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Class Activities; *Cultural Activities; Elementary Education; *Ethnic Groups; Foreign Countries; Instructional Materials; *Multicultural Education IDENTIFIERS *Holidays ABSTRACT This is a compilation of ten multicultural instructional booklets that were prepared and published by the Seattle, Washington, School District. The first booklet, entitled "Selected Multi-ethnic/Multicultural Events and Personalities," lists and describes (1) major holidays and events celebrated in the United States, and (2) American ethnic minority and majority individuals and their achievements. Booklet 2, "Chinese New Year," contains background information and classroom activities about that holiday, as well as Korean and Vietnamese New Year's customs. Booklet 3 presents activities and assembly suggestions prepared to assist schools in commemorating January 15, the birthdate of Martin. Luther King, Jr. The information and activities in Booklet 4 focus on the celebration of Afro-American History Month. Booklet 5; "Lei Day," focuses on Hawaiian history, culture, and statehood. Booklet 6 is entitled "Cinco de Mayo," and presents information about the Mexican defeat of French troops in 1862, as well as other Mexican events and cultural activities. Booklet 7 centers around Japan and the Japanese holiday, "Children's Day." The Norwegian celebration "Styyende Mai" (Constitution Day, May 17), is described in Booklet 8, along with other information about and cultural activities from Norway. -
The Whole Matter Revolves Around the Self-Respect of My People”: Black Conservative Women in the Civil Rights Era
204 Chapter 10 “The Whole Matter Revolves around the Self-Respect of My People”: Black Conservative Women in the Civil Rights Era Joshua D. Farrington Eastern Kentucky University INTRODUCTION In response to Brown v. Board of Education, the foundational case reflecting decades of hard work by civil rights activists to desegregate public education, famed Black novelist Zora Neale Hurston remarked, “I regard the ruling of the U.S. Supreme Court as insulting.” 1 To her, “the whole matter revolves around the self-respect of my people…I see no tragedy in being too dark to be invited to a White social affair.”2 Black schools, run and operated by Black communities, were Hurston’s ideal, and the idea of holding integrated White schools as the standard bearer ran against her deep-seated racial pride. Though Hurston joined many White conservatives in opposing Brown, her reasons were altogether different, as was her distinctly Black brand of conservatism. Indeed, it was Black conservatives of the 1950s, not the decade’s mainstream integrationist civil rights leadership, who in many ways were closer to the more militant Black Nationalists of the 1960s in their joint emphasis on Black self-determination and a racial pride that rejected integration as a cure-all. By focusing on conservative Black women during the civil rights era, this chapter highlights the myriad of political ideologies that have always existed within Black communities. This diversity of political expression, however, has not always been fully delineated by scholars. Almost all of the leading scholarship of the conservative 1 Zora Neale Hurston, “Court Order Can’t Make Races Mix,” Orlando Sentinel, August 11, 1955. -
Electing Black Mayors
Electing Black Mayors Political Action in the Black Community William E. Nelson, Jr. and Philip J. Meranto $20.00 ELECTING BLACK MAYORS Political Action in the Black Community By William E. Nelson, Jr., and Philip J. Meranto As the black protest movement swept north in the middle years of the 1960s, a major shift was to take place in its basic theme and fundamental direction that transferred emphasis from the familiar exhortation to demand "freedom now" to an equally urgent summons to marshal the formidable, if un tapped, resources of "black power" in the struggle for liberation. This alteration in both informing idea and effective method signified conclusively that blacks, grown angry and frustrated over the slow rate of their social and economic prog ress as an oppressed minority, were finally prepared to realize their potential force in order to exercise a decisive measure of po litical control over their own lives. As a call to action, black power reflected a growing sense of community among blacks, a fresh awareness of shared experience and a common heritage. More importantly, however, it was both a challenge posed by blacks to themselves to gain some increased measure of control over the institutions of that community, and an appeal for black solidarity and concerted political action as the essential means to that end. An increased concentration of blacks in the major cities of the northern and western United States had come about as the direct result of one of the most significant demographic changes to occur in the nation in the twentieth century. -
