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Introduction INTRODUCTION This research examines the circumstances and impacts of the technological transition of Thailand’s television broadcasting industry in the area of national communication policy and TV station business operation. This introduction, that precedes nine chapters, outlines the statement of purpose of the thesis, summarises TV development in Thailand and the main theoretical foci, and explains the objectives and broad premises of the thesis. It outlines the structure of the thesis, including an introduction to the methodology under the appropriate chapter description. STATEMENT OF PURPOSE The purpose of this study is to throw light on the policy context of the digitalisation of the Thai TV industry by seeking the views of members of key groups of stakeholders. In doing so, I will be addressing an area that has not been researched adequately in Thailand to date. Thailand is a particularly apt case to study because it is a developing country that has had a history of being selectively open to exogenous innovation. I chose Thailand’s TV industry as a case study because Thailand is a developing country that is one of the main technology adopters in the Asia Pacific region, and has an open engagement with global technological transition. The country has a vibrant press and an enormous quantum of democratic energy, but also it has experienced an inordinately large number of military coups. The Military continues to have considerable ownership over television stations and assigned control over broadcasting frequencies. The new communication technologies are seen as 1 democratising (de Sola Pool 1983; 1990). What then is the policy context in which new technologies associated with digitalisation are absorbed by the Thai TV industry? More specifically, the main focuses of the study are to explore (1) major factors influencing Thai TV broadcasting shifting from analogue to digital, (2) prospective key benefits and disadvantages of adopting and launching Digital TV (DTV) technology in relation to TV station business operators and audiences, (3) the worthiness of investment and public interest, (4) supporting factors and obstacles of launching DTV, (5) recommendations for establishing a national DTV policy, (6) future trends, and (7) current circumstances of Thai TV stations regarding technological employment in TV station operation, as well as the preparation and readiness of Thai TV stations for migrating to digital. SUMMARY OF TV DEVELOPMENT IN THAILAND Thai television has five decades of history. Thailand can claim to be one of the pioneers of TV in the Asia Pacific region (after Japan). Bangkok was the first capital city to found a TV station in continental Asia (Katz and Wedell 1977: 11). The first Thai television station, Channel 4, ran its maiden broadcast on June 24, 1955. The station, owned by the Thai Television Company, is under the regulation of the Public Relations Department of Thailand. The second TV station, the Royal Thai Army Television Station, was established on January 25, 1958. The first colour television transmission was launched by Royal Thai Army Television, Channel 7, on November 27, 1967. In 1978, Channel 7 was the first TV station to transmit a TV signal to the network stations via an INTELSAT Satellite. TV was completely regulated by the state authorities in the first decade. Subsequently, since the late 1960s, the TV broadcasting system in Thailand was shifted into a concession scheme. Some TV stations were converted into concession TV stations, for example Channel 7 in 1967 and Channel 3 in 1970. In 1977, Channel 9 was established and operated under the management of the Mass Communication Organisation of Thailand (MCOT). The establishment of Thai TV stations was strongly related to foreign corporations and overseas technology imports. 2 TV broadcasting in Thailand has been strongly connected to the elites, militaries, and state authorities since the early days of its foundation. In other words, TV station operations were absolutely under the control of the state. The military and state authorities had power to intervene directly and indirectly in TV station administration, as well as to mandate and/or censor the station’s content presentation. In addition, many media scholars and social activists argue that the leaders, state authorities, and interest groups (military, politicians, and businessmen) used television for political agenda, propaganda, and financial benefits (Siriyuvasak 1999, 2001; Sittirak 2000). There have been accusations of conflicts of interest and corruption in the broadcasting media business since the first decade, and this greatly increased in the period of giving privileged concessions to the private sector from 1965 onwards. There were three free Terrestrial TV stations