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"THE DEBATABLE LAND";

LOUDOUN AND FAUQUIER COUNTIES, VIRGINIA,

DURING THE CIVIL WAR ERA

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements

for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate

School of The Ohio State University

By

Michael Stuart Mangus, B.A., M.A.

*****

The Ohio State University 1998

Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Mark Grimsley, Adviser

Professor Carla Pestana

Professor Randolph Roth Department of History

Professor George C. Rable Anderson University UMI Number: 9834026

Copyright 1998 by Mcuigus, Michael Stuart

All rights reserved.

UMI Microform 9834026 Copyright 1998, by UMI Company. All rights reserved.

This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.

UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 Copyright by Michael Stuart Mangus 1998 ABSTRACT

While in the past two decades social historians have enhanced greatly our knowledge of the civilian experience during the Civil War, most of these scholars have examined the Deep South or areas that did not suffer Union occupation and the accompanying devastation until late 1864 or early 1865. This dissertation relates the social, cultural, and political life of

Loudoun and Fauquier Counties, Virginia, from 1810 to

1880, focusing primarily upon the Civil War years. The wartime experience here starkly differed from the

Confederacy at large. Most whites were staunch

Unionists until Abraham Lincoln called for seventy-five thousand volunteers to preserve the Union; then they became devoted Confederates. Partisan leader John

Singleton Mosby arrived in 1863 and harassed the

Northern forces with considerable success, enjoying dramatic civilian assistance. Mosby and his guerrillas reinvigorated Confederate supporters with optimism. By

1865, most whites pledged their loyalty to two distinct

11 entities— "Mosby's Confederacy" and the Confederate

States of America. Mosby's relinquishment of the fight

vexed local secessionists more than the Army of Northern

Virginia's collapse and the South's demise. Although

most Confederate adherents remained committed to

Southern independence, never losing their will to

continue the struggle, these citizens proved even more

devoted to the men who protected them from Union

soldiers. Once the war ended, former slaveowners, who

had controlled the political and social scene during the

antebellum period, again regained their positions of

dominance at the expense of African Americans, women,

and Unionists.

The dissertation focuses on three central themes:

first, local secessionists' unwavering loyalty to the

Confederacy; second, the devastation Northern troops wreaked upon the civilian populace; finally, internal

divisions among the residents, including Unionists and

Confederates, whites and blacks, rich and poor, and men

and women. The war dramatically changed life in these

two counties as African Americans secured their freedom, women demanded political and social equality with men, and Unionists struggled to end slaveowner dominance.

Four years of war laid waste to northern Virginia, did

little to quell the tensions that existed since the antebellum period, and spawned many new debates.

iii For my most ardent supporters: my parents, Susan Landrum, and Mark Grimsley

IV ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

As this manuscript has taken shape, I have become indebted to numerous people and now welcome the opportunity to thank them for their assistance. First are the members of the dissertation committee.

Professor Mark Grimsley directed my work and provided me with valuable suggestions and assistance for which I can never repay him. In addition to bestowing countless insights into nineteenth century life. Professor

Randolph Roth critiqued my first attempt to understand the motivations of John Singleton Mosby's partisan rangers. Professor Carla Pestana helped me, a novice of religious history when I began this project, to gain a firm understanding of Quaker theology. Finally,

Professor George Rable of Anderson University took time from his busy schedule to read the entire manuscript and to offer thoughtful advice. I especially appreciate the hours he spent with me at History; War and Society (IV) discussing his research on Fredericksburg, which clarified my ideas and led me to fruitful sources for my own project.

Numerous other people have listened to me prattle on about Loudoun and Fauquier Counties, and I thank them

for sharing their time, patience, and wisdom. Foremost

is Professor Joan Cashin. I greatly appreciate her energy into my development as a scholar and her insights on the historical profession at large. She contributed

immeasurably to the dissertation. My fellow graduate students, especially Glenn Dorn, provided numerous suggestions which greatly improved the manuscript. The staffs of two dozen archives cheerfully retrieved documents and furnished me with innumerable leads. I would especially like to thank those dedicated individuals at the Virginia State Library and Archives,

Richmond;n the Ohio Historical Society, Columbus; the

Southern Historical Collection, University of North

Carolina, Chapel Hill; the William R. Perkins Library,

Duke University, Durham, North Carolina; the United

States Army Military History Institute, Carlisle

Barracks, Pennsylvania; the Alderman Library, University of Virginia, Charlottesville; and the Thomas Balch

Library, Leesburg, Virginia. The Virginia Historical

Society deserves special recognition for providing me with financial assistance in both 1995 and 1996,

VI allowing me to spend three weeks enmeshed in its

collections.

Four people merit special recognition, and thus I

dedicate the manuscript to them. First are my parents.

While they often wondered if I would ever complete the

dissertation, they always stood behind me. They have

patiently listened to me agonize over the manuscript and

encouraged me when obstacles stood in my way.

Susan Landrum, of all of my friends and peers,

remained a constant source of thought-provoking and

supportive observations. She always reminded me that

there exists a life beyond academia, and for that, I am

forever in her debt. More importantly, she imbued me with the strength to complete the dissertation, to

remain true to myself, and to conquer those moments of

self doubt that all people endure. I hope that I never

have to return the favor but promise to do so if the

need should ever arise.

Lastly, the manuscript is dedicated to Professor

Mark Grimsley. While it may be unusual and construed as

sycophantic to thus honor one's adviser, this small

token does not approximate my gratitude for the effort he has put into my development as both a scholar and as a human being. Although I challenge many of the

findings in his own The Hard Hand of War, he encouraged

Vl l me to broaden the historical discourse. Beyond the dissertation. Professor Grimsley taught me to remain faithful to my-principles. For six years I was unhappy with the mirror's reflection, but with Professor

Grimsley's unwavering encouragement, I am now at peace with its image.

Vl l l VITA

November 13, 1970...... Born - Bloomington, Indiana

1991...... B.A., Oklahoma State University Stillwater, Oklahoma

1994...... M.A. , The Ohio State University Columbus, Ohio

PUBLICATIONS

1. Michael S. Mangus. "A Cruel and Malicious War: The Society of Friends in Civil War Loudoun County, Virginia," Quaker History (Spring 1999).

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: History

Studies In:

United States History Before 1877 American Military History Latin American History

IX TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page Abstract...... ii

Dedication...... iv

Acknowledgments...... v

Vita...... ix

Introduction...... 1

Chapters:

1. "The Prospect Before Us Seems More & More Alarming": Antebellum Discord, 1810-October 1859...... 25

Slavery's Champions and Opponents...... 27 A Common Ground...... 31 An Increasingly Divided Community...... 36

2. "01 What Is To Come Of Us?": Harper's Ferry and Secession, October 1859-May 1861...... 67

A Growing Uneasiness...... 67 Secession...... 81 Preparing For War...... 88

3. "Many and Great Difficulties": Life Under Confederate Occupation, May 1861-February 1862...... 102

Who and Why They Fought...... 104 The Harsh Reality of War...... 113

4. "Beelzebub ^ His Imps"; Union Soldiers and White Civilians, February 1862-December 1862...... 148

From Nightmare To Reality: The Union Occupation.149 The Confederate Precedent...... 152 Union Policy In Action...... 155 The Struggle To Survive; The Confederate Response...... 174

5. Dread, Terror, And Hope: Unionists Versus Their Confederate Neighbors, February 1862-December 1862...... 196

The Rejection Of Violence...... 202 The War To End Slavery...... 208 A No Man's Land...... 217

6. "The Cohesive Power Of Public Plunder": Mosby And His Rangers, December 1862-April 1865...... 228

The Confederacy's Gray Ghost: John Singleton Mosby...... 229 Mosby's Rangers: The HistoriographicalDebate...235 Greedy Boy Warriors...... 240

7. War On The Doorstep: Mosby And His Subjects, December 1862-April 1865...... 271

Mosby and His Constituents...... 273 A Growing Jealousy: Local Soldiers In The Regular Army...... 288 Harassing The Unionists...... 291 Conclusion: Hope And Terror Go Hand In Hand.....293

8. To Defeat The Gray Ghost: Union SoldiersVersus Mosby And His Subjects, December 1862-April 1865...... 300

The "Blood Purge" That Never Occurred...... 302 Warring Against Civilians...... 318 Confederate Morale; 1863-1865...... 338

9. "To God Knows Where": Reconstruction, April 1865- 1880...... 358

Reconstructing Their Economic Lives...... 360 Secessionists And Unionists...... 370 Social Divisions...... 392

Conclusion: Dreams Unfulfilled...... 407

Works Cited...... 416

XI INTRODUCTION

Throughout the Civil War, armies of blue and gray

swept through northern Virginia in turns, with neither

side ever gaining complete control over the region.

This constant warfare prompted novelist John Esten Cooke

to depict the land between the Potomac and the

Rappahannock Rivers as the "Debatable Land." While the

Union and Confederacy vied for military dominance, local

citizens struggled internally over their own social,

political, and economic agendas. Throughout the

antebellum period, slaveowners and nonslaveholders

battled over their competing visions for the region, while white women and African Americans sought equality with white males. As the United States plunged into civil war, these people continued their more personal

struggles. Even after the nation's restoration in 1865, these various groups persisted in debating their own and their country's future.^

Detailing these internal conflicts, this dissertation examines life in Loudoun and Fauquier Counties from 1810 to 1880, focusing principally upon

civilian life during the Civil War. In the past two

decades, social historians have greatly enhanced our

knowledge of the turmoil civilians endured during the

struggle, but most scholars have examined the Deep South

or areas that escaped Union occupation until late 1864

or early 1865. Virginia's wartime experience differed

starkly with those regions. Union soldiers occupied

portions of the state as early as May 1861, and for the

next four years, residents faced the almost continuous

presence of Northern troops. Most of the major battles

in the eastern theater occurred within the state's

borders. Their adverse positions notwithstanding, these 2 people knew firsthand what they fought for and against.

Loudoun and Fauquier Counties represent a microcosm of life in the Upper South during the Civil War era, with the residents including people of every economic class and political loyalty. The counties lie in the

Piedmont region of Virginia, between tha Bull Run

Mountains on the east and the Blue Ridge Mountains on the west, roughly thirty miles west of Washington, D.C.

Although German and Swiss colonists also settled this region, Scotch-Irish and English immigrants predominated. Most whites were middle class farmers, although a number of planters lived in these counties. especially in Fauquier, the more southern of the two.

Blacks, most of them slaves, constituted thirty percent

of Loudoun's population in 1860 and just over fifty

percent of Fauquier's residents. Each county’s farm

production in 1860 totaled nearly ten million dollars,

while their combined manufacturing output did not equal

thirty thousand dollars. Farmers typically planted

winter wheat, with tobacco a distant fifth behind Indian

corn, oats, and rye. Loudoun and Fauquier ranked among

Virginia's wealthiest counties, but their small number

of plantations and dependence on grain crops typified

much of the Upper South.^

Although these two counties represent a small part

of the Confederacy, their wartime history provides the

opportunity to examine historians' generalized

interpretations of the civilian experience. While

scholars seek to identify broad historical trends, local

studies can provide a more personal view of these wider

patterns— either confirming, disproving, or refining

them. In essence, overviews contribute a framework for

understanding historical change in individual

communities, while local studies provide a more

textured window to analyze the broader interpretations.

After all, people experience life personally not generically. The role that nationalist sentiment played in the

Confederacy's defeat has intrigued Civil War scholars for nearly two decades. Several historians attribute

Southern defeat to the Confederacy's failure to create a nationalist sentiment, arguing that patriotic fervor initially enticed whites of all economic classes to embrace the Confederacy but that social tensions arose as nonslaveowners became convinced that only the rich benefited from the war. Some of these scholars contend that the slaveholding elite ingratiated themselves among the working classes by implementing higher tax rates on their own caste and by appealing to racist beliefs but class tensions ultimately erupted across the South.

Other historians attribute the lack of Confederate nationalism to the Southern government's inability to protect its citizens from the invading Northern army, the government's seizure of crops and animals, and its conscription policy. Confederates, all of these 4 historians argue, lost their will to fight.

Other scholars ascribe the collapse of will among

Confederate soldiers to white Southern women, who initially urged their men to enlist but later implored their husbands and sons to return home to protect and support them. As deserters roamed the countryside, terrorizing women with their marauding, against which the Confederate government afforded no protection, many

females questioned the advantages of the Confederacy

over the Union. Once they concluded that their husbands

fought exclusively for the benefit of the slaveholding

elites, women actively sought military releases for

their spouses. One historian has even suggested that

the women's letters, by encouraging the men to desert, might have caused the Confederacy's eventual downfall.^

The social, economic, and political tensions that historians have documented for other parts of the South during the antebellum and Civil War periods also existed

in Loudoun and Fauquier Counties. Although white males overwhelmingly belonged to the Whig Party, tensions over slavery and differing economic visions for the region divided the citizenry. The counties' German and Quaker residents favored an industrialized economy based on free labor. Some slaveowners initially joined the

Quakers in supporting the colonization of free blacks to

Africa and the gradual end of human bondage, but with the rise of the radical abolition movement in the 1830s, numerous slaveholders began to praise slavery as a

Christian institution and to defend it against all detractors. To many working and middle class whites' dismay, elite slaveholders controlled local politics and used their positions to protect slavery. Although no physical violence erupted between the elite slaveowners and the antislavery white residents during the antebellum period, the opportunity for locals to settle their differences through bloodshed would arise with the

Civil War.^

Despite the internal tensions that gripped Loudoun and Fauquier Counties, most local Confederate supporters remained committed to Southern independence throughout the conflict. The presence of John Singleton Mosby and his partisan rangers intensely bolstered the

Confederates' resolve. With Mosby's arrival in the counties in December 1862, the war changed for all northern Virginians. Mosby spent the last two and one-half years of the conflict gathering information for the Southern military, raiding Union supply lines, and harassing Northern forces, all the while imbuing the citizenry with a new sense of optimism, replacing the declining morale that plagued local Confederate supporters in 1862. During 1863 and 1864, these

Virginians expected that Mosby single-handedly would attain Confederate independence. By 1865, they pledged their loyalty to two distinct entities— "Mosby's

Confederacy" and the Confederate States of America.

Mosby's relinquishment of the fight in April 1865 vexed

Loudoun and Fauquier Confederates more than the Army of Northern Virginia's collapse. Although many historians

attribute the Confederacy's defeat to a loss of will,

few of these counties' secessionists willingly abandoned

the struggle. As early as February 1862 when Union

troops occupied the region. Confederate supporters

understood the cost of their rebellion but remained

loyal to the Confederacy and even more devoted to

Mosby's Rangers.^

White residents, especially women, contributed

immeasurably to the guerrillas' successes against the

Northerners. Like women across the Confederacy, they

prayed for an end to the hostilities, but most local

females beseeched their loved ones in the Southern military to drive the Union soldiers from their homes.

These women accepted the new roles thrust upon them and

willingly assisted the Confederate war effort by

gathering intelligence for the Southern army and

providing safe havens for Mosby's partisans. Without

their efforts, Mosby and his guerrillas could not have

operated behind Northern lines for so long. The wartime

experiences of these women differed markedly from those of most other Confederate females. The war transpired on the very doorsteps of Loudoun and Fauquier women, who actively sustained the Confederate defenders as they

fought the Yankee invaders. For these women, the Confederacy's demise represented both the soldiers' and Q their own failure to attain Southern independence.

While Mosby seemed to inspire local Confederate supporters, the harsh measures the Union forces adopted to subdue the elusive Mosby only intensified Loudoun and

Fauquier Confederates' resolves never to forsake the struggle. Determined to break the Confederate supporters' will and to drive Mosby from the region.

Northern officers implemented "hard war" against the civilian populace. Throughout the first two years of the conflict. Federal troops legally commandeered foodstuffs and livestock from local civilians. Once

Mosby began to harass the Union forces, the Northerners insisted that all residents aided the partisans, and

Union foraging, although still condoned under the rules of war, assumed a new savagery. The Northern troops also increasingly engaged in such illegal acts as stealing money, jewelry, and other forms of wealth and torching outbuildings and occasionally homes, destroying any security the residents formerly enjoyed. The Union soldiers' attempts to destroy civilian will backfired, as Loudoun and Fauquier Confederates perceived the

Yankees as savages who pillaged and killed innocent and helpless civilians. They would never willingly rejoin a 9 nation that condoned such brutality. Historians continue to debate why Union soldiers engaged in these acts of depredation. Did the Northern army consist of blood-thirsty thieves who punished

Southerners for causing the Civil War or patriotic soldiers who campaigned against civilians to crush their will to fight? Most of these scholars accept that

Northern officials initially followed a conciliatory policy, hoping to win reluctant Confederates back to the

Union by treating them with kindness and respecting their property. Over time, Charles Royster contends.

Federal officers adopted "destructive war," attacking civilian property to deny it to the Confederate army and to squash the Southern populace's resolve. Northern soldiers, Royster argues, welcomed this policy change, allowing them to punish Southerners for starting a war that violated the ideals of the American Revolution.

Challenging some of Royster's conclusions, Mark Grimsley maintains that unrestrained vengeance did not motivate most Union troops, who rarely engaged in the gleeful destruction of the South, as Royster charges. While

Northerners plundered Southerners of every social class and race, Grimsley maintains that Union soldiers wielded their worst destruction on the most devout Confederates, usually the South's wealthiest residents. My findings most closely approximate those of a third historian, Gerald F. Linderman. Although Northern soldiers accurately held that the South's destruction would effectuate a Union victory, Linderman maintains that political theories and economic visions for the country did not motivate them. While Northern officers initially pursued a conciliatory policy, Linderman argues, as early as 1862, their men generally forsook this plan. Many Union soldiers, who began seizing fence rails for firewood and crops and livestock to supplement their diets, quickly expanded their pillaging to include jewelry, money, china, clothing, and other forms of wealth. While most soldiers claimed that they only plundered secessionists, they rarely determined a victim's political beliefs. After years of war, lonely for their families, and jaded by so much bloodshed, these men sought revenge.