Black Capitalism Re-Analyzed I: June 5, 1971 Huey Newton
““We want an end to the robbery by the CAPITALISTS of our Black Community.” That was our position in October 1966 and it is still our position… However, many people have offered the community Black capitalism as a solution to our problems. We recognize that people in the Black community have no general dislike for the concept of Black capitalism, but this is not because they are in love with capitalism. Not at all.” A small collection of writings on what Huey Newton, co-founder of the Black Panther Party, called Black Capitalism. BLACK CAPITALISM RE-ANALYZED I: JUNE 5, 1971 HUEY NEWTON The Black Panther Party, as we begin to carry out the original vision of the Party. When we coined the expression “All Power to the People,” we had in mind emphasizing the word “Power,” for we recognize that the will to power is the basic drive of man. But it is incorrect to seek power over people. We have been subjected to the dehumanizing power of exploitation and racism for hundreds of years; and the Black community has its own will to power also. What we seek, however, is not power over people, but the power to control our own destiny. For us the true definition of power is not in terms of how many people you can control. To us power is, first of all, the ability to define phenomena, and secondly the ability to make these phenomena act in a desired manner. We see then that power has a dual character and that we cannot simply identify and define phenomena without acting, for to do so is to become an armchair philosopher. -
A Critical Analysis of the Black President in Film and Television
“WELL, IT IS BECAUSE HE’S BLACK”: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE BLACK PRESIDENT IN FILM AND TELEVISION Phillip Lamarr Cunningham A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY August 2011 Committee: Dr. Angela M. Nelson, Advisor Dr. Ashutosh Sohoni Graduate Faculty Representative Dr. Michael Butterworth Dr. Susana Peña Dr. Maisha Wester © 2011 Phillip Lamarr Cunningham All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Angela Nelson, Ph.D., Advisor With the election of the United States’ first black president Barack Obama, scholars have begun to examine the myriad of ways Obama has been represented in popular culture. However, before Obama’s election, a black American president had already appeared in popular culture, especially in comedic and sci-fi/disaster films and television series. Thus far, scholars have tread lightly on fictional black presidents in popular culture; however, those who have tend to suggest that these presidents—and the apparent unimportance of their race in these films—are evidence of the post-racial nature of these texts. However, this dissertation argues the contrary. This study’s contention is that, though the black president appears in films and televisions series in which his presidency is presented as evidence of a post-racial America, he actually fails to transcend race. Instead, these black cinematic presidents reaffirm race’s primacy in American culture through consistent portrayals and continued involvement in comedies and disasters. In order to support these assertions, this study first constructs a critical history of the fears of a black presidency, tracing those fears from this nation’s formative years to the present. -
Jim Crow Credit Mehrsa Baradaran
UC Irvine Law Review Volume 9 | Issue 4 Article 4 5-2019 Jim Crow Credit Mehrsa Baradaran Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.uci.edu/ucilr Part of the Banking and Finance Law Commons, and the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons Recommended Citation Mehrsa Baradaran, Jim Crow Credit, 9 U.C. Irvine L. Rev. 887 (2019). Available at: https://scholarship.law.uci.edu/ucilr/vol9/iss4/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UCI Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in UC Irvine Law Review by an authorized editor of UCI Law Scholarly Commons. Final to Printer_Baradaran (Do Not Delete) 6/13/2019 10:46 PM Jim Crow Credit Mehrsa Baradaran The New Deal for White America ............................................................................... 888 The Transformation of Consumer Credit ................................................................... 894 Title I of the National Housing Act of 1934 ................................................. 894 Changes to Banking Regulation ....................................................................... 900 Civil Rights Protests Against Credit Markets ................................................ 901 The Poor Pay More ......................................................................................................... 907 Black Capitalism .............................................................................................................. 9 1 7 Two Policies for Two Americas: The Community Reinvestment Act and -