established between 1981 and 2008: Channel 11, ITV (TITV), and Thai PBS. Channel 11 was established according to the approval of the cabinet on January 15, 1985. Channel 11 can be called a government station. The main mission of the station is to distribute news and information about government policy and campaigns to the public. ITV (Independent Television) was established in 1996; however, ITV’s license was finally terminated as the station violated the contract. Thai PBS was a newly established station in early 2008. True Visions is the only dominant subscription TV service provider in the country. Since 2000, Satellite TVs have become alternative information channels for Thai audiences. One of the most prominent satellite TV channels in Thailand is ASTV (Asian Satellite Television, launched in 2005). ASTV and its news channels play an outstanding role in criticising and disclosing corruption and misconduct of politicians and state authorities. Another distinct TV channel is the Nation Channel, run by the Nation Broadcasting Corporation. Nation Channel is a 24-hour TV news station and declares itself to be a “content provider”, since at present it produces TV news and programs for many free TV stations in Thailand. In Chapter Three I provide a discussion of the historical periods related to TV policy development and policy characteristics in those periods. 3 SUMMARY OF CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORKS OF THE STUDY I draw on theories of globalisation and network society, digital television, and communication policy, in developing my conceptual frameworks for this research project, to be drawn on in the discussion in the final chapter. Globalisation, Network Society Since the global community has been consciously responding to the paradigm of globalisation variously through reformation or rejection, all members of the “global village” (McLuhan 1962), that is nation states and other actors around the world, have been unavoidably related, connected, and unified with each other in terms of economic, political, and cultural factors. Globalisation is a principal driving force of social change and reform; it has a wide range of consequences, and changes people’s lives. All states have become interdependent and have been drawn into a network society. In Chapter 1, I reviewed interdisciplinary discourses and conceptual frameworks on globalisation and network society drawing on leading contributors such as Bhagwati (2004), Nayyar (2002), Ritzer (1996; 1998), Wallerstein (1987; 2004), Chomsky (2006), Giddens (1990), Albrow (1990), Tomlinson (1994), Hirst and Thompson (1995), Griffiths and O’Callaghan (2002), Baber (1995), Latouche (1996), Appadurai (1998), Rantanen (2005), Bisley (2007), McGrew (2005), O’Brien and Williams (2004), Kirton (1993), Cox (1994), Castells (1996, 1997, 1998), Cardoso (1979), Sen (2002), Schiller (1969; 1976; 1985; 1989), Freidman (2008), Castells (1996; 1997; 1998), Virilio (1986; 1991; 1997; 2000) Agger (1998; 2004), Havey (1989), and Thussu (1998). Digital Television A significant factor contributing to the development of network society is telecommunication technology, including television technology. The accelerated convergence of telecommunication, broadcasting and print technologies through computerisation and digitalisation beginning in the 1990s resulted in the integration of television and other forms of telecommunication and informatics. The global TV industry 4 has subsequently migrated into a digital environment and is part of larger network of telematics and informatics, a movement that has had a significant impact on TV content and formats, production practices and distribution systems. This digital revolution has generated media hybridisation and interactivity in television. I present a discussion of global digital television and digital communication technology in Chapter 2, drawing on contributors to the discourse such as Kawamoto (2003), O’Driscoll (2000), Galperin (2004), Straks (2007), Straubhaar and LaRose (2000), Papathanassopoulos (2002), Hart (2004), Castells (1996) Given (2003; 2007), Kenyon (2007), Cave and Nakamura (2006), Castells, Orava and Perttula (2006), Levy (1999), Steemers (1998), Bird (2002), Atkin and LaRose (1994), Wilzig and Avigdor (2004), Shirley (1999), Palvik (1996), McQuail (2000), Lister et al (2003), Barr (2000), Negroponte (1996), Flew (2005), Lievrouw (2002), Manovich (2001), Compaine (1984), Biocca (2000), Adams, Anand, and Fox (2001), Book (2004), O’Leary (2000), Karyn Lu (2005), Orlebar (2002), Griffiths (2003), and Van Tassel (2001). Communication Policy & Thai Policy Development As global television has been technologically migrating, national communication authorities are expected to be key players in the transition. In this study, Thailand’s
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