The presence of Mosby's Rangers sparked Union troops to new levels of cruelty against northern

Virginia's civilian population. Each of Mosby's stunning triumphs and his remarkable elusiveness bred paranoia among Union soldiers, who concluded that all of the region's white males belonged to the guerrilla organization. Male residents, the Northerners maintained, passed themselves off as harmless farmers by

10 day only to become wanton murderers by night. To defeat the partisans, who supposedly did not practice a legitimate form of warfare, the Yankees claimed that the rules of war allowed them to extend the hostilities to the civilian populace. The Northerners hoped to subdue the guerrillas by arresting all male civilians, destroying the residents' livestock and food supplies, burning their outbuildings, and on rare occasions, executing both guerrillas and civilians. Having established their justification. Union troops proceeded 12 to flail the region with increasing vengeance.

The Yankees' arrival in the counties provided local

Unionists an opportunity to overthrow the slaveowners' dominance, but the wanton bloodshed that characterized guerrilla conflicts in other parts of the Confederacy never quite materialized in Loudoun and Fauquier

Counties. The most flagrant examples of unrestrained ferocity occurred in Missouri, where historian Michael

Fellman contends that predominantly middle class guerrillas fought in the Confederacy's name for personal gain and revenge. Missourians utilized violence to settle old grudges with their neighbors, to defend their honor, and to maintain their way of life— whether based on slave or free labor. Although political issues and slavery divided Loudoun and Fauquier residents

11 philosophically, they eschewed the eye-for-an-eye mentality so prevalent in Missouri.

The Unionists' pacifist religious beliefs partly account for the absence of violence among northern

Virginians. Most white Unionists belonged to the

Society of Friends. Fifteen hundred strong in 1860, the

Quakers constituted the third largest religious body in

Loudoun County and included more than one-fourth of all the Friends residing in Virginia. Their opposition to violence precluded the majority of Friends from utilizing force to defend themselves and their property.

Although Mosby's Rangers and other Confederate units commonly requisitioned animals and foodstuffs from the

Quakers, most Friends shunned physical attempts to 14 restrain the pillagers.

As Union soldiers intensified their acts of hardship upon Loudoun and Fauquier Countians, local

Unionists and Confederates increasingly depended upon each other for their survival. With their crops indiscriminately burned or seized, their livestock commandeered, many of their outbuildings destroyed, their farm machinery incapacitated or stolen, and their homes infested with Yankee soldiers, animosity declined between local Unionists and Confederates. The residents, as Northern persecution escalated, supported

12 each other in their privation but remained devoted to their respective causes. Once the conflict ended, social, political, and economic tensions quickly returned.^15

The Civil War drastically altered these counties, but many of the seemingly dramatic changes proved transitory. Following the conflict, agriculture again dominated the local economy. Antebellum slaveholders continued to rule local politics and commanded the region's financial resources, not because they possessed slaves but because they owned the largest tracts of land. White women begrudgingly relinquished many of the new roles they had assumed. Once Robert E 1 Lee surrendered the Army of Northern Virginia at Appomattox, most former Confederates strove to return to the pre-war status quo, while prior Unionists and freed bondsmen struggled to break the hold the ex-slaveowners held over their lives.

The dissertation follows both a thematic and chronological framework. Chapter I discusses life in the counties from approximately 1810 until John Brown's raid on Harper's Ferry in October 1859. During this half century, slaveowners and nonslaveholders agreed on numerous issues, but slavery increasingly divided them.

Chapter II examines Virginia's move toward secession.

13 Tensions that had developed during the antebellum period swelled as residents debated their state's future. Life under the Confederate government provides the impetus for Chapter III. Confederate supporters drove Unionists from the counties but lived in fear that Yankee soldiers would soon occupy their beloved homes. The realization of the Confederates' worst fears shapes Chapter IV.

Union soldiers first occupied the counties in February

1862. Although they commandeered animals and supplies from the residents' larders, the Yankees generally pursued a conciliatory policy toward the civilians.

Confederate supporters anticipated the worst; what they endured, as dreadful as it was, would compare favorably to the desolation that they would experience later in the conflict. Chapter V explores the tensions between local Unionists and Confederates. The Union soldiers' presence permitted their supporters new opportunities to end the slaveowners' dominance, but they did not take advantage of the situation.

Mosby and his partisan rangers dominate the remainder of the wartime chapters. Chapter VI examines who Mosby and his guerrillas were, including the factors that prompted them to risk their lives operating behind enemy lines. Why most civilians' welcomed the guerrillas consumes Chapter VII. Chapter VIII focuses

14 on Union policy toward Mosby and his rangers and discusses the Northern officials' decision to forsake

their conciliatory policy and to wage hard war against civilians. Despite the Union's efforts to destroy their will. Confederate supporters never gave up hope for

Southern independence. Chapter IX concludes the dissertation with a discussion of the post-war rebuilding process and how antebellum conflicts flourished after four years of war and a resounding

Union victory.

In The Confederate War, Gary Gallagher systematically attacks the loss of will thesis and attributes the South's defeat primarily to the Union's superior manpower reserves and industrial capacity.

While he acknowledges internal divisions within the

Confederacy, most Southern supporters, Gallagher contends, still had complete faith in the Confederate military in late 1864 and early 1865. This dissertation supports Gallagher's conclusions. Situated on the

Confederacy's border with the Union, Loudoun and

Fauquier residents endured the might of both nations as the Civil War reverberated on their very doorsteps.

While the broader fight over slavery and the United

States' reunification raged around them, internal schisms gripped the counties' residents, who struggled

15 over whether to maintain or to change forever the antebellum status quo. Although the Civil War dramatically altered the landscape by ending slavery and

inflicting tremendous losses in life and property, the war failed to quell the antebellum social, economic, and political tensions among these northern Virginians. They remained committed to their respective causes and to their visions for their state and country.

16 NOTES TO INTRODUCTION

^John Esten Cooke, Wearing of the Gray ; Being Personal Portraits, Scenes and Adventures of the War (New York: E.B. Treat & Co., 1867), 467. See also Alexander Hunter, The Women of the Debatable Land (Washington, D.C.: Corden Publishing Company, 1912), 8- 13; Alexander Hunter, Johnny Reb and Billy Yank (New York: The Neale Publishing Company, 1905), 642-647.

^See Gary W. Gallagher, "Home Front and Battlefield: Some Recent Literature Relating to Virginia and the Confederacy," The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 98 (April 1990): 440-506. For another view of the status of Civil War social histories, see Maris A. Vinovskis, "Have Social Historians Lost the Civil War? Some Preliminary Demographic Speculations," The Journal of American History 76 (June 1989): 34-35. See also Daniel E. Sutherland, "Getting the "Real War" into the Books," The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 98 (April 1990): 193-220. Among the leading Civil War local studies are Noel C. Fisher, War At Every Door : Partisan Politics and Guerrilla Violence in East Tennessee, 1860-1869 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1997); Charles C. Bolton, Poor Whites of the Antebellum South: Tenants and Laborers in Central North Carolina and Northeast Mississippi (Durham: Duke University Press, 1994); Noel C. Fisher, "'War at Every Man's Door': The Struggle for East Tennessee, 1860-1869" (Ph. D. diss.. The Ohio State University, 1993); Victoria E. Bynum, Unruly Women: The Politics of Social £ Sexual Control in the Old South (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1992 ); Bill Cecil-Fronsman, Common Whites : Class and Culture in Antebellum North Carolina (n.p.: The University Press of Kentucky, 1992); Wayne K. Durrill, War of Another Kind: A Southern Community in the Great Rebellion (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Michael Fellman, Inside War: The Guerrilla Conflict in Missouri During the American Civil War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989); Stephen V. Ash, Middle Tennessee Society Transformed, 1860-1870 : War and Peace in the Upper South (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988); William Thomas Auman, "Neighbor Against Neighbor: The Inner Civil War in the Central Counties of Confederate North Carolina" (Ph. D. diss.,

17 The University of North Carolina, 1988); Robert C. Kenzer, Kinship and Neighborhood in a Southern Community: Orange County, North Carolina, 1849-1881 (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1987); Clarence L. Mohr, On the Threshold of Freedom: Masters and Slaves in Civil War Georgia (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1986); Paul Escott, Many Excellent People: Power and Privilege in North Carolina, 1850-1900 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1985); J. William Harris, Plain Folk and Gentry in a^ Slave Society: White Liberty and Black Slavery in Augusta's Hinterlands (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1985); Randolph B. Campbell, A Southern Community in Crisis : Harrison County, Texas, 1850-1880 (Austin: Texas State Historical Association, 1983); Steven Hahn, The Roots of Southern Populism; Yeoman Farmers and the Transformation of the Georgia Upcountry, 1850-1890 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983 ); Philip Shaw Paludan, Victims : A True Story of the Civil War (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1981). On Virginia, see William Blair, Virginia's Private War: Feeding Body and Soul in the Confederacy, 1861-1865 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998); Daniel E. Sutherland, Seasons of War: The Ordeal of a Confederate Community, 1861-1865 (New York: The Free Press, 1995); Daniel W. Crofts, Old Southhampton : Politics and Society in a Virginia County, 1834-1869 (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1992); Edward L. Ayers and John C. Willis, eds.. Edge of the South (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1991); Stephen V. Ash, "White Virginians Under Federal Occupation, 1861-1865," The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 98 (April 1990): 169-192; Frederick F. Siegel, The Roots of Southern Distinctiveness : Tobacco and Society in Danville, Virginia, 1780-1865 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1987); Crandall A. Shifflett, Patronage and Poverty in the Tobacco South; Louisa County, Virginia, 1860-1900 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1982); James I. Robertson, Jr., Civil War Virginia ; Battleground for Nation (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, n.d.). See also Daniel E. Sutherland, "Introduction to War: The Civilians of Culpeper County, Virginia," Civil War History: The Journal of the Middle Period 37 (June 1991).

^Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, The Population Statistics for the Census of 1860 (n.p.: The United States Government Printing Office, n.d.). On Virginia's Germans, see Klaus Wust, The Virginia Germans

18 (Charlottesville: The University of Virginia Press, 1969). On Loudoun County, see Margaret Ann Vogtsberger, ed., The Dulanys of Melbourne : A Family in Mosby ' s Confederacy (Berryville, Virg.: Rockbridge Publishing Company, 1995), 153-156; Frank Raflo, Within the Iron Gates : A Collection of Stories About Loudoun (Leesburg, Virg.: Loudoun Times-Mirror, 1988); Eugene M. Scheel, The History of Middleburg and Vicinity: Honoring the 200th Anniversary of the Town, 1787-1987 (Warrenton, Virg.: Piedmont Press, 1987); Charles Preston Poland, Jr., From Frontier to Suburbia (Marceline, Missouri: Walsworth Publishing Company, 1976); John Divine, Wilbur C. Hall, Marshall Andrews, and Penelope M. Osburn, Loudoun County and the Civil War: A History and Guide (Leesburg, Virg.: The Potomac Press, 1961); Harrison Williams, Legends of Loudoun: An Account of the History and Homes of a Border County of Virginia's Northern Neck (Richmond: Garrett and Massie, Incorporated, 1938); James W. Head, History and Comprehensive Description of Loudoun County Virginia (n.p.: Parke View Press, 1908); Yardley Taylor, Memoir of Loudon County, Virginia (Leesburg, Virg.: Thomas Reynolds, Publisher, 1853). For Fauquier County, see Eugene M. Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, Virginia, 2d ed., (Warrenton, Virg.: The Fauquier Bank; 1995); Lee Moffett, The Diary of Court House Square: Warrenton, Virginia, U.S.A., From Early Times Through 1986 (Stephens City, Virg.: Commercial Press, 1988); Eugene M. Scheel, The Guide to Fauquier: A Survey of the Architecture and History of a Virginia County (Warrenton, Virg.: Warrenton Printing & Publishing, 1976); Emily G. Ramey and John K. Gott for the Fauquier County Civil War Centennial Committee, The Years of Anguish : Fauquier County, Virginia, 1861-1865 (Warrenton, Virg.: The Fauquier Democrat, 1965); Fauquier County, Virginia : 1759-1959 (Warrenton: Virginia Publishing Company, Incorporated, 1959); H.C. Groome, Fauquier During the Proprietorship: A Chronicle of the Colonization and Organization of a^ Northern Neck County (Richmond: Old Dominion Press, 1927). See also Howe, History of Virginia (n.p.: n.d. (1840?)), 263-267, 352-358. 4 For scholars attributing Confederate defeat to a loss of will, see Drew Gilpin Faust, The Creation of Confederate Nationalism: Ideology and Identity in the Civil War South (Baton Rouge: The Louisiana State University Press, 1988); Richard E. Beringer and others, eds.. Why the South Lost the Civil War (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1986); Paul D. Escott, "The Failure of Confederate Nationalism: The Old South's

19 Class System in the Crucible of War," in The Old South in the Crucible of War, ed. Harry P. Owens and James J. Cooke (Jackson: The University Press of Mississippi, 1983 ) .

^On women and the Civil War, see Drew Gilpin Faust, Mothers of Invention: Women of the Slaveholdinq South in the American Civil War (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1996); Bynum, Unruly Women ; George C. Rable, Civil Wars : Women and the Crisis of Southern Nationalism (Urbana; University of Illinois Press, 1991); Drew Gilpin Faust, "Altars of Sacrifice: Confederate Women and the Narratives of War," The Journal of American History 77 (March 1990). On the changing relationships between husbands and wives and the new roles assumed by women, see Joan E. Cashin, "'Since the War Broke Out': The Marriage of Kate and William McLure," in Divided Houses : Gender and the Civil War, ed. Catherine Clinton and Nina Silber (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992).

^Department of Commerce, The Population Statistics for the Census of 1860.

^For one example of how Loudoun and Fauquier residents viewed Mosby, see Nancy Chappelear Baird, ed.. Journals of Amanda Virginia Edmonds : Lass of the Mosby Confederacy, 1857-1867, 2d ed. , (Stephens City, Virg.: Commercial Press, 1988). On Mosby's Rangers, see Hugh C. Keen and Horace Mewborn, 43rd Battalion Virginia Cavalry Mosby's Command (Lynchburg, Virg.: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1993); Jeffry D. Wert, Mosby's Rangers (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1990); Kevin H. Siepel, Rebel: The Life and Times of John Singleton Mosby (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1983); Virgil Carrington Jones, Ranger Mosby (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1944; reprint, McLean, Virg.: EPM Publications, Inc., 1972). See also Virgil Carrington Jones, Gray Ghosts and Rebel Raiders (n.p.: 1956; reprint, McLean, Virg.: EPM Publications, Inc., 1984); James J. Worsham, "Colonel John S. Mosby: A Study in Effective Partisan Leadership" (Seminar paper. University of Alabama, 1971).

Q On women in Mosby's Confederacy, see Hunter, The Debatable Land. g The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, vol., 43, pt. 2, (Washington, D.C.: The Government

20 Printing Office, 1880-1901), 671-672. On hard war and its effects upon both soldiers and civilians, see Mark Grimsley, The Hard Hand of War; Union Military Policy Toward Southern Civilians, 1861-1865 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Charles Royster, The Destructive War: William Tecumseh Sherman, Stonewall Jackson, and the Americans (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1991). I have chosen to use Grimsley's term "hard war" to describe eventual Union policy toward Confederate civilians. The Civil War was not a "total war" for several reasons. First of all, the North and South did not mobilize their economies and their manpower sufficiently to describe the conflict as a total war. Secondly, Confederate supporters lost much in the war, but most Union soldiers did not engage in the wanton murder of civilians or in the complete devastation of the South. The Civil War definitely was not a total war, but it certainly was hard. See Grimsley, The Hard Hand of War, 2-5. See also Stephen V. Ash, When the Yankees Came: Conflict and Chaos in the Occupied South, 1861-1865 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1995). Ash's model for the occupied South, consisting of the Union's garrisoned towns, No-Man's-Land, the Confederate frontier, and the Confederate interior, is not applicable to the Loudoun and Fauquier wartime experience. Beginning in December 1862, John Singleton Mosby and his rangers proved that Union forces could not control even the garrisoned towns. A solid overview of life under Union occupation, Ash's model may fit other regions of the Confederacy but, because of Mosby, cannot be applied to this portion of northern Virginia.

^^Grimsley, The Hard Hand of War; Royster, The Destructive War.

^^Grimsley, The Hard Hand of War; Royster, The Destructive War; Gerald F . Linderman, Embattled Courage: The Experience of Combat in the American Civil War (New York: The Free Press, 1987). 12 On paranoia, see Thomas A. Widiger and others, eds., DSM-IV Sourcebook, vol. 2, (Washington: The American Psychiatric Association, 1996), 647-670; Howard H. Goldman, Review of General Psychiatry, 4th ed., (Norwalk, Conn.: Appleton & Lange, 1995), 310-312; Harold I. Kaplan and Benjamin J. Sadock, eds.. Comprehensive Textbook of Psychiatry/VI, 6th ed., (Baltimore: Wiliams & Wilkins, 1995), 1033-1036; Robert E. Hales, Stuart C. Yudofsky, and John A. Talbott, eds.,

21 Textbook of Psychiatry, 2d ed., (Washington: American Psychiatric Press, Inc., 1994), 450-451, 707-708; The ICD-10 Classification of Mental and Behavioral Disorders : Clinical Descriptions and Diagnostic Guidelines (Geneva: The World Health Organization, 1992), 84-109.