Marketing Politics and Resistance: Mobilizing Black Pain in National Football League Publicity
Sociology of Sport Journal, 2021, 38, 101-110 https://doi.org/10.1123/ssj.2021-0005 © 2021 Human Kinetics, Inc. ARTICLE Marketing Politics and Resistance: Mobilizing Black Pain in National Football League Publicity Jeffrey Montez de Oca University of Colorado Colorado Springs The 2020 North American Society for the Sociology of Sport (NASSS) Presidential Address analyzed aspects of the National Football League’s (NFL) current socially conscious marketing to make sense of corporatized racial justice politics following a summer of mass political mobilization triggered by the police killing of George Floyd. The analysis shows that the mass, multiracial racial justice activism forced corporatized sport leagues such as the NFL to respond to popular political pressure. The NFL followed the lead of the National Basketball Association and instead of resisting popular sentiments, it has incorporated social justice language into its marketing. Guided by Indigenous decolonial scholarship and radical Black scholars, I argue that the NFL’s incorporation of social justice language is a politics of recognition and colonial governmentality that insulates it from racial justice politics and helps to stabilize challenges to racial capitalism. I want to begin by acknowledging that this talk was delivered Sing” became known as the Black National Anthem in the early from the unceded territories and homeland of the Ute nations. This 20th century after being adopted by the National Association for part of what is now called Colorado has also been home to Apache, the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and endorsed by Arapaho, Comanche, and Cheyenne. This land was a center for Booker T. -
Place, Race, and the Politics of Identity in the Geography of Garinagu Baündada Doris Garcia Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 2014 Place, Race, and the Politics of Identity in the Geography of Garinagu Baündada Doris Garcia Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations Part of the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Garcia, Doris, "Place, Race, and the Politics of Identity in the Geography of Garinagu Baündada" (2014). LSU Doctoral Dissertations. 3744. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations/3744 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please [email protected]. PLACE, RACE, AND THE POLITICS OF IDENTITY IN THE GEOGRAPHY OF GARINAGU BAÜNDADA A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of Geography & Anthropology by Doris Garcia B.A., City College of New York, 2002 M.S., Central Connecticut State University, 2006 December 2014 Belize Caribbean Sea Islas de la Bahía Colón Atlántida Guatemala Cortés Yoro Gracias a Dios Santa Bárbara Copán Olancho Comayagua Lempira Ocotepeque Francisco Morazán Intibucá La Paz El Paraíso El Salvador Valle Nicaragua Choluteca P a c i f i c O c e a n Miles 0 50 100 Map of Honduras in Central America Prepared by: Paul Karolczyk and Doris Garcia ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I extend my most profound gratitude to several people who contributed to the completion of this dissertation and my evolution as a scholar. -
Black Politics in the Age of Jim Crow Memphis, Tennessee, 1865 to 1954
Black Politics in the Age of Jim Crow Memphis, Tennessee, 1865 to 1954 Elizabeth Gritter A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2010 Approved by: Jacquelyn Dowd Hall W. Fitzhugh Brundage William R. Ferris Genna Rae McNeil Larry J. Griffin Copyright 2010 Elizabeth Gritter ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii Abstract ELIZABETH GRITTER: Black Politics in the Age of Jim Crow: Memphis, Tennessee, 1865 to 1954 (Under the direction of Jacquelyn Dowd Hall) Because the vast majority of black southerners were disenfranchised, most historians have ignored those who engaged in formal political activities from the late nineteenth century through the 1950s. This study is the first to focus on their efforts during this time. In contrast to narratives of the Jim Crow era that portray southern blacks as having little influence on electoral and party politics, this dissertation reveals that they had a significant impact. Using Memphis as a case study, it explores how black men and women maneuvered for political access and negotiated with white elites, especially with machine boss Edward H. Crump. It focuses in particular on Robert R. Church, Jr., who interacted with Crump, mobilized black Memphians, and emerged as the country’s most prominent black Republican in the 1920s. Church and other black Republicans carved out a space for themselves in party politics and opened up doors for blacks in the process. This study argues that formal black political mobilization constituted a major prong of the black freedom struggle during the Jim Crow era in the South.