^^On Unionists in northern Virginia, see Richard Nelson Current, Lincoln's Loyalists : Union Soldiers From the Confederacy (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1992); Daniel W. Crofts, Reluctant Confederates : Upper South Unionists in the Secession Crisis (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1989). On the slave and free black experience during the war, see James O. Horton, Free People of Color: Inside the African American Community (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1993); Cashin, ""Since the War Broke Out";" Jim Cullen, ""I 's a Man Now": Gender and African American Men," in Divided Houses : Gender and the Civil War, ed. Catherine Clinton and Nina Silber (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Ira Berlin and others, eds. , Freedom: A Documentary History of Emancipation, 1861-1867 (N.p.: Cambridge University Press, 1982-1990); Joseph T. Glatthaar, Forged in Battle ; The Civil War Alliance of Black Soldiers and White Officers (New York: The Free Press, 1990); Orville Vernon Burton, I^ My Father's House Are Many Mansions : Family and Community in Edgefield, South Carolina (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1985); Suzanne Lebsock, The Free Women of Petersburg : Status and Culture in a Southern Town, 1784-1860 (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1985); George P. Rawick, ed.. The American Slave: A Composite Autobiography (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Publishing Company, 19 77); James H. Brewer, The Confederate Negro : Virginia's Craftsmen and Military Laborers, 1861-1865 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1969). On Loudoun and Fauquier Counties, see Brenda E. Stevenson, Life in Black and White: Family and Community in the Slave South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996); Afro-American Historical Association of Fauguier County 2 (1993); Poland, From Frontier to Suburbia; Scheel, The Guide to Fauquier; Oswald Garrison Villard, John Brown, 1800-1859 : A Biography Fifty Years After (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1911); Head, History and Comprehensive Description of Loudoun County Virginia. On guerrilla conflict in Missouri, see Fellman, Inside War. See also Edwin C. Fishel, The Secret War for the Union: The Untold Story of Military Intelligence in the Civil War (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1996).

22 14 Department of Commerce, The Population Statistics the Census of 1860. On Quakers, slavery, Virginia, the war, see Jay Worrall, Jr., The Friendly Virginians ; America's First Quakers (Athens, Georgia: Iberian Publishing Company, 1994); Jacquelyn S. Nelson, Indiana Quakers Confront the Civil War (Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Society, 1991); Peter Brock, The Quaker Peace Testimony, 1660 to 1914 (York, England: Sessions Book Trust, 1990); Damon Douglas Hickey, "The Quakers in the New South, 1865-1920" (Ph.D. diss.. University of South Carolina, 1989); Jean R. Soderlund, Quakers ^ Slavery: A Divided Spirit (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988); Larry Dale Gregg, Migration in Early America: The Virginia Quaker Experience (Ann Arbor: University Microfilms International, 1980); Robert W. Doherty, The Hicksite Separation : A Sociological Analysis of Religious Schism in Early Nineteenth Century America (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1967); Edward Needles Wright, Conscientious Objectors in the Civil War (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1931); Margaret E. Hirst, The Quakers in Peace and War: An Account of Their Peace Principles and Practice (London: Swarthmore Press, 1923); Rufus M. Jones, The Later Periods of Quakerism (London: MacMillan and Co., Limited, 1921), 728-755; Stephen B. Weeks, Southern Quakers and Slavery: A Study in Institutional History (Baltimore: The John Hopkins Press, 1896); Fernando G. Cartland, Southern Heroes : The Friends in War Time (Cambridge: The Riverside Press, 1895); Samuel M. Janney, History of the Religious Society of Friends, from its Rise to the Year 1828 (Philadelphia: Hayes & Zell, 1859). On Quakers in Loudoun County, see Charles M. Cummings, Yankee Quaker, Confederate General: Curious Career of Bushrod Rust Johnson (Columbus, Ohio: The General's Books, 1993); Asa Moore Janney and Werner Janney, Ye Meetg Hous Smal: A Short Account of Friends in Loudoun County, Virginia, 1732-1980 (Lincoln, Virg.: n.p.: 1980); Werner L. Janney and Asa Moore Janney, eds., John Jay Janney's Virginia: An American Farm Lad's Life in the Early 19th Century, (McLean, Virg.: EPM Publications, Inc., 1978); Poland, From Frontier to Suburbia; Asa Janney and Werner Janney, The Composition Book: Stories from the Old Days in Lincoln, Virginia, 6th ed., (N.p.: 1973); William Wade Hinshaw, Encyclopedia of American Quaker Genealogy (Ann Arbor: Edward Bros., Inc., 1950); Samuel M. Janney, Memoirs of Samuel M. Janney: Late of Lincoln, Loudoun Co., VA. A

23 Minister in the Religious Society of Friends, 4th ed., (Philadelphia: Friend's Book Association, 1890).

^^For examples of Unionists and Confederates putting aside their differences, see Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Melbourne, 100-180; Janney, Memoirs of Samuel M. Janney, 193-195.

^^On Reconstruction, see Eric Foner, Reconstruction : The Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877 (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1988). On the late nineteenth century South, see Edward L. Ayers, The Promise of the New South: Life After Reconstruction (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); C. Van Woodward, Origins of the New South,1877-1913 (Baton Rouge: The Louisiana State University Press, 1951); Jonathan M. Wiener, Social Originsof the New South: Alabama, 1860-1885 (Baton Rouge: The Louisiana State University Press, 1978 ).

^^Gary W. Gallagher, The Confederate War (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997). Gallagher was by no means the first to attack the loss of will thesis. For earlier critics, see Robert K. Krick, review of Why the South Lost the Civil War, by Richard E. Beringer and others. In The Journal of American History 74 (September 1987): 523-524; David Herbert Donald, review of Why the South Lost the Civil War, by Richard E. Beringer and others. In The American Historical Review 92 (June 1987): 748-749; Emory M. Thomas, review of Why the South Lost the Civil War, by Richard E. Beringer and others. In The Journal of Southern History LIII (May 1987): 336-338.

24 CHAPTER 1

"THE PROSPECT BEFORE US SEEMS MORE & MORE ALARMING":

ANTEBELLUM DISCORD, 1810-OCTOBER 1859

In 1850, the Loudoun County grand jury indicted

Samuel Janney, a Quaker, for publishing an article in

the Leesburg Washingtonian that, it felt, encouraged

slaves to rebel against their masters. Janney wrote the

article in response to a speech William A. Smith,

president of Randolph Macon College, gave at the

Leesburg courthouse earlier in the month. Although

residents expected Smith to deliver an address on

education, his remarks focused on slavery. He boldly attacked the Declaration of Independence and argued that

the Bible sanctioned human bondage.^

At his trial, Janney contended that slavery degraded men by regarding them as property. He denied ever questioning an individual's right to own slaves and argued that his Quaker faith precluded his advocacy of violent slave rebellion. The article, he insisted, simply attempted to convince his white neighbors of

slavery's immorality and urged Southerners to abolish

25 the institution. By bringing him to trial, the court denied him his freedom of speech, Janney further asserted. He admonished the justices that the longer his case remained before the public an increasing number of converts would accept his position on slavery's unjustness. The court dismissed the charges, but the chief magistrate warned Janney against "meddling" with 2 slavery.

Janney's trial epitomizes the dissension that existed among Loudoun and Fauquier whites throughout the antebellum period. While white residents sometimes argued over politics, economics, and religion, slavery proved the major point of contention among them. Many citizens questioned the institution's profitability and sought to enhance their wealth through industrialization, while numerous nonslaveholders hoped to become wealthy enough to own slaves. Still others, especially the sizable Quaker population in northwestern

Loudoun and some Methodists in both counties, attacked the morality of slaveownership. To the dismay of those who opposed slavery and envisioned a more industrialized and less agrarian state, influential slaveowners controlled the political and economic scene.

26 Slavery's Champions and Opponents

Slavery controlled every aspect of the counties' predominantly agricultural economies. Throughout the

first half of the nineteenth century, the slave population of both counties remained constant. The

10,455 slaves in Fauquier County in 1860 represented

fifty-two percent of the inhabitants, with ninety percent of the combined white and black male populations engaged in agricultural pursuits. Loudoun County had

5,501 slaves, out of a total population of 21,744. In both counties, most slaveholders owned fewer than five slaves; the majority possessed only one. Although

Loudoun County had fewer plantations than its neighbor, slavery still dominated its economy.^

Just as slavery remained crucial to the livelihood of many white residents, slaveownership also determined a person's social and political stature. Scholars continue to debate why white working-class individuals consistently chose the most prominent slaveholders for public office and why they supported the Confederacy during the Civil War. Some historians contend that slavery's champions defended the practice not to convince abolitionists of the institution's morality but to create a racial bond among Southern whites of all

27 social classes. These scholars argue that elite

Southerners paternalistically loaned their poorer

neighbors money or provided them with slaves to help with planting and harvesting. Indebted to their

benefactors, the recipients elected these men to

political office. As long as they profited from the

system, the working class continued to support wealthy 4 slaveowners politically.

Other historians emphasize white society's homogeneity, with racism or a common economic vision uniting Southern whites. Those scholars who espouse bigotry as the solidifying factor emphasize thewhites' belief that God had chosen Africans for slavery. Those historians who advocate that a similar economic interest bound whites together maintain that most of these

Southerners lived as middle-class farmers. Whether racism or a shared economic view provided the impetus, these historians all conclude that white Southerners held a common, unifying ideology.^

Neither of these two interpretations completely explain why poorer whites in Loudoun and Fauquier

Counties united with elite slaveowners. Most local whites were racist, believing slavery actually helped civilize the savage blacks. Many members of the working class also aspired to slaveownership or received

28 employment or material assistance from the elites.

Slaveholders hired many of these individuals as day laborers during the planting and harvesting seasons; some white residents served as overseers, while others found employment as skilled artisans, who plied their trade among the neighboring plantations. For instance,

Elizabeth Carter loaned John Norris money to purchase seed and to provide for his family. In March 1860,

Norris informed Carter of his inability to make his loan payment. Carter's response is unknown, but Norris, in his time of need, petitioned this wealthy woman most deferentially.^

Those whites opposed to slavery argued that the region's major crops— winter wheat, Indian corn, oats, and rye— did not require slave labor. Most people who favored an industrialized economy and opposed slavery resided in northwestern Loudoun County, home to fifteen hundred Quakers and a sizable, industrial-minded German population. This region consisted of moderate-sized farms that free men cultivated. It contrasted starkly with southern Loudoun and Fauquier, where slavery abounded and depleted land values resulted from poor

29 productivity, a consequence of tobacco farming that drained the soil of its nutrients.^

Throughout the early 1800s, many whites, especially in northwestern Loudoun, invested in farming machinery instead of slaves. In 1816, Stephen McCormick developed the first cast-iron plow with detachable parts, and by

1840, his factory had produced over ten thousand.

Agriculturalists, in the 1820s and 1830s, introduced horse-driven threshing machines and wheat drills, while local resident John Balthrop fashioned a double-shovel plow that facilitated the cultivation of corn. These agricultural innovations should have decreased the counties' reliance on slave labor, but most slaveowning residents steadfastly supported the institution and g refused to invest in such machinery.

Other citizens forsook agriculture to become industrialists, including Andrew Glendening, who received patents in 1824 for an apple cutter, a sausage machine, a washing machine, and a fly killer. In 1821,

F. Brooks opened the Phoenix Factory at Aldie, where he carded, fulled, and dyed wool. He quickly faced competition from establishments near Middleburg and

Waterford. The German and Quaker residents typically operated these industrial facilities, situated primarily in Loudoun County. Some slaveowners diversified their

30 interests by building grain mills, but most of these g citizens continued in their farming pursuits.

A Common Ground

Daspite their differing economic viewpoints, both

slaveholders and those espousing industrialization

agreed upon numerous other issues throughout the

antebellum period. Foremost was the pressing need for

quick and easy access to the counties' principal

markets. Throughout the early nineteenth century,

members of both groups pushed for the creation of a

transportation system. Numerous petitions to the

Virginia legislature complained about the deplorable

condition of the counties' highways, including one that

likened the Hillsboro road to "allmost the worst in the

world.

White residents invested in several paved

turnpikes, including the Little River Turnpike, which

connected Aldie with Alexandria. By 1820, additional

roads extended this thoroughfare to the Shenandoah

Valley. During the late 1840s, northwestern Loudouners

gained access to the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad at

Harper's Ferry thanks to the Hillsboro Turnpike. In

Fauquier County, the Alexandria Turnpike reached

31 Warrenton in 1826, and by 1835, the Alexandria,

Winchester, Fredericksburg, and Charlottesville post roads had converged in the town's center.

The investment in paved roads made the counties centers of trade in northern Virginia, as Shenandoah

Valley tobacco growers transported their hogsheads to

Dumfries, antebellum Virginia's major tobacco market.

These turnpikes reduced transportation costs from one dollar, on average, to seventy-five cents per barrel of flour, and they allowed passengers to travel from

Washington, D.C., to Winchester in the Shenandoah Valley in a single day. By 1820, postal service also had greatly improved, with Leesburg receiving mail from

Washington three times each week and from other parts of 12 Virginia and neighboring states twice a week.

Although a number of white residents invested in these ventures, few received a solid financial return from their stock purchases, while others benefited immensely from the road network. Most companies defaulted on the promised dividends, as the costs of building and the maintenance of the roads exceeded projections. A descendant of Virginia bluebloods who had fallen on hard times in the early 1800s, William

Smith purchased stock in the turnpikes but lost most of his investments. In 1827, he organized a mail and

32 passenger service from Culpeper Court House to Fairfax, eventually extending this line from Baltimore, Maryland, to Galveston, Texas. The federal government awarded him postal delivery contracts all along this route, making

Smith a very wealthy man.^^

The railroads experienced wider support across both counties and attained a much greater success than the turnpikes. Upon the completion of the Baltimore and

Ohio Railroad in 1836, merchants in Alexandria lost their trade with the Shenandoah Valley, as farmers utilized the cheaper rail transportation to ship their products to Baltimore. With the Loudoun and Fauquier turnpikes barren of traffic, merchants chartered the

Alexandria, Loudoun, and Hampshire Railroad Company in the 1850s to connect Alexandria with the Shenandoah

Valley. On May 17, 1860, the first train arrived in

Leesburg from Alexandria, but construction halted in 14 1861 as the nation plunged into civil war.

The counties' wealthiest men and women, slaveholders and nonslaveowners alike, invested in the

Manassas Gap Railroad, Fauquier County's most successful line. Alfred Rector, who owned fifteen shares, offered the railroad all the land it desired to loop past his store and warehouse in Rectortown. Completion of the railroad to Markham led another citizen to open a store

33 in that community in 1852, where local farmers kept him busy bringing in their wheat. The railroad's construction allowed most farmers affordable access to their markets.

While slaveowners and their opponents found a common cause in the turnpikes and the railroads, not everyone favored the counties' transportation revolution. Although white working-class individuals aspired to greater wealth, many opposed the transportation improvements because of the cost to themselves. Virginia law required that its citizens either work on the turnpikes or pay an exemption fee; others could not afford the charges to utilize the new facilities and continued to travel the unimproved roads.

While a few people benefited from these advancements, most working-class citizens continued to suffer economic stagnation and dependence on the elites.

Just as many slaveowners and nonslaveholders jointly supported the transportation revolution, many also found a common cause in their opposition to intemperance. Yardley Taylor condemned overindulgence as the scourge of humankind, and his fellow Quakers, because of their religious opposition to alcohol, dominated Loudoun's Sons of Temperance. At a gathering in Waterford in August 1849, more than 150 of the

34 group's members participated in a march to encourage others to follow their example.

Foremost among Fauquier's temperance advocates,

Robert E. Peyton led the Benevolent Temperance Society of Salem. Slaveowners constituted the majority of this organization's membership, including Peyton who, in

1860, owned nine slaves. The group sought to prevent their fellow whites from damaging their livelihood through intemperance. By imbibing to an extreme, a drunkard not only injured his health and clogged his mind but also shortened his life. The fear of ridicule deterred many whites from participating, and in the case of wives and children, the opposition of husbands and fathers kept them from joining the society. Despite his white neighbors' enmity, Peyton continued to campaign for abstinence. Unwilling to impose restrictions on their intemperate white neighbors, in January 1860,

Fauquier County's most powerful men petitioned the state legislature to implement harsh penalties for the selling of alcohol to slaves, because liquor infused into their 18 minds discontent and promoted insubordination.

35 An Increasingly Divided Community

Slavery drove a wedge between the counties' residents like no other issue and impacted attempts to enhance the wider society. Fearing that mandatory public instruction would challenge slavery's precepts, slaveholders disagreed with the Quakers on the need for education to create a moral populace. Samuel Janney vigorously advocated state-financed public schools, insisting that education would "elevate and enlighten" white children. Education, the Quaker insisted, would promote the antislavery sentiment that "ignorance and 19 prejudice" obstructed.

Public schools actually outnumbered private schools in the counties prior to the Civil War, but the majority of affluent whites enrolled their children in private academies. No fewer than twenty-one private schools existed in Loudoun. A similar number served Fauquier

County, the most prominent of them being the New

Baltimore Academy, which opened in 1827 with a tuition of sixty-two dollars a term, far too costly for most 20 white residents.

Working-class children, unable to afford the private academies, attended schools for the poor that the state legislature established in the 1810s. In

36 1832, seventy-five such schools existed in Loudoun.

While more than nine hundred students registered every

year, most attended fewer than seventy days. With no

standards for teachers and with the schoolhouses too

distant for all children to enroll, the Quakers

concluded that the public schools were inadequate.

Indeed, the Fauquier County court allotted only sixty-

nine cents in 1852 for the purchase of books for

indigent children. Whether or not the counties'

slaveowners feared that an educated populace would question slavery's morality, they did not back Quaker 21 calls to expand public education.

Despite slaveowner efforts to dispel attacks against slavery, during the 1810s and 1820s, most white

residents agreed that slavery eventually would fade away. Since the collapse of the tobacco market in the

1760s and 1770s, many whites had lessened their dependence on slavery, with corn and wheat simply not requiring the care and labor of tobacco. Many

slaveowners embraced the ideology of the American

Revolution and noted the hypocrisy of fighting for

independence from England while holding others in bondage. They doubted that liberty could survive in a 22 land of slavery.

37 Throughout the early 1800s, two prominent religious organizations— the Quakers and the Northern Methodists— intensified their attacks against slavery. Since the

1770s, the Society of Friends had officially condemned slavery and disowned most members who affiliated themselves with the institution. In the 1830s, the

Methodist Church split into Northern and Southern factions--the Northern Methodists believed slavery violated God's teachings, while the Southern Methodists sanctioned its existence. The Rappahannock River,

Fauquier County's southern border, served as the geographical division between the two Methodist groups.

The combination of moral opposition and economic factors prompted many local slaveowners to free their bondsmen 23 and women.

Masters inclined to free their slaves preferred colonization to allowing former bondsmen to remain in the counties. Loudoun citizens who favored resettling the freed slaves formed an auxiliary of the American

Colonization Society. No such group existed in

Fauquier, although several of that county's whites participated in the Loudoun organization. The society dedicated itself to exposing the evils of slavery and to effecting its gradual abolition, while aiding and encouraging blacks to emigrate to Haiti and Africa.

38 Although Quakers dominated the colonization movement, numerous slaveowners also participated.^^

The most militant colonization advocate in Loudoun

County, Charles Fenton Mercer, owned over two dozen slaves. Helping found the American and the Virginia

Colonization Societies in 1816 and 1828, respectively,

Mercer believed that the Liberian colony, formed in

Africa to resettle free blacks, reduced "pauperism" in

Virginia by decreasing the black population and prevented free blacks from "polluting and corrupting public morals." Many white residents agreed with him, and from the 1820s to 1860, they bombarded the Virginia legislature with petitions calling for the removal of free blacks to Africa. These residents exhorted the

Virginia House of Delegates to appropriate money to relocate freed African Americans. They also urged the state to purchase slaves and to transport them out of the country. By 1833, many prominent Fauquier whites believed in the "efficiency" of colonization and pressed for additional state funding to support private efforts 25 to send former slaves abroad.

Numerous whites from both counties offered their slaves freedom on condition that they resettle in

Africa, including John Cleveland, who died in 1854. In his will, he gave his slaves two years to choose between

39 freedom in Liberia or continued bondage with his beneficiaries. Having granted freedom to those slaves willing to travel to Liberia, another local slaveowner received a letter from former slave Mars Lucas, who expressed his indebtedness to the slaveowner for sending him to such a fertile country. Despite his good fortune, Lucas mourned for his relatives still held in bondage and entreated his former master to give them 2 6 Lucas's best wishes.

Although many slaveholders conditioned freedom on colonization, others placed no restrictions on liberty and actively assisted their freed slaves in beginning new lives. Elizabeth P. Blackwell, who died in 1859 with no heirs, fulfilled her late husband's wish by freeing her eighty-seven slaves. Each slave family received approximately thirty acres of land. She also granted several bondsmen their freedom during her lifetime, with at least two slaves purchasing their liberty with money they earned while working in the 27 Shenandoah Valley.

With the rise in the 1830s of radical abolitionists such as William Lloyd Garrison, most local slaveowners renounced gradual emancipation, preferring to maintain slavery while eliminating the free-black population.

While these residents continued to send petitions to the

40 State legislature seeking government money for colonization, they rarely called for the gradual end of slavery but, rather, sought the removal of free blacks to Africa. The signers of a petition in 1836 characterized the free-black population as a "great and growing evil" that corrupted the slaves. In 1832,

Fauquier whites entreated the legislature to remove all free blacks from the state, arguing that the white population's safety and the slaves' welfare necessitated the displacement. These petitioners requested that government authorities sell all free blacks remaining in

Virginia on January 1, 1834, with the proceeds earmarked for Virginia's literary fund. If the legislature believed this action unconstitutional, these whites asked that the state require free blacks to provide bond 2 g guaranteeing their good behavior.

The Virginia legislature rejected the measure but did enact a law requiring blacks to leave the state within one year of attaining their freedom. The law did little to change the counties' demographics. In 1860, free blacks accounted for roughly five percent of

Loudoun County's population and under one percent of

Fauquier County's residents. Authorities in both counties frequently convicted free African Americans for failing to leave within the time limit, but the state

41 legislature routinely overturned these judgments when prominent white citizens assisted blacks in seeking their reversal. Although many local whites disliked the free-black presence, they supported those African 29 Americans well known to them.

While most free blacks, with some slaveowner intervention, stayed in the counties throughout the pre-war era, by the 1830s, most slave-holding residents observed sufficient anti-slavery rhetoric to cause them to vehemently defend the institution. They argued that the enslavement of the "inferior black to the dominant white class" was critical to the well-being of both groups. Insisting that slavery proved a great advantage to African Americans, Turner Ashby contended that he cared for his slaves much better than Northern factory owners treated their workers. Emphasizing slavery's justness, slaveowners attacked the abolitionists'

"fanaticism and intolerance."^^

While slaveowners, besieged by attacks against slavery, moved to protect the institution, their relationship with their abolitionist neighbors, most notably the Quakers, became contentious. The Friends opposed the slaveholders' petitions for the removal or enslavement of free blacks and demanded that authorities permit these residents to stay in their homes. They

42 argued that the law requiring free blacks to leave the state contradicted the "principles of justice & humanity." Unless a jury had convicted free blacks of crimes, their forced removal violated their rights. The expulsion of the free-black population, the Friends also argued, discouraged whites from emigrating to Virginia out of fear that officials could also displace them.

This resulted, the Quakers charged, in a shortage of workers for farms and businesses dependent on free labor and in a subsequent advantage to the slaveowners in the marketplace. If the legislature did not allow free blacks to remain in the state, the Friends maintained that Virginia would be guilty of denying, through its oppressive laws, basic human rights to African 31 Americans.

Attempting to eradicate slavery and to educate his white neighbors, Samuel Janney, the Quaker abolitionist and education reformer, began his crusade against slavery in the 1820s by forming the Benevolent Society of Alexandria. For the ensuing forty years, the counties' most vocal opponent of human bondage published anti-slavery tracts to convince his fellow Southerners of the institution's immorality and actively participated in the Undergound Railroad. He supported immediate and unconditional emancipation but appreciated

43 that most of his white neighbors did not. Prepared to

settle for a gradual end to slavery, he opposed

abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison's tenet that the

North must dissolve the Union if the South did not

relinquish slavery. Janney believed the people should

amend the Constitution to prohibit slavery— not destroy

the country. If either the North or South withdrew from

the Union, he feared anarchy and confusion would ensue, and Americans would "weep over the wreck what our hands 32 have made."

Many opponents of slavery, including Janney, fought

for abolition with their pocketbooks as well as with words. A friend entreated Janney to secure the freedom of Eliza Robinson, but her Warrenton master would not sell her unless the Quaker also bought Jane, her crippled mother. Janney immediately drew up manumission papers for both women, but rather than file them at the

Leesburg courthouse as the law required, he gave the manumission documents to a fellow Quaker for safekeeping. Janney explained that Jane Robinson would have to leave Virginia within one year of her manumission, although her daughter could remain until the age of twenty-one. By legally maintaining his role as their master, Janney supposedly protected mother and

44 daughter from separation while ensuring their Virginia 33 residency.

Throughout the 1840s and 1850s, opposition to

slavery shifted from verbal attacks to physical assaults

against the institution. Loudoun authorities arrested

Quaker Yardley Taylor and tried him for aiding a

fugitive slave's escape. In 1855, authorities learned

that the operator of Edward's Ferry on the Potomac River

helped runaways cross the river, where certain boat

captains on the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal would

transport them to New England. Underground Railroad

conductors from outside the counties came to the area posing as skilled artisans for the purpose of inducing

slaves to flee their owners. One such incident occurred

in 1855, when two brick burners attempted to lure slaves north over the Underground Railroad, but the bondsmen

informed their master of the plot. As attacks on slavery escalated, slaveowners established patrols to capture runaways and those who harbored them. A victim of these patrols, Samuel Janney endured their scrutiny 34 as they watched his home for any unusual activity.

Although Quakers provided the most vocal opposition to slavery in the counties, not all Friends adhered to the church's anti-slavery tenet. Samuel Janney's claim in 1853 that slavery did not exist among his fellow

45 Quakers in Loudoun County was in fact false. Throughout the early nineteenth century, Quaker elders dismissed numerous Friends from the Loudoun meetings for owning slaves. Quaker minutes commonly listed notations such as "reported as holding slaves" or "extreme cruelty to a black boy & girl" as reasons for dismissal. Their slaveowning brethren so perturbed some Quakers that the latter left Virginia entirely, including Samuel Janney's distant cousin, John J. Janney, who emigrated to Ohio in

1832. John Janney rejected the notion that slavery civilized the Africans, insisting that it simply

"enhanced the profit, ease, and convenience" of slaveholders.

While the issue of slavery proved troublesome for the Quakers, differences over theology caused the sect to split into two factions— the Orthodox and the

Hicksite Friends--in 1828. Hicksites held that salvation depended upon living in a godly manner, apart from the sinful influences of the outside world. They believed that Quakers should concentrate on the Inner

Light present in all Friends, because the Inner Light alone led to salvation. Elias Hicks, founder of the group, rejected original sin, believing that anyone could attain salvation by focusing upon and surrendering one's will to the Inner Light. In contrast. Orthodox

46 Quakers believed that they could attain salvation even

if they participated in the immoral, secular world.

Emphasizing faith over living apart from the wider

society, some Orthodox Friends even suggested that worldly prosperity equated to spiritual success.

Part of this theological division centered on slavery. Many Hicksites contended that the Friends must abstain from using any slave-produced items. If they did not, they participated in the secular sphere, violated Quaker precepts against slavery, and opposed their Inner Light. The Hicksites, fifteen hundred strong in 1860, gained control of Loudoun's Goose Creek and Fairfax Monthly Meetings, forcing the Orthodox

Friends to form a new meeting in Frederick County,

Virginia. Most Hicksites, including Samuel Janney, dedicated themselves to the abolition of slavery among 37 both their brethren and non-Quaker neighbors.

While the white population debated slavery's profitability and morality, the institution's victims endeavored to escape or at least to improve their lot.

A significant body of scholars argue that slaves were not mere victims but that they resisted slavery in both

47 passive and violent ways. Throughout the antebellum and

Civil War eras, Loudoun and Fauquier slaves challenged their masters' authority by subterfuge or by flight, 3 8 confirming these historians' conclusions.

The slaves, themselves, described their plight as harsh and despicable. Silas Jackson, born a slave at

Ashby's Gap in Fauquier County, belonged with his parents and five siblings to Tom Ashby, "a meaner man never born in Virginia." The slaves toiled from before sunrise to sunset in Ashby's fields. Should one of the four white overseers report that the slaves did not work to their full potential, Ashby would, at "the snap of a finger," whip his bondsmen or women until they dropped or use clubs to knock them down. He had disruptive female slaves "stripped down to their waists and cowhided." Ashby confined particularly unruly slaves in a stone outbuilding, where he secured the males in an underground room and the females in an above-ground 39 enclosure with barred doors and windows.

Despite the brutal punishments Ashby meted out, he fed his slaves relatively well and offered benefits many other masters did not afford. Every Saturday, each of

Ashby's slaves received ten pounds of corn meal, a quart of molasses, three pounds of flour, and vegetables. He gave each family three acres of land on which to raise

48 chickens or to plant gardens. Any family that fed itself during the year received ten dollars at

Christmas. Ashby's slaves could contract for work, and although they had to relinquish a portion of their earnings to him, they could retain as much as fifty cents per day for themselves. Other local masters did not provide for their chattel as well. Near Hopewell in

Loudoun County, slaves expressed their woes in song:

"Little to eat, ' cept corn cake and fat. And the white 40 folks grumble, if you eat much of that."

The slaves coped with and resisted their bondage in a number of different ways. The family proved of uppermost importance. Rather than a time of merriment.

New Year's day filled slave families with intense anxiety, because traders and owners met to sell, buy, rent, and trade slaves. As Silas Jackson noted, "We did not know who was to go or to come." Unhappy about having to leave Loudoun County in 1828, two bondsmen escaped, hid until the slave trader who purchased them left the county, and then found new owners among local 41 whites.

Runaway slave ads illustrate the family's supreme importance to the slaves. In 1854, Lewis's owner searched near White Ridge where his twenty-five-year- old bondsman had several acquaintances. An

49 eighteen-year-old slave girl fled in 1834, prompting a hunt near Rectortown, her family's home. Scared that their masters would punish them for a transgression, some escapees acted impulsively. Such was the case for one late-returning bondsman, who sought refuge in a 42 mountain den and stayed for several years.

Required to attend church, where the ministers preached that God and the Bible sanctioned human bondage, many of the enslaved still found comfort and hope through Christianity. Masters occasionally allowed their slaves to form their own churches, which accounted for both Grove Church and Clever Oaks Church in Fauquier

County. Slaves also held secret prayer meetings. At one such gathering, a bondsman prayed to God to change his master's heart that he might grant the slave his freedom. During the night, the man disappeared. Years later, his master admitted to killing the petitioner after overhearing his prayer. Not all slaves accepted

Christianity, including one bondsman whose wife vainly appealed to her husband to join the church. "How can

Jesus be just, if He will allow such oppression and wrong?" her husband countered. "Don't the slaveholders justify their conduct by the Bible itself, and say that it tells them to do so? How can God be just," the man

50 continued, "when He not only permits, but sanctions such

conduct.

For some slaves, death, either murder or suicide,

seemed their only means of escape. According to Silas

Jackson, free blacks or slaves murdered two white men in

1858 near Warrenton. In 1861, a bondsman shot Turner

Ashby's cousin. A slave attacked an overseer in 1859,

and another man assaulted his overseer with a butcher

knife two years later. Both overseers shot their

assailants. In 1858, a Loudoun County jury convicted a

slave of murdering her child. "Rogues" living near

Hillsboro sold a slave family to a trader, prompting one

middle-aged bondwoman to poison herself. Escape for

these slaves meant either death to those who held them 44 in bondage or deliverance from life itself.

After Nat Turner's rebellion in 1831, the

possibility of a large-scale slave rebellion terrorized

Loudoun and Fauquier slaveholders. In December 185 6,

rumors of a slave uprising, planned for Christmas day,

flew throughout Fauquier and several other Virginia

counties. Because of the white population's uneasiness,

the Warrenton town council established night watches and a small police force and imposed a maximum fine of five hundred dollars on anyone selling firearms to slaves and

free blacks. The council also notified the state

51 legislature of the reported insurrection and received

arms to defend its citizenry. The slave revolt never

materialized, and on January 7, 1857, the council

disbanded the Warrenton police force. Whites could not

so easily discharge the fear that would plague northern

Virginia for the next four years as the country drifted

toward civil war.*^

Despite their differences on slavery, local whites

remained united politically for most of the antebellum

period. The Whig Party generally carried the majority

and included some of the counties' wealthiest men.

Local Whigs vigorously supported Henry Clay's "American

System," especially his proposal for federal assistance

for the development of a transportation system, but they did not embrace Clay's call for high protective tariffs.

In 1828, Loudoun's Congressional representative voted against the "Tariff of Abominations," which provided for

the highest duties ever. He subsequently voted for the

Tariff of 1832, because it slightly lowered the earlier assessment. The county's representatives in the state

legislature refused to vote in favor of South Carolina's nullification of the two tariff laws. Despite their

52 strong opposition to the increased taxes, most whites did not support South Carolina during the Nullification

Crisis. Although twenty-eight years later Virginia would secede from the Union over the states ' rights issue, most whites rejected the argument during the 1830s.46

A vocal minority of the counties' less prominent citizens identified with the Democratic Party, which did not organize in Loudoun until 1840, when a group of slaveholders and nonslaveowners met at Hillsboro.

Insisting that the people could participate in self-government, they urged fellow Democrats to unite against the "cutthroat Abolitionists (and) renegade

Republicans." They prevailed upon their white neighbors to forsake the Whig Party's "humbuggery and deception" in favor of the Democratic Party. Throughout the next twenty years, the Democrats made inroads in both counties against the Whig Party and its successors, yet most whites opposed states' rights, a mainstay of the

Democratic Party throughout the South during the antebellum period. In 1840, Leesburg's pro-Democratic newspaper repudiated states' rights and dedicated itself to "ONE CONSTITUTION — ONE COUNTRY — ONE DESTINY.

Although states' rights and secession became popular topics for some white Southerners, especially

53 after the Mexican War, local citizens resolutely supported the Union while strongly protesting the Wilmot

Proviso. Eventually defeated, this bill would have excluded slavery in any territory the United States acquired from Mexico during the Mexican War. In response to a convention held at Nashville, Tennessee, in 1850 where Southern rights advocates contemplated secession, Loudoun whites issued their own resolutions on behalf of the Union, stating that the federal government created tranquillity at home and abroad, while ensuring its citizens' prosperity, safety, and liberty. These residents insisted that no act of the 48 federal government justified secession.

With the Compromise of 1850, more and more locals began to identify with the secessionists. Designed to reconcile the sectional conflicts dividing the nation, two of the compromise's five measures dealt with slavery in the territories acquired from Mexico. W.S. Hough, editor of Loudoun's Whig paper, initially favored the compromise, believing that "The fountain of our plentous prosperity is our union." Hough suggested that radical secessionists leave the United States if they could not live under its laws, claiming that only a minority of citizens advocated secession and opposed compromise.

Although California's admission to the Union would upset

54 the balance between the slave and free states. Hough

believed Southerners would permit California to enter as

a free state if Congress allowed popular sovereignty to

determine the status of the other territories. He

supported the fugitive slave law but warned that the

North had to strictly enforce it if the nation hoped to

resolve its differences. Most of Hough's white 49 neighbors concurred.

The North's failure to enforce the fugitive slave

law pushed many local whites toward secession, and the

North's adoption of personal liberty laws further angered these Virginians. Additionally, most Loudoun citizens believed Pennsylvania authorities perpetrated a miscarriage of justice against the South in its handling of the Daniel Dangerfield trial. In Harrisburg, on

April 4, 1859, a deputy United States marshal captured

Dangerfield, accused of running away from French

Simpson, a Loudoun slaveowner. The marshal took

Dangerfield before Commissioner Lonstreth to determine his status as a slave or a free man.^^

Hundreds of free blacks crowded around the courthouse, while inside abolitionist Lucretia Mott comforted the accused slave. Dangerfield claimed to have lived in Harrisburg since 1850. Five prominent, white Loudoun residents testified on behalf of Elizabeth

55 Simpson, French's widow, all attesting that Dangerfield

had resided in Loudoun until 1853. Contradicting

Dangerfield's testimony, several free blacks professed

knowing the defendant prior to 1853 when he lived in

Maryland. Simpson's attorneys refuted all the defense

witnesses except an admittedly forgetful, elderly, black

man. The justice, Virginians anticipated, would return

Dangerfield to Simpson, yet Lonstreth found the

defendent innocent and permitted him to remain a free

man in Pennsylvania.^^

The decision outraged most of Loudoun and

Fauquier's white residents. The Democratic Mirror

called it one of the "most unblushing, infamous

prostitutions" of the American judiciary. These

citizens had supported compromise between the North and

the South and rebuffed secession. With this decision, a

small but vocal minority urged Virginia's governor to 52 secede from the Union.

As attacks against slavery reached a crescendo in

Washington, in the territories, and in the courts, many

local whites became convinced that all Northerners

favored abolition and intended to eradicate slavery.

Despite their suspicions, most of these citizens

rejected secession as an answer to the increasing

tensions between the North and the South and opposed the

56 radicals who called for the South's immediate withdrawal from the Union. Elijah Viers White so strongly objected to the federal government's attempts to restrict slavery's expansion that he joined the Missouri Home

Guards in 1855 and participated in the fight for

"Bleeding Kansas." By 1856, White had returned to his farm in Loudoun County, tired of the wanton bloodshed that characterized Kansas's slavery versus antislavery dispute. Although restrictions on slavery's expansion into the territories perturbed many whites, most of them abhorred the violence that increasingly characterized politics during the 1850s. These people hoped

Northerners and Southerners could settle their 53 differences peacefully through compromise.

Despite their initial optimism, these Loudoun and

Fauquier Countians became increasingly doubtful that the

North and South could resolve their differences amicably. Slaveowner Turner Ashby cared little about slavery's expansion into the territories, but the

"abuse, misrepresentation, and ignominy which the abolition party of the North" heaped upon Virginia so angered Ashby that he voiced his willingness to die in the defense of his state. Quaker Samuel Janney, anxious that the future portended the Union's demise, chastised

Northerners in 1856 for imprudently speaking out against

57 slavery and enraging Southerners without any benefit.

Janney summarized the mood of the nation thusly: "The

prospect before us seems. . .to become more & more

alarming." The controversy's resolution would become

even more formidable in October 1859, when John Brown would boldly attempt to end slavery by seizing the 54 federal arsenal at Harper's Ferry.

58 NOTES TO CHAPTER 1

^Poland, From Frontier to Suburbia, 159-161; Patricia C. Hickin, "Antislavery in Virginia, 1831- 1861" (Ph.D. diss.. University of Virginia, 1968), 504; Janney, Memoirs of Samuel M. Janney, 97-98. 2 Poland, From Frontier to Suburbia, 159-161; Janney, Memoirs of Samuel M. Janney, 98-106; Loudoun County Court Minute Book for 1850, 10-11, Loudoun County Courthouse, Leesburg.

^Head, History and Comprehensive Description of Loudoun County Virginia, 85; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Population Statistics for the Census of 1860. 4 See Eugene Genovese, Political Economy of Slavery; Studies in the Economy and Society of the Slave South (New York: Random House, Pantheon, 1965); William B. Hesseltine, "Some New Aspects of the Proslavery Argument," Journal of Negro History 21 (1936 ) : 9-10.

^George Fredrickson, The Black Image in the White Mind: The Debate on Afro-American Character and Destiny, 1817-1914 (New York: Harper & Row, 1971); Avery Craven, The Coming of the Civil War (New York: Scribner, 1942); Frank Owsley, Plain Folk of the Old South (Baton Rouge: The Louisiana State University Press, 1949); Ulrich B. Phillips, "The Central Theme of Southern History," American Historical Review 34 (1928): 31.

^John B. Norris to Elizabeth Osbone (Grayson) Lewis Carter, Oatlands, 27 March 1850, Carter Family Papers, Section One, VHS. See also the Lincoln-Look Family Papers, 1844-1874, VPISU.

^Poland, From Frontier to Suburbia, 74; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Population Statistics for the Census of 1860 ; Taylor, Memoir of Loudon County, 7, 25. Q Poland, From Frontier to Suburbia, 80, 89; Scheel, The Guide to Fauquier, 38.

59 9 Poland, From Frontier to Suburbia, 89; Scheel, The Guide to Fauquier, 27; The Washingtonian, 23 October 1857, 15 March 1845; Legislative Petitions for Fauquier County, 13 December 1834, VSLA. See also Helen Hirst Marsh, "Early Loudoun Water Mills," The Bulletin of the Loudoun County Historical Society (n.d.): 21-26. For a discussion of antebellum tensions that erupted between industrialists and slaveowners, see Fellman, Inside War.

^^Legislative Petitions for Loudoun County, 4 January 1849, VSLA. See also Moffett, The Diary of Court House Square, 30. For a discussion of how transportation systems helped to unite and divide Southerners, see Lacy K. Ford, Jr., Origins of Southern Radicalism; The South Carolina Upcountry, 1800-1860(New York: Oxford University Press, 1988).

^^Poland, From Frontier to Suburbia, 74, 115- 122. For information on the various turnpike companies organized in Loudoun and Fauquier, see Loudoun Harvest— Faces and Places, Past and Present, in Loudoun County, Virginia : A Collection from the Metro Virginia News (Leesburg, VA: Carr Printing and Publishing Company, 1973), 47; Legislative Petitions for Fauquier County, 23 December 1850, 20 December 1850, 9 January 1833; Legislative Petitions for Loudoun County, 30 December 1835, 20 December 1831, 17 February 1831, 9 December 1830, 12 January 1830. See also Board of Public Works Records, Leeds Manor Turnpike Company Records, Sperryville and Rappahannock Turnpike Company Records, Upperville and Manassas Gap Plank Road Company Records, VSLA. 12 Poland, From Frontier to Suburbia, 121; Joseph Arthur Jeffries, "Memorandum," 1913, VHS; Taylor, Memoir of Loudon County, 25; The Genius of Liberty, 10 April

^^Ibid. On William Smith, see Wilfred Buck Yearns, ed.. The Confederate Governors (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1985); Edward Younger and James Tice Moore, eds., The Governors of Virginia, 1860-1978 (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1982); John W. Bell, Memoirs of Governor William Smith, of Virgnia: His Political, Military, and Personal History (New York: The Moss Engraving Company, 1891). 14 Poland, From Frontier to Suburbia, 126-127. Loudoun Countians also invested in canals. See Poland, From Frontier to Suburbia, 123-124; Legislative

60 Petitions for Loudoun County, 20 December 1831. See also Legislative Petitions for Loudoun County, 15 January 1836.

^^Scheel, The Guide to Fauquier, 20, 27, 36-37; Jaquelin M. Meredith, Markham Station, to Mary Lititia (Clarkson) Meredith, 8 December 1852, Meredith Family Papers, VHS; Manassas Gap Railroad Company, List of Subscribers in Fauquier County, Manassas Gap Railroad Company Papers, VHS. See also Orange and Alexandria Railroad Yearly Reports, 1857-1870, VPISU; Orange and Alexandria Company Records, VPISU; Board of Public Works Records, Alexandria, Loudoun and Hampshire Railroad Company Records. See also Scheel, The History of Middleburq, 53; M. Louise Evans, An Old Timer in Warrenton and Fauquier County, Virginia (Warrenton: Virginia Publishing Incorporated, 1955), 18-19; Robert Beverley, Warrenton, to Robert Beverley, 12 February 1837, Beverley Family Papers, VHS; Legislative Petitions for Fauquier County, 23 January 1830. See also Isham Keith, Address on Railroads, Keith Family Papers, Section Four, VHS.

^^See Legislative Petitions for Fauquier County, 23 January 1830.

^^Taylor, Memoir of Loudon County, 28; The Loudoun Chronicle, 31 August 1849. 18 Legislative Petitions for Fauquier County 10 January 1860; Robert E. Peyton, Benevolent Temperance Society of Salem, Virginia, Yearly Records, Peyton Family Papers, Section Twelve, VHS; Robert E. Peyton, Benevolent Temperance Society of Salem, Virginia, Speech, Peyton Family Papers, Section Twelve. See also Legislative Petitions for Fauquier County, 18 January 1854, 13 January 1843. 19 Janney, Memoirs of Samuel M. Janney, 93; The Loudoun Chronicle, 27 March 1846. 20 Moffett, The Diary of Court House Square, 29; Scheel, The Guide to Fauquier, 8, 29, 31; New Baltimore Academy Records, 25 October 1869, 18 January 1859, 4 January 1827, VHS; Legislative Petitions for Fauquier County, 1 February 1839, 20 February 1836.

^^The Washingtonian, 30 October 1857, 15 March 1845; John Quincy Marr, Fauquier County, Virginia Court Commissioner Account Book, 1849-1854, VHS; Taylor,

61 Memoir of Loudon County, 29; Joseph Martin, ed., A New Comprehens ive Gazetteer of Virginia (Charlottesville, VA: Mosely and Tompkins, Printers, 1835), 77. 22 See T.H. Breen, Tobacco Culture: The Mentality of the Great Tidewater Planters on the Eve of the Revolution (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985). 23 Scheel, The Guide to Fauquier, 13. See Poland, From Frontier to Suburbia, 142. On churches in antebellum Virginia, see Bishop Meade, Old Churches, Ministers and Families of Virginia (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Company, n.d.). On Quakers and slavery, see "Introduction," note 14. 24 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 29 October 1825, 4 July 1825.

^^Legislative Petitions for Fauquier County, 8 January 1833, 20 December 1831; Legislative Petitions for Loudoun County, 20 December 1831; Charles Fenton Mercer, Aldie, to Andrew Stevenson, Richmond, 3 November. 18 23, Benjamin Brand Papers, VHS. 2 6 The Loudoun Times Mirror, 4 October 1934, 5 September 1929; Mars Lucas, Liberia, to unknown. Mars Lucas Letter, Black History Vertical File, TBL. 27 Afro-American Historical Association of Fauquier County 2 (1993): 4-15; The Works Project Administration, Old Homes and Families of Fauquier County Virginia: The W.P.A. Records (Berryville: Virginia Book Company, 1978), 659-661; Scheel, The Guide to Fauquier, 48. 2 8 Legislative Petitions for Loudoun County, 13 January 1836; Legislative Petitions for Fauquier County, 20 February 1832. For another proposal, see Isham Keith, Memorandum on Slavery, Keith Family Papers, Section 14. See also Legislative Petitions for Loudoun County, 10 December 1847; Legislative Petitions for Fauquier County 8 January 1838, 7 December 1831. 29 Ibid. On free blacks in Loudoun County, see Legislative Petitions for Loudoun County, 6 January 1849, 7 February 1848, 9 December 1847, 24 February 1838, 17 December 1836, 5 December 1834; 10 February 1831. On free blacks in Fauquier County, see Legislative Petitions for Fauquier County, 6 December 1844, 3 January 1838, 16 December 1836, 25 January 1835, 19

62 January 1835; Register of Free Negroes for Fauquier County, Virginia, VHS.

^^Thomas A. Ashby, Life of Turner Ashby (New York; The Neale Publishing Co., 1914), 42-44; Legislative Petitions for Fauquier County, 10 January 1860.

^^Legislative Petition for Loudoun County, 24 January 1843, 23 December 1831. 32 The Washington Post, 25 February 1991; Janney, Memoirs of Samuel M. Janney, 28, 33, 75, 114; Samuel M. Janney, Purcellville, to Jane Johnson, 20 February 1856, Samuel M. Janney Papers, Personal Papers Collection, VSLA; Samuel M. Janney Vertical File, TBL. 33 Samuel M. Janney, Purcellville, to Jane Johnson, 20 February 1856, Janney Papers. It is not known if Jane Johnson was a Quaker. Unfortunately, Janney does not explain adequately why he did not record the manumissions and allow the women to go north. They both could leave Virginia legally as soon as the manumissions were recorded. The daughter was not required by Virginia law to remain in Virginia until the age of twenty- one. Although Janney appears to be a hypocrite, his devotion to abolition cannot be questioned. His home was a stop on the Underground Railroad. See also Legislative petitions for Loudoun County, 24 January 1843. 34 Poland, From Frontier to Suburbia, 162-163; Mason Graham Ellzey, "The Cause We Lost and the Land we Love," 6, VHS. 35 Fairfax Monthly Meeting Minutes, 12 December 1855, 16 June 1841, 15 January 1834, 1802, The Maryland State Archives, Annapolis; Samuel M. Janney, The Life of George Fox; With Dissertations on his Views Concerning the Doctrines, Testimonies, and Discipline of the Christian Church (Philadelphia: n.p., 1853), 466- 472; Janney Family Papers, OHS.

^^On the Hicksite Separation, see Doherty, The Hicksite Separation. 37 U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Population Statistics for the Census of 1860. On Quakers in Loudoun, see Janney and Janney, Ye Meetg Hous Smal; Asa Moore Janney, "A Short History of the Society of Friends in Loudoun County," The Bulletin of the Loudoun County Historical Society 4 (1965): 29-42.

63 3 8 See Douglas R. Egerton, Gabriel's Rebellion ; The Virginia Slave Conspiracies of 1800 and 1802 (Chapel Hill; The University of North Carolina Press, 1993); Peter Kolchin, American Slavery : 1619-1877 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1993); Deborah Gray White, Ar'n't ^ A Woman?: Female Slaves in the Plantation South (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1985); Charles Joyner, Down by the Riverside ; A South Carolina Slave Community (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1984); John W. Blassingame, The Slave Community: Plantation Life in the Antebellum South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979); Eugene D. Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made (New York; Vintage Books, 1976); Kenneth M. Stampp, The Peculiar Institution: Slavery in the Ante- Bellum South (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1956). On slavery in Virginia, see Charles B. Dew, Bond of Iron: Master and Slave ^ Buffalo Forge (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1994). On slavery in Loudoun and Fauquier, see Jody Hutchings, Lori Dardar, Patricia Calhoun, and Andy Mayo, "Slavery in Northern Virginia; Pre-Revolution Through Desegregation, A Look into the History of African Americans in Loudoun County," Black History Vertical File, TBL; Head, History and Comprehensive Description of Loudoun County. 39 Rawick, The American Slave, vol. 16, Kansas, Kentucky, Maryland, Ohio, Virginia, and Tennessee Narratives, 29-33. For a different view of slavery in Fauquier County, see "Six Weeks in Fauquier," Alfred Byrne Horner Papers, Section Twenty-One, VHS. On slavery in Virginia, see Charles L. Perdue, Jr., Thomas E. Barden, and Robert K. Phillips, Weevils in the Wheat: Interviews with Virginia Ex-Slaves (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1976). 40 Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 9; Rawick, The American Slave, vol. 16, Kansas, Kentucky, Maryland, Ohio, Virginia, and Tennessee Narratives, 29- 33. 41 Rawick, The American Slave, vol. 16, Kansas, Kentucky, Maryland, Ohio, Virginia, and Tennessee Narratives, 29-33; Scheel, The Guide to Fauquier, 17; Ellzey, "The Cause We Lost and the Land we Love," 6; The Democratic Mirror, 5 January 1858; "'$100 Reward!' if caught outside of Virginia; $50 if inside Virginia," Broadsides, 1854, 2, VHS; The Independent Register, 24 January 1835; The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 29 March 1829. For the effects on slave families when a

64 master died, see List of Dower Slaves of C. Peyton's Estate, December 1842, Peyton Family Papers, Section Forty, VHS.

4^ibid. 43 Ervin L. Jordan, Jr., Black Confederates and Afro-Yankees in Civil War Virginia (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1995), 106; Rawick, The American Slave, vol. 16, Kansas, Kentucky, Maryland, Ohio, Virginia, and Tennessee Narratives, 31; Scheel, Guide to Fauguier, 44-45. 44 Rawick, The American Slave, vol. 16, Kansas, Kentucky, Maryland, Ohio, Virginia, and Tennessee Narratives, 31; The Democratic Mirror, 16 December 1861, 20 April 1859, 10 November 1858; Richard Pratt Buckner, St. Bernard, to Turner Ashby, 10 July 1861, Ashby Family Papers, VHS; The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 29 March 1829. On punishments slaves faced when convicted of a crime, see Jane Purcell Guild, Black Laws of Virginia: A Summary of the Legislative Acts of Virginia Concerning Negroes From Earliest Times to the Present (N.p.: Whittet & Shepperson, 1936; reprint. New York: Negro Universities Press 1969). 45 Scheel, The Civil War in Fauguier County, 1; H.W. Flournoy, ed. , Calendar of Virginia State Papers and Other Manuscripts from January 1, 1836, to April 15, 1869 ; Preserved in the Capitol at Richmond (Richmond: n.p., 1893), 50. See also Legislative Petition for Loudoun County, 11 January 1840. The author of this abolitionist piece is not known. It might have been one of Loudoun's Quakers or an abolitionist from the North. 46 Poland, From Frontier to Suburbia, 106-107; The Washingtonian, 15 March 1845. On the Whig Party in Loudoun and Fauquier, see The Rio Grande and Advertiser, 25 March 1848; 26 September 1831; Joseph Horner, Affidavit, 26 September 1831, VHS. 47 The Genius of Liberty, 14 November 1840; The Spirit of Democracy, 6 October 1840.

^^The Loudoun Chonicle, 1 March 1850. 49 Ibid., 8 November 1850, 11 January 1850, 31 August 1849.

65 ^^The Democratic Mirror, 13 April 1859, 6 April 1859.

^^Ibid.

S^ibid.

^^John E. Divine, 35th Battalion Virginia Cavalry (Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1985), 1. For one Fauquier radical secessionist’s view, see John Scott, The Lost Principle ; or the Sectional Equilibrium: How It Was Created— How Destroyed— How It May Be Restored (Richmond: James Woodhouse & Co., 1860). 54 Ashby, Life of Turner Ashby, 44; The Democratic Mirror, 26 October 1859; Samuel M. Janney, Purcellville, to Jane Johnson, 20 February 1856, Janney Papers.

66 CHAPTER 2

"01 WHAT IS TO COME OF US?":

HARPER'S FERRY AND SECESSION, OCTOBER 1859-MAY 1861

On Sunday evening, October 16, 1859, the United

States moved a giant step closer to civil war. On that fateful day, John Brown and eighteen followers seized the armory at Harper's Ferry, across the Shenandoah

River from northwestern Loudoun County. Elizabeth

Conrad wrote to her husband of the abolitionists' intention to arm the slaves that they might fight for their own freedom. The South, according to Conrad, escaped a slave insurrection only by the interposition of God, who allowed "these poor secluded wretches to rush upon their own destruction."^

A Growing Uneasiness

Robert E. Lee and a force of United States Marines quelled the rebellion, but the fear Brown implanted in

Loudoun and Fauquier whites would not be so easily overcome. When news of Brown's attack reached Loudoun

67 County, the local militia raced to Harper's Ferry to

prevent the insurrection's spread. Units from Fauquier

County, most notably Turner Ashby's Mountain Rangers,

formed in 1852 to constrain unruly Irish Railroad workers, and John Scott's Black Horse Cavalry, also hastened to the Ferry. As early as 1856, Scott and

William Payne, two of the counties' earliest secessionists, considered the Union's dissolution certain and hoped to awaken a "military spirit" in their neighbors by forming the Black Horse Troop. Scott, who favored reopening the external slave trade, chose the color black to represent his extreme pro-slavery view.

Following Brown's Raid, Ashby's Rangers and the Black

Horse Cavalry committed themselves to safeguarding their neighbors from slave insurrections and Northern 2 abolitionists.

Troubled over the possibility of imminent slave revolts and abolitionist incursions, the white community became anxious about their safety. These citizens expressed disbelief that Brown intended to free the slaves, but an increasing number now felt that all

Northerners were of Brown's ilk. Amanda Edmonds prayed that God would halt the abolitionist-spawned insurrections, but rumors to the contrary surrounded her. She recorded that slaves burned wheat stacks near

68 Charles Town and presumably torched a neighbor's crop as well. Concerned about frightful events around them,

Edmonds's two cousins and her aunt sought refuge at her home, where Amanda's older brother stood watch for two nights with his gun. The fear gripping Edmonds's heart prompted her to wail, "01 what is to come of us?"^

The whites' fears must have intensified when they learned that Dangerfield Newby, a former Fauquier County slave, participated in Brown's raid. In the mid 1850s,

Newby's white father took his mulatto children to Ohio, where he manumitted them. It is not known when Newby met Brown, but their relationship cost the former slave his life. Chosen to guard the bridge across the Potomac

River, Newby died when a six-inch, musket-propelled spike cut his throat from one ear to the other.

Following his death, militiamen sliced off his ears for 4 souvenirs.

Although Newby left no written explanation of his decision to join Brown's followers, in all likelihood he expected to free his wife Harriett and seven children from their master in Warrenton. Letters from Harriett to Dangerfield imply that the husband intended to purchase his loved ones' freedom. On April 11, 1859, his wife begged him to come for her by fall. On August

16, three months before Brown's fateful raid, Harriett

69 wrote that her master needed cash and implored her husband to hurry, before someone else purchased her.

After Brown's raid, Harriett Newby's master sold her further south, where she eventually gained her freedom and found her way to Ohio.^

Many whites reported the disquieting presence of abolitionists, who sought to continue Brown's work. On

November 17, Amanda Edmonds recorded that an abolitionist had visited Paris in northern Fauquier.

Four townspeople had tried to capture him, but the man had departed earlier in the day. Reflecting the growing animosity between the North and the South,Edmonds chastised her white neighbors for not being more vigilant. In Charles Town, the whites forced several

Northerners from Virginia, and when some of them returned, the Southerners promptly arrested them.

Edmonds wished all communities would do the same to any

Northerner visiting or residing in the South.^

Like Don Quixote tilting with windmills, the counties' militia often rushed to fight when no enemy existed. One early November Sunday, in response to reports that abolitionists approached to rescue Brown,

Virginia Governor Wise dispatched Turner Ashby to warn the countryside. The incident reminded one of Paul

Revere's ride eighty-four years earlier, with men

70 pouring from the churches, arming themselves, and racing to Charles Town. Obvious that the town already had more than enough men to see that Brown would hang, the Black

Horse Cavalry and Ashby's Rangers quickly returned home to assuage the communities' fears. On November 20, militia forces hurried once again to Charles Town, where, according to hearsay, abolitionists' campfires burned in the hills around the town. A search for the

Northerners proved fruitless. Meanwhile back in

Fauquier County, Amanda Edmonds prayed that the soldiers would find these people and subdue them. The

Southerners had to defend their way of life against such unprincipled fanatics as the Northern abolitionists.^

The "John Brown War" officially ended on December

2, 1859, with Brown, "The villian,— murderer, robber, and destroyer of. . .Virgin peace," to Edmonds's glee, hanging from the gallows. Many whites rejoiced at his end, but the men, Edmonds noted, had not slept the nights leading up to the execution. While the citizens rested easier after Brown's death, rumors of new slave insurrections and possible Northern aggression continued g to plague them.

Local whites actively participated in Brown's hanging. Turner Ashby's Mountain Rangers kept unauthorized individuals from the site, while the Black

71 Horse Cavalry escorted Brown from the jail to the scaffold. Dr. Thomas Lee Settle pronounced Brown dead and may have been the one who slashed the abolitionist's throat. Amanda Edmonds regretted that her womanhood enjoined her from witnessing the momentous occasion.

Brown was dead; the John Brown War had ended, but the tensions that Brown symbolized could not be assuaged as easily.^

Despite the existence of Ashby's Rangers, the Black

Horse Cavalry, and the militia, nine days after Brown's

Harper's Ferry assault, the editors of The Democratic

Mirror described Loudoun County as "perfectly defenseless." They encouraged their fellow citizens to form volunteer companies to guard against both rebellious slaves and abolitionists and reiterated their position on November 16, declaring that all able- bodied white men should enlist in volunteer military units. The editors deemed it wise to be prepared for any eventuality. They urged every community in Loudoun, as well as the state, to support the companies in their midst. The citizens, the paper warned, might have to call upon these units at any time to defend them.^^

Whites heeded the newspaper's call, forming numerous units, including the Warrenton Rifles and the

Leesburg Civic Guards. John Quincy Marr, a former

72 sheriff of Fauquier County and a lecturer in military

tactics at the Virginia Military Institute, organized

the Warrenton Rifles. Nicknamed the "Warrenton Babies,"

few of its members had exited their teens. Meeting at

the courthouse on December 1, the white residents of

Leesburg established the Civic Guard to defend

themselves and their property and lives and to preserve

order in "these times of excitement." The Rifles and

the Civic Guard did not attend Brown's execution but

stood ready to defend their homes from Northern and , . . 11 slave uprisings.

Anxious for their safety, most whites welcomed the presence of these companies and played an active role in equipping and uniforming their members. In December

1859, the women of Leesburg earned 250 dollars from their baked goods, crafts, and clothing, which they used to outfit poorer members of the Loudoun Guards. Two months later they sponsored another bazaar to help equip the same unit. At a ball to honor the United States,

Virginia, and states' rights, these women presented the

Guard with a battle flag, while proclaiming "The Old

Dominion, what'er betide, may her sons and daughters prove worthy of her." On June 24, the Fauquier County

Court approved a yearly budget of over thirty-five- thousand dollars of which twenty-thousand dollars went

73 to volunteer military units. Although they opposed secession and remained uncertain about the future, these 12 people wanted to be prepared for every possibility.

The Virginia Senate and House of Delegates listened to their constituents and planned for the state's defense. In January 1860, Loudoun representative Robert

Bentley addressed the House of Delegates regarding a bill to arm Virginia. Bentley identified with the fears of his white neighbors, living as they did in a border county, but questioned whether the state could afford such an appropriation, especially the building and equipping of a state armory that would cost $320,000 to construct and an additional $100,000 in yearly operating costs. He pondered Virginia's likelihood of seceding, and although other members of the House of Delegates believed the nation's demise a certainty, Bentley queried whether the state's citizens intended to fight themselves out of the Union. Preferring to battle from within, the Loudoun representative assured the House of

Delegates that a conciliatory spirit currently swept the nation and would unite it more firmly together. While

Bentley maintained that an armory would drain the state's treasury, to guarantee both Virginia's and

Loudoun County's safety, he voted for the . _ . 13 appropriation.

74 Despite all the measures taken to ensure their

security, a general feeling of uneasiness persisted

among the residents. In January 1860, Quaker Rebecca

Williams begged the Almighty to imbue the hearts of the

nation's elected officials with peace and wisdom.

Williams' prayers went unanswered as tensions raged,

including in Berryville, in neighboring Clarke County,

where authorities executed four slaves for planning a

rebellion. Her slaves' joyous declarations that "old

Brown met the fate he did, but it was not half bad

enough for him," failed to reassure Amanda Edmonds.

They knew better than to sympathize with Brown, she

affirmed, because whites had jailed several blacks for

such impudence.

Hoping to prevent the abolitionists' corruption of

the slave population, in January 1860, a number of

Fauquier County's leading citizens petitioned the

General Assembly to assist in guaranteeing the slaves' subservience to their masters. The petitioners blamed the current disquiet on the illegal sale of liquor to the slaves and the slaves' association with abolitionists. The Northerners came to Virginia disguised as peddlers, teachers, and religious agents and, oftentimes, escaped prosecution because blacks could not testify in court against whites. The

75 petitioners hoped the legislature would enact legal remedies and sufficient penalties to deter Northerners from fomenting trouble among the slaves.

Adding to the mood of uncertainty, the election of

1860 convinced many of northern Virginia's white residents that the nation teetered on the brink of war.

Fauquier voters divided their support between Southern

Democrat John C. Breckinridge, who challenged the government's authority to restrict slavery's expansion, and John Bell of the Constitutional Union Party, who urged a peaceful compromise to the existing tensions.

Most of Bell's support came from northern Fauquier, an area known for its rich plantations, while Breckinridge carried western and southern Fauquier, home to small farmers. Turner Ashby, a strong Bell advocate, warned that unless the country elected a president willing to compromise there would be war. To Ashby's chagrin,

Abraham Lincoln, the Republican candidate who wanted to halt slavery's expansion but denied any intention of abolishing the institution, won the presidency. Local voters endorsed Breckinridge over Bell, fifty to forty-eight percent. Two percent voted for Stephen

76 Douglas, the Northern Democrat. Henry Dixon walked to the polls at Marshall and, with a pistol in one hand and a ballot in the other, cast Fauquier's sole vote for , 1 6 Lincoln.

Loudoun citizens overwhelmingly endorsed Bell, who garnered 2,034 votes to Breckinridge's 778. Stephen

Douglas finished a distant third with 124 votes; only two northwestern districts favored Lincoln.

Breckinridge carried southern and eastern Loudoun, while

Bell found support among the Germans and Quakers.

Lincoln's victory compounded the whites' fears of

Northern aggression, slave insurrection, and civil war.

In voting for Bell, the majority of residents expressed their desire to seek a peaceful settlement of the issues that divided the North and the South.

Fauquier's voting pattern more closely resembled that of Virginia as a whole than did that of Loudoun.

Bell, with 74,481 votes, carried Virginia by a slim 156 votes over Breckinridge. Douglas came in third with

16,198 ballots, and Lincoln placed a dismal fourth with

1,887. Like Loudoun and Fauquier voters, most

Virginians favored a peaceful settlement of their differences with the North, but an increasing number of people supported Breckinridge's states' rights 18 platform.

77 Asserting that a dark cloud now overshadowed

Virginia, The Democratic Mirror urged the citizenry to

unite in defense of its rights. Although it did not

call for immediate secession after Lincoln's

"humiliating" election, the paper maintained that his

victory did not portend an amicable settlement to the

current tensions. Congress would hopefully hold Lincoln

in check and prevent him from pursuing his "evil"

agenda, yet the editors warned that Virginia must

prepare to defend itself against the Republican Party by

arming its volunteer companies with the best weapons.

War, the editors insisted, had become a distinct

possibility.

The majority of white residents agreed that

Lincoln's election did not warrant dissolving the Union.

By voting for Bell, Turner Ashby remained confident that he had done everything in his power to avert war. On

November 13, a Leesburg minister wrote to his wife that

Waterford abounded with talk about the secessionists but

that most locals condemned them. In a letter dated

November 26, another man informed his spouse that

Virginians were not ready to plunge into civil war but quickly added that "whatever may come Virginia's cause shall be mine"— a sentiment many whites shared.

78 A few citizens held a more militant attitude, including John Scott, who departed for South Carolina upon that state's election of a secession convention.

Scott left Virginia to defend slavery and the states' supremacy over the federal government. Most of his white neighbors adopted a more restrained approach, but they continued to prepare for their defense. Reasoning that Leesburg, situated on the Potomac River, must have a sufficient military force to protect its citizenry, its officials called for additional volunteers for the

Loudoun Guards. The Fauquier County court, meanwhile, assigned patrols to defend against slave unrest and

Northern aggression. Ashby's Rangers secured the county's northern border, while the Warrenton Home Guard and the Warrenton Rifles watched over central Fauquier.

The Black Horse Troop patrolled the remainder of the county._ 21

The prospect of war alarmed most northern

Virginians, who worked as diligently to preserve the nation as they did to prepare for a conflict. On

December 10, a sizable group of Loudoun citizens assembled at the courthouse in Leesburg to consider the various actions at their disposal. The men elected a committee to draft a preamble and resolutions symbolic of their views. Their families and their homes, they

79 reasoned, would suffer the brunt of the fighting if war occurred between the North and South. They steadfastly addressed the national tensions with calmness rather 22 than passion.

Although the committee hoped to offer a remedy for the problems enveloping the nation, the bulk of its report dwelt on the factors that had created the turmoil. The group insisted that no act of Congress or of the president justified terminating the Union, yet they maintained that the North had wronged the South by ratifying personal liberty laws, superseding the various fugitive slave acts. The committee developed twelve resolutions aimed at reducing the national discord, including the Northern states' repeal of any statutes that weakened the fugitive slave law. In exchange, the committee urged Virginia not to engage in any policy that might lead to the Union's dissolution. The participants exhorted both national and state representatives to show patience and forbearance, firmly insisting that, if the North and South followed these 23 resolutions, tensions would ease.

80 Secession

By 1861, a significant number of white residents had embraced secession. For many, citizens South

Carolina's withdrawal from the Union on December 20,

1860, with six more states in the Deep South following suit in the ensuing two months, served as the impetus for their conversion. As the tide carried one state after another from the Union, the Virginia legislature, in January, called for a state secession convention to debate Virginia's future. Loudoun and Fauquier whites eagerly joined in the process and made their sentiments 24 known.

On January 17, Fauquier's citizens met to nominate two representatives to the secession convention.

Jaquelin Ambler Marshall, son of former Chief Justice

John Marshall, suggested Robert Eden Scott and John

Quincy Marr. Scott, a former attorney of the commonwealth and a financial supporter of the Warrenton

Rifles, also had won election to the Virginia legislature; before commanding the Warrenton Rifles,

Marr had been Fauquier County sheriff and Warrenton's mayor. Voters reassembled on January 28, to present their views, much as Loudoun citizens had done the previous month, and to hear Scott and Marr discuss the

81 secession crisis. Although he endorsed a state's right to embrace slavery, Scott hoped that the North and South could settle their differences peacefully. He insisted that the Virginia secession convention needed to act rationally to " save my own and my neighbor's hearth-stones from the bloody horrors of Civil War."

Marr concurred with Scott's assessment.

Winter Payne summarized the conciliatory position of the moment and introduced a number of resolutions on the current state of the Union. Payne accused the North of violating the Constitution by failing to return escaped slaves to their owners and proclaimed that the

North's actions had dissolved the nation. Despite his tough rhetoric, Payne declared Fauquier County's devotion to the Union, but for the South to return to the fold, Payne insisted that the North must guarantee that it would never threaten the Southerners' right to , 26 own slaves.

In addition to Scott and Marr, the Fauquier convention ballot included two ardent secessionists, attorneys William H. Payne and Benjamin Howard

Shackelford. Payne helped found the Black Horse Troop;

Shackelford would succeed Marr as leader of the

Warrenton Rifles. While Marr and Scott encouraged restraint in deciding Virginia's future, Payne and

82 Shackelford called for the state's immediate withdrawal from the Union. Marr and Scott won easily with 1,443 and 1,318 votes, respectively. Payne received 554, while Shackelford tallied 409. By a slim margin of thirty-two votes, the citizens opted to require the convention to submit any actions it took to a public referendum. The overwhelming support for moderates

Scott and Marr indicates that, as of the balloting on

February 4, 1861, the majority of Fauquier whites still ^ • . 2 7 favored compromise over secession.

In Loudoun County, The Democratic Mirror gave each of the seven nominees to the convention an opportunity to present their views in its edition of January 30, but only two candidates responded, John Janney and John A.

Carter— both moderates. Janney cautioned against the use of military force to coerce the seceding states back into the Union. He maintained that the Confederacy's seizure of forts along the South Carolina coast equalled an act of war. Despite South Carolina's aggression,

Janney hoped that Lincoln would peacefully negotiate a reunification of the North and South. More importantly for Virginia, Janney advocated that the secession convention utilize calmness in determining the state's future. Carter echoed Janney's comments. The federal government had committed no act nor passed any law that

83 justified the Union's dissolution, but if the secession convention voted to leave the Union, Carter promised to share with his neighbors "whatever fortune it may be our 0 ft lot to bear."

While the two candidates who contributed to The

Democratic Mirror favored moderation, the paper's editors plainly did not. An editorial in the same edition urged Virginia and all other Southern states to withdraw from the Union and insist that Lincoln negotiate. If the North refused to compromise with the seceded states, the South should form a new country.

Most Loudoun voters disagreed with the extreme opinions of the editors and expressed their moderate views at the polls, handily electing Janney and Carter with 1,945 and

1,411 votes respectively, while John R. Carter, the only one of the seven candidates to espouse secession, finished fourth with 269 tallies. Voters overwhelmingly endorsed the referendum forcing the convention to submit any decision it reached to the people for ratification.

Although Lincoln had gained control of the presidency, most Loudoun voters, like their counterparts in 29 Fauquier, still believed in the Union.

When the Virginia secession convention opened in

February, the majority of representatives clearly supported Unionism. The participants elected John

84 Janney, known for his devotion to the United States, president of the convention. In Janney's opening address, he called for peace to triumph, urging his fellow representatives to proceed slowly and to resist passion. Despite his conciliatory rhetoric, Janney concluded that whatever decision the convention made, the delegates must support it with "inflexible firmness.

As the Virginia convention debated the state's future, local citizens volunteered their own opinions on secession. According to James Keith Boswell, a resident working on an Alabama railroad, Virginia had two choices— she could succumb to Lincoln and the Republican

Party or she boldly could assume her sovereignty. The time to compromise had passed, Boswell insisted; the

South must create the "greatest government" the world had ever seen. Serving in the United States Army at

Fort Cobb, Arkansas, Richard Ashby supported Boswell's position, characterizing Lincoln's inaugural address as a declaration of war and insisting that honor dictated that Virginia secede.

Acknowledging the conciliatory tone of Lincoln's inaugural address, the editors of the Warrenton Flag of

' 98 insisted that Lincoln's attempts to preserve the

Union, nevertheless, would result in coercion and war.

85 They bemoaned that Virginia, the first state to declare its independence from England, had relinquished its leadership role. The secession convention must declare

Virginia's withdrawal from the nation, the paper asserted, and restore the commonwealth to its former

^ _ 32 glorious stature.

Not all white locals stood ready to choose secession over unionism. From his seat in the Virginia

House of Delegates, Morgan County's representative attacked the Virginia secession convention and John

Janney, its president, for failing to exhibit the decisive action that the crisis required. He attributed

Janney's foot dragging to his Quaker upbringing.

Although Janney had belonged to the Society of Friends, elders dismissed him for marrying out of the faith.

Loudoun's representative to the House of Delegates defended Janney, Loudoun residents, and the convention's reluctance to decide Virginia's secession. He proclaimed that his white neighbors and their officials remained devoted to Virginia, but they could not forget their ties to the Union. Loudoun, the state, and their representatives must not contribute to the destruction of the nation until they had made every effort to

_ 33 preserve it.

86 Despite the Morgan Countian's attack, Janney and

the convention remained hopeful that the North and South

could reconcile their differences. Even as late as

April 4, the convention voted eighty-nine to forty-five

against seceding. During the next two weeks, radical

secessionists gathered in Richmond for their own

convention. Alice Janney queried her husband about the

secessionists' intentions. She feared they gathered

their forces to intimidate Janney and his fellow

delegates and possibly to drive them from Richmond and

to seize the government. On April 17, just one day

after the radicals' meeting began, Janney's convention

endorsed Virginia's secession, eighty-eight to

fifty-five.^*

The radicals' influence on Virginia's withdrawal

from the Union proved secondary to Lincoln's call for volunteers following the Confederate bombardment of Fort

Sumter on April 12. Despite his pledge to use the troops only to recover the forts and other government property the Confederates had seized, Lincoln's action provoked the majority of delegates to endorse secession.

Many of the counties' whites also quickly reversed their positions. Amanda Edmonds rejoiced that Virginians no

longer served as "quiet inmates" of the Union.

Describing the sentiment of Loudoun citizens toward

87 Lincoln's call, one reporter for The Alexandria Gazette

wrote: "It is said 'thou shalt not speak evil of the

ruler of thy people, ' but since the issuing of the

President's proclamation this injunction of Holy Writ

has not been much respected in these parts." Now that

Lincoln had chosen to utilize military force to subdue

the South, the reporter characterized the formerly

staunch Unionists as dauntless rebels.

Preparing for War

As they had done following John Brown's Raid, local whites prepared for the anticipated hostilities. Of the

2,400 Fauquier white men between the ages of eighteen and forty-five eligible for military duty, approximately

twenty-five percent joined one of the eleven units organized in early 1861. Others belonged to Virginia's

state militia, while a few chose to pay the three-dollar exemption fee for each of the three musters held every

year. Once Virginia officially seceded from the Union, additional men would swell these units' ranks, but many white males still hoped the North and South could settle

their difficulties peacefully. Loudoun whites served in more than twenty units, but five organizations claimed most of the volunteers. Virginia officials mustered the

88 Loudoun Guard, in existence since Brown's raid eighteen months earlier, into the Seventeenth Virginia Infantry on April 22, five days after the convention voted in favor of secession. John R. Turner had such confidence in Virginia's military capabilities that, on April 23, he proclaimed Lincoln would evacuate Washington in less than two weeks. According to Turner, there would be no war; Confederate troops would march unimpeded to

Washington and inform the president of the South's independence, leaving Lincoln to quietly concur.

The fervor for Confederate independence not only gripped the young but also roused many seniors to action. Determined that their age would not exclude them, a group of Markham's forty-five-and-older white males organized the Home Guard. Just as minutemen had won America's independence from England seventy-eight years before, the Guard's members envisioned themselves securing Virginia's autonomy. White men of all ages stood ready to prevent Lincoln's subjugation of the

South.

Loudoun and Fauquier soldiers played an important role in the state's early defense, helping to secure federal property for the Confederacy. On April 17, the day Virginia's convention voted for secession, Turner

Ashby's Mountain Rangers and the Black Horse Troop,

89 under orders from Governor Letcher, moved on the United

States arsenal at Harper's Ferry. Federal soldiers burned the storehouses moments before the Virginia troops reached the town, leaving behind nothing but ashes. The Northern detachment quickly withdrew from 3 8 the state, to the glee of these Confederates.

Although many citizens endorsed secession and flocked to join Virginia's military units, the counties' white residents worried about the ramifications of the secession vote. Like other women, Amanda Edmonds participated in balls, fairs, and flag presentations to raise funds for the troops or to encourage enlistments, but the uncertainty before her stayed uppermost in her thoughts. She had abandoned hope that the North and

South could settle their differences peacefully and saw a future that held only gloom. Concurring with Edmonds,

Susan Q. Curlette lamented, "My God, what is to become of the people?

Not everyone favored secession, including Loudoun

County's delegates to the secession convention. While both of Fauquier's representatives voted to withdraw from the Union, both of Loudoun's participants refused to endorse the referendum. Despite pressure from local secessionists, Janney voted against the resolution, although he ultimately signed it. Acknowledging that

90 the federal government had exceeded its powers and

oppressed white Virginians, Janney supported the

Ordinance to Repeal the Ratification of the Constitution

of the United States of America. Carter must have felt

quite defensive when he proclaimed his ties to "an old

Virginia family who had always been distinguished for

their devotion to land and niggersi" Their white

neighbors, who had chosen these two prominent men for 40 their moderation, now challenged their loyalty.

While the secessionists had forced Virginia from

the Union, a sizable number of Loudoun whites still

favored a single nation. Rebecca Williams, a Quaker

from Waterford, found the country's dissolution "too

terrible to think of." In Goose Creek, one of the two

precincts Lincoln carried in the presidential election,

citizens renamed the town in the president's honor,

angering their secessionist neighbors. Intimidation and

persecution would preclude similar patriotic acts. The

secession convention had chosen a course for the state, and now all of its residents had to endure the 41 consequences.

Immediately following the convention vote, Governor

Letcher dispatched fifty-thousand troops to northern

Virginia to rid the area of all Unionists, including the nearly fifteen-hundred Quakers who resided in Loudoun

91 County. Letcher wanted to ensure that Virginians ratified the secession ordinance in the referendum of

May 23. A number of Unionists fled to Maryland to avoid arrest, prompting one Confederate woman to report that the Quakers left in crowds— a "happy riddance." Rebecca

Williams recorded in her diary that Confederate authorities deployed troops to the polls to vote for secession and to intimidate Unionists. "How long will such tyranny & anarchy prevail," she questioned.

Threatened with hanging for voting against secession.

Amassa Hough, a thirty-year-old farmer, fled to

Maryland, leaving behind his parents and four .... 42 siblings.

Some of the exiles would later return secretly to visit their families, but most of them remained in

Maryland. In December 1861, four men came home temporarily, but on their trip back to Maryland,

Confederate officials arrested them as spies and confined them in Richmond's Libby Prison. The opportunity now existed for slavery's supporters to rid themselves of their enemies. Thus began the 43 Confederates' persecution of Virginia’s Unionists.

Two days prior to the balloting, the editors of the

Warrenton Flag of ' 98 encouraged all Fauquier men to condemn Lincoln's call for volunteers by endorsing the

92 secession referendum. Those who would vote against the ordinance the Flag labeled as Republican sympathizers and Southern traitors. Of the 831 people who voted, 827 ratified secession. The Richmond Enquirer described the four men who opposed the country's dissolution as 44 "without property, information, or influence."

Fewer than half of the Fauquier voters who cast ballots in the presidential election of 1860 participated in the secession referendum. Several factors may explain this precipitous decline. After months of reading the Flag of '98's fiery rhetoric, many voters may have surmised that disunion was a foregone conclusion and that their ballot would not affect the outcome, while others might have stayed away from the polls out of fear. Finally, should war occur, some

Unionists, by not voting, may have hoped to retain the 45 goodwill of their secessionist neighbors.

Loudoun voters did not endorse secession as vociferously as their southern neighbors. Of 2,352 votes cast, 1,626 favored secession, 762 did not. The participants in Loudoun's secession referendum declined by only twenty percent from the presidential election.

The Unionists undoubtedly found safety in their large numbers as they cast their votes to preserve the nation. Although John Janney had signed the

93 secession ordinance, he voted against it at the polls.

Despite his pledge to stand by any decision the secession convention made, Janney prayed civil war would not engulf the country. One of his secessionist neighbors insisted that, if Janney had been a young man, he would have ratified the ordinance, taken his musket, 46 and defended Virginia.

Considering the strong-arm tactics the Confederates employed to guarantee Virginia's favorable secession vote. Unionist support in Loudoun County may have been stronger than the official tally. Northwestern Loudoun voters, predominantly Quakers, cast most of the ballots against dissolution, with nearly nine of every ten opposing the referendum. The secession issue presented a special dilemma for the Quakers. On the one hand, a vote for secession equaled an endorsement of slavery, a practice the Friends officially repudiated, while on the other hand, a vote against secession carried with it additional risks that challenged Quaker precepts.

Lincoln's actions in April 1861 convinced some Loudoun

Friends that he would resort to war to preserve the

Union, thus the Quakers feared a vote against secession translated into a ballot in favor of war. No matter how the Friends voted, they would validate either war or slavery, both of which they denounced as contrary to

94 their religious beliefs. Many, therefore, chose not to participate in the referendum. Residents had set the stage for an inner civil war in Loudoun County, as its citizens struggled to gain control for their respective _ 47 governments.

On May 23, 1861, Virginia endorsed secession by an overwhelming majority. Most Loudoun and Fauquier whites favored secession, although some found this course objectionable. For both factions, in the words of

Rebecca Williams, "The prospect of dreadful times coming fills all hearts with gloom." Located on the border between the Union and the Confederacy, both groups 48 expected that their sufferings would be immense.

95 NOTES TO CHAPTER 2

^Amanda Virginia (Edmonds) Chappelear, Diary, 11 November 1859, 2 December 1859, Amanda Virginia (Edmonds) Chappelear Papers, VHS; Elizabeth Whiting (Powell) Conrad, to Holmes Conrad, n.d.. Holmes Conrad Papers, VHS. It is ironic that John Brown chose to launch his assault on slavery from Harper's Ferry, considering that few slaves and approximately fifteen hundred Quakers resided in the area. The Friends supported abolition but opposed violence. For a discussion of the events at Harper's Ferry, see Stephen B. Oates, To Purge This Land With Blood; A Biography of John Brown (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1970); Villard, John Brown, 1800-1859. For a discussion of the effects of Brown's raid on other Southerners, see Paul Finkelman, ed., His Soul Goes Marching On: Responses to John Brown and the Harpers Ferry Raid (Charlottesville: Univesity Press of Virginia, 1995); Mohr, On the Threshold of Freedom. 2 Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 161-163, xxi-xxvi. Throughout the antebellum period, fewer people participated in militia musters. The musters became mere social gatherings, not times to drill and create effective military units. See Mark Pitcavage, "An Equitable Burden: The Decline of the State Militias, 1783-1858" (Ph.D. diss.. The Ohio State University, 1995). William H. Payne, Washington, D.C., to William P. Palmer, Richmond, 11 May 1893, Palmer Family Papers, VHS; The Democratic Mirror, 25 October 185 9. On the Black Horse Cavalry, see Annals of the War: Written by Leading Participants North and South (Edison, NJ : The Blue and Grey Press, 1996).

^Chappelear, Diary, 11 November 1859, 13 November 1859, 17 November 1859, Chappelear Papers.

^Villard, John Brown, 439, 686.

^Villard, John Brown, 686; Flournoy, Calendar of Virginia State Papers, 310-311. Most scholars believe that Harriett Newby knew that Brown intended to capture Harper's Ferry, but no concrete evidence proves this was the case.

96 Chappelear, Diary, 17 November 1859, Chappelear Papers. James McPherson argues that Southerners quickly overcame their fear of slave unrest following Brown's raid, but this was not the case for Loudoun and Fauquier Counties. These people feared both the slaves and the abolitionists. For a view similar to mine, see Mohr, On the Threshold of Freedom. For a contradictory opinion, see James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom; The Civil War Era (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 208.

^Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 9-11; Chappelear, Diary, 20 November 1859, Chappelear Papers. g Chappelear, Diary, 2 December 1859, Chappelear Papers. 9 Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 147- 148; The Democratic Mirror, 7 December 1859, 2; Chappelear, Diary, 3 December 1859, Chappelear Papers.

^^The Democratic Mirror, 25 October 1859, 16 November 1859. Throughout the antebellum period, state militia organizations had suffered tremendous declines in membership. While no concrete evidence has been found for the status of these forces in Loudoun and Fauquier Counties, the tone of The Democratic Mirror's editorial suggests that they were in decline. For a discussion of the militia in the antebellum period, see Pitcavage, "An Equitable Burden." For Fauquier County, see John Marr, Affidavit, John Marr Affidavit, VHS. Marr was the Fauquier County sheriff, and this affidavit is a listing of fines he levied against people who failed to attend the militia musters. Unfortunately, no muster rolls have been found, so it is impossible to determine what percentage of eligible men failed to participate.

^^Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 11; Lee A. Wallace, Jr., 17th Virginia Infantry (Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1990); William M. Glasgow, Jr., Northern Virginia's Own : The 17th Virginia Infantry Regiment, Confederate States Army (Alexandria, VA: Gobill Press, 1989); Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 148-150; George Wise, History of the 17th Infantry C.S.A. (Baltimore: Kelly, Piet & Company, 1870); The Democratic Mirror, 7 December 1859. 12 Fauquier County Court Minute Book: 1859-1865, 24 June 1860, FCL; The Democratic Mirror, 7 December 1859, 22 February 1860; The Warrenton Flag of '98, 16 February

97 1860; Carrie Powell, Leesburg, Virginia, to Mary Eliza McDonald, n.d., Mary Eliza (McCormick) McDonald Letters, VHS. The publishers of Warrenton ' s Flag of ' 98 named their paper this to honor the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions, written by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison in opposition to the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798. These resolutions asserted that the states could declare federal laws unconstitutional.

^^The Democratic Mirror, 1 February 1860. 14 John E. Divine, Bronwen C. Souders, and John M. Souders, eds., "To Talk is Treason"; Quakers of Waterford, Virginia on Life, Love, Death ^ War in the Southern Confederacy (N.p.: Waterford Foundation, Inc., 1996), 21; N.O. Sowers, Clermont, Florida, to Samuel McCormick, 29 October 1924, McDonald Family Papers, VHS; Chappelear, Diary, 3 December 185 9, Chappelear Papers.

^^Legislative Petitions for Fauquier County, 10 January 1860. On the local economy, Chappelear, Diary, 10 May 1860, Chappelear Papers; R.H. Dulany, Welbourne, Loudoun County, Virginia, to Henry C. Cabell, 2 February 1860, Claiborne Family Papers, VHS; Edward Poland, Account Book, 1860-1862, WRPL; John E. Fletcher and William Fletcher, to Wellington Mellon, 1860, John E. Fletcher Papers, Personal Papers Collection, VSLA; John E. Fletcher, to Henry G. Dulany, 1860, John E. Fletcher Papers, VHS; John E. Fletcher, to William L. Childs, 1860, Fletcher Papers, VHS; Richard Lewis, Account Book, 1859-1862, VHS; Samuel M. Janney, Day Books, 21 July 1856-9 July 1869, Samuel M. Janney Papers. On economic problems United States citizens faced during the 1850s and early 1860s, see Kenneth M. Stampp, America in 1857: A Nation on the Brink (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); James L. Huston, The Panic of 1857 and the Coming of the Civil War (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1987).

^^Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 12; Crofts, Reluctant Confederates, 82-83, 176-177, 189, 368-372; Scheel, The History of Middleburg, 59; James B. Avirett, The Memoirs of General Turner Ashby and His Compeers (Baltimore: Selby & Dulany, 1867), 73-74. On Lincoln, see David Herbert Donald, Lincoln (London: Johnathan Cape, 1995).

^^The Democratic Mirror, 10 October 1860, 14 November 1860.

98 18 Crofts, Reluctant Confederates, 82. 19 The Democratic Mirror, 14 November 1860. 20 Avirett, The Memoirs of General Turner Ashby, 73- 74; John R. Turner, Warrenton, Virginia, to Sallie, 26 November 1860, John R. Turner Papers, WRPL; John Landstreet, Leesburg, Virginia, to his wife, 13 November 1860, John Landstreet Letters, VHS. 21 Fauquier County Court Minute Book: 1859-1865, 24 December 1860; The Warrenton Flag of '98, 6 December 1860; The Democratic Mirror, 14 November 1860. 22 The Democratic Mirror, 12 December 1860.

^^Ibid. 24 On the secession movement, see McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom. 2 5 Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 12-13; Joseph Arthur Jeffries, "Sketch of Warrenton Bar," Joseph Arthur Jeffries Manuscript, VHS. p C Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 12-13. 27 Ibid., 14; Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anquish, 152-154. 2 8 The Democratic Mirror, 30 January 1861. On Janney, see Divine, Hall, Andrews, and Osburn, Loudoun County and the Civil War, 15-17; Wilbur C. Hall, Address, Wilbur C. Hall Address, VHS. On Janney, see Anne Sarah Rubin, "Between Union and Chaos: The Political Life of John Janney," The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 102 (July 1994): 381-416; John Janney Vertical File, TBL. 29 The Democratic Mirror, 30 January 1861, 13 February 1861. The Loudoun vote totals for requiring the secession convention to submit any decision it reached to the people for final approval were 2,108 in favor, and 472 against.

^^U.S. Congress, House, Representative Dale Alford of Arkansas speaking on "Our First Grave Constitutional Crisis— 1861," 87th Cong., 1st sess.. Congressional Record (30 March 1961). Alexander H. Stephens, A Constitutional View of the Late War Between the States :

99 Its Causes, Character, Conduct and Results (Philadelphia: National Publishing Company, 1870), 366-367; The Democratic Mirror, 20 February 1861.

^^Richard Ashby, Fort Cobb, Arkansas, to his mother, 21 March 1861, Ashby Family Papers; James Keith Boswell, Alabama, to Juliet Chilton Keith, 24 February 1861, Keith Family Papers.

^^The Warrenton Flag of '98, 14 March 1861.

^^The Democratic Mirror, 27 March 1861; Fairfax Monthly Meeting Records, 10 May 1826. Mrs. Janney's religious faith is not known. 34 Crofts, Reluctant Confederates, 317; Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial History of the Civil War in the United States of America (Philadelphia: George W. Childs Publisher, 1866), 375-378.

^^Hillman A. Hall, W.B. Besley, and Gilbert G . Wood, eds., History of the Sixth New York Cavalry. Army of the Potomac, 1861-1865 (Worcester, MA: The Blanchard Press, 1908), 11-12. The Alexandria Gazette, 19 April 1861; Chappelear, Diary, 17 April 1861, Chappelear Papers. See also Edward Hitchcock McDonald, Diary, April 1861, SHC.

^^Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 16-17; Wallace, 17th Virginia Infantry, 14-15; Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, i-xxxi; Divine, Hall, Andrews, and Osburn, Loudoun County and the Civil War, 11-14; John R. Turner, Warrenton, Virginia, to Sallie, 23 April 1861, John R. Turner Papers.

^^Thomas E. Anderson, Markham, Virginia, to Turner Ashby, 29 April 1861, Ashby Family Papers; The Democratic Mirror, 17 April 1861. See also The Warrenton Flag of '98, 21 May 1861. 3 8 Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 15-16; Chappelear, Diary, 17 April 1861, Chappelear Papers. 39 Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 87; Chappelear, Diary, 23 May 1861, Chappelear Papers. 40 Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 87; Echoes from the South: Comprising the Most Important Speeches, Proclamations, and Public Acts Emanating from the South

100 Duinq the Late War (New York: E.B. Treat & Co., 1866), 65-67; The Democratic Mirror, 17 April 1861. 41 Divine, Souders, and Souders, "To Talk is Treason", 24; Janney and Janney, The Composition Book, 25. 42 Divine, Souders, and Souders, "To Talk is Treason", 24; Crofts, Reluctant Confederates, 347; Briscoe Goodhart, History of the Independent Loudoun Virginia Rangers, U.S. Vol. Cav. (Scouts ) 1862-1865 (Washington, D.C.: Press of McGill and Wallace, 1896), 12-13, 21; Sallie Powell, Leavenworth, Loudoun County, Virginia, to Mary Eliza McDonald, 26 April 1861, McDonald Letters; U.S. Department of Commerce, The Population Statistics for the Census of 1860 ; Eighth Decennial Census of the United States, Virginia, Loudoun County, Free Schedule, 24. On Governor Letcher, see Yearns, ed., The Confederate Governors, 216-226.

^^ibid. 44 Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 17- 18; The Warrenton Flag of '98, 21 May 1861.

^^ibid. 46 The Democratic Mirror, 29 May 1861; Loudoun County Vote on the Ordinance of Secession, Civil War Lists and Registers Vertical File, TBL; Mason Graham Ellzey, "The Cause We Lost and the Land We Love," 28. 47 Ibid. On the Quaker peace testimony, see Meredith Baldwin Weddle, "Conscience of Compromise: The Meaning of the Peace Testimony in Early New England," Quaker History 81 (Fall 1992): pp. 73-86; Nelson, Indiana Quakers Confront the Civil War ; Brock, The Quaker Peace Testimony; Margaret H. Bacon, The Quiet Rebels : The Story of the Quakers in America (New York: 1969), 94- 121; William Wistar Comfort, Quakers in the Modern World (New York: 1949), 194; Wright, Conscientous Objectors in the Civil War; Hirst, The Quakers in Peace and War; Jones, The Later Periods of Quakerism. 48 Divine, Souders, and Souders, "To Talk is Treason, 24; Flournoy, Calendar of Virginia State Papers, 155-156. The secession vote totals in Virginia were 129,184 in favor, and 32,334 against.

101 CHAPTER 3

"MANY AND GREAT DIFFICULTIES";

LIFE UNDER CONFEDERATE OCCUPATION,

MAY 1861-FEBRUARY 1862

On May 24, 1861, just one day after the Virginia

secession referendum. Federal troops invaded Virginia.

Fifty-six-year-old Robert Bolling, Fauquier County's

wealthiest slaveowner, lamented the unfolding events.

Virginia's decision to renounce the United States

disappointed Bolling, but with the Yankees' occupation

of Alexandria, he yearned to be young and strong enough

to take down his sword and to follow Robert E. Lee in

defense of his beloved Virginia.^

For the next eight months. Confederate supporters

in Loudoun and Fauquier Counties expected their worst

nightmare to become an imminent reality. Fear that

Union forces would sweep down upon their homes, burn

their possessions, and take their very lives obsessed

them. Although the Confederates enjoyed a temporary reprieve, the pervasion of Southern troops disgusted the counties' Unionists. During 1861, the war impacted all

102 residents, but most experienced only inconveniences compared to what the war would become.

Stationed at Fairfax, fewer than ten miles from

Alexandria, John Quincy Marr and the Warrenton Rifles first confronted the Union troops. On June 1, 1861,

Northern cavalry left Alexandria and rode on Fairfax, arriving at three in the morning. The Confederates routed the Northern "ruffians," but Marr, killed while studying the terrain, became the first Fauquier resident and Southern officer to die in the war. William Smith, whose antebellum mail and stage operations made him wealthy, assumed command of the Rifles, repelled two more Union advances, and maintained hold of Fairfax for the South. A local newspaper reported that Fauquier women applauded their husbands and sons who had blunted 2 the Northern advance.

Marr's death tempered Fauquier Confederates' pride in their soldiers. Warrenton officials lowered the

Confederate flag over the courthouse to half-staff, as sadness engulfed the community. The Lee Guard and a large assembly of citizens escorted Marr's body, which reached Warrenton the evening of June 1. They buried the Confederacy's first martyr in the Warrenton cemetery the following afternoon, with fifteen hundred people in

103 attendance. The county had lost its first son to the

Civil War.^

Who and Why They Fought

Marr's death, ratherthan dampening patriotic

ardor, strengthened the resolve of Confederate-

supporting residents. Amanda Edmonds recorded that

Marr's death saddened many but also filled them with

nationalistic fervor. She expressed the sentiments of

numerous whites when she wrote that the secession

ordinance marked the beginning of a political

revolution. The counties' white men served as a

testament to Edmonds's words, as they rushed to enlist

in the Confederate military, eager to drive Union forces

from Virginia and to secure the Confederacy's

independence.^

Between one thousand and fifteen hundred white men

from each county chose to fight for the South. Turner

Ashby's Laurel Brigade, pre-eminent among the Virginia

units, included the Sixth, Seventh, Eleventh, Twelfth, and Thirty-Fifth Virginia Cavalry Regiments and served as Stonewall Jackson's horsemen during the infamous

Valley Campaign of 1862. These counties' soldiers also

formed the nucleus of several other regiments, including

104 the Fourth Virginia Cavalry, formerly the Black Horse

Troop; the Eighth and Seventeenth Virginia Infantries;

the Twelfth Artillery Battalion; and the Fauquier and

Loudoun Artilleries. Loudoun citizens also enlisted in

the First Maryland (Confederate) Cavalry and the First

and Seventh Georgia Infantry Regiments.^

Although many working-class whites across the

Confederacy ultimately accepted that the Civil War was a

rich man's war but a poor man's fight, in the case of

these counties, affluent whites participated in slightly greater numbers than their poorer neighbors, but the citizens with the most to lose or to gain enlisted in

significant numbers. The men who served in the regular

Confederate forces represented a broad range of ages, occupational backgrounds, and social classes. In a sample of 770 regular soldiers, the mean age in 1860 was twenty-four years and six months, while the median was twenty-two years. Those from agricultural backgrounds accounted for sixty percent of the group. Twenty-one percent worked as skilled craftsmen, and fifteen percent qualified as professionals. Averaging five slaves each, slaveowners, the largest group represented in the sample, totaled thirty-nine percent. The poor, those who owned fewer than five hundred dollars in personal property and no real estate or slaves, constituted the

105 second largest group, just over thirty-six percent. The

vast majority of these men owned fewer than one hundred

dollars in goods, tools, or animals. The non-

slaveholding middle class numbered just 116 men or

fifteen percent. No evidence has been found that any of

the counties' African Americans enlisted in the

Confederate military.^

Within the last decade, historians have begun to

explore why white Southern men enlisted in the

Confederate military. Among the questions these

scholars endeavor to answer is why Confederate soldiers

remained in the army in late 1864 and 1865, when little

hope existed for the Confederacy's survival. James

McPherson argues that these soldiers fought for state

sovereignty, the right to secede, and their

interpretation of the Constitution. On a more personal

level, they protected their homes and families. Lastly, he contends Southerners defended their property—

including slaves. Reid Mitchell concur's with

McPherson's observations but also maintains that the racist views of Confederate whites, strong familial ties within military companies, and the firm belief among white Southerners that God supported their cause enabled the Confederacy to wage war for four grueling years.^

106 What motivated Loudoun and Fauquier men to enlist

in the Confederate army? Most white Virginians,

including these counties' citizens, perceived Lincoln's

call for 75,000 volunteers as an act of aggression.

Robert M. Stribling, colonel of the Fauquier Artillery,

submitted that his command fought to validate their

manhood and to preserve their homes and country.

Alexander Hunter, a member of the Black Horse Troop,

believed the war resulted from Northern jealousy of the

Southern gentry, who purportedly lived "a life of

glorious ease and contentment." Hunter maintained that

Northerners sought to destroy slavery, an institution

from which they received nothing, while Southern whites

had to take up arms to defend their way of life from the

Northern aggressors. William McDonald, a member of the

Laurel Brigade, simply concluded that his fellow

soldiers fought in defense of their state and of the g Confederacy.

While these soldiers confirmed McPherson's and

Mitchell's findings, they also suggest an additional

inducement for enlisting— money. The Confederacy

offered bounties as high as fifteen hundred dollars for

enlistment, and soldiers received an average annual wage of ninety-six dollars per year, a stipend more than many

volunteers had accumulated in their lifetimes. Of a

107 sample of 989 soldiers, 346 owned no real estate and fewer than five hundred dollars in personal property, according to the census schedules and tax records for

1860. Most of these men or their families possessed fewer than one hundred dollars in personal property.

For these men, service in the Confederate army afforded 9 a means of improving their economic condition.

As the war persisted, all residents suffered financially, making the army's salary even more attractive to some. Although inflation eventually devalued Southern currency, the war destroyed most other livelihoods. Skilled craftsmen no longer had markets for their goods, and the factories and mills Union or

Confederate forces did not burn closed for lack of workers and materials. Northern and Southern soldiers confiscated farmers' crops to feed the massive armies passing through the area, leaving barely enough for families to subsist. Union officials refused to allow the farmers to transport any remaining crops across their lines to the principal markets of Baltimore,

Alexandria, and Washington. While most Confederate soldiers remained devoted to their cause, economic devastation surely impacted Southern enlistment, especially among the poor.^^

108 A substantial number of citizens remained loyal to the Union, and although many fled to Maryland, these refugees did not abandon the fight. In January 1862,

Samuel Means, who had lived in exile for the previous six months, sought Union Secretary of War Edwin

Stanton's permission to form a volunteer cavalry unit composed principally of Loudoun men. Unlike his brother. Means refused to serve in the Confederate army, proclaiming his loyalty to the United States. Means accused the Confederates of waging "a cruel and malicious war" upon the "best government that ever existed.

Means found most of his initial recruits among the white Unionists that Confederate officials forced into exile in Maryland. Organized in June 1862, these men became the Independent Loudoun Virginia Rangers. The remainder of the company's 187 men came from Maryland.

Many of the rangers were of German descent, while another sixteen actively participated in the Society of

Friends. Briscoe Goodhart, a member of the command, argued that most of these men believed that each state belonged to the "National compact" and that it behooved every individual to render allegiance to the nation.

Goodhart argued that the federal government must take a

109 "rebellious State across the right knee and administer a 12 spanking."

Although Goodhart ascribed these Unionist

principles to the Loudoun Rangers, he suggested an

additional reason for their enlistment. While they

risked their lives for the United States, it was only when the Confederates brought the war to their doorsteps

that the Unionists' "flesh grew stronger than the spirit." The rangers believed intensely in the country's preservation, but on a personal level they had a fervent desire to liberate northern Virginia and their family members from the Confederate menace.

Quaker members of the Loudoun Rangers not only had to justify the war politically but also had to reconcile their enlistment theologically. Quaker doctrine forbade the use of violence against another human being, prompting the Goose Creek Monthly Meeting in September

1861 to reiterate its pacifist dogma. War violated the teachings of Christ, the elders stated, therefore they would take no part in the conflict. Friends must comply with the country's laws, but if the statutes violated their religious beliefs, they would "remain entirely passive under them, suffering all penalties." The

Fairfax Monthly Meeting adopted the same resolution on

September 11. Friends who served in the Civil War

110 violated their peace testimony and thus their faith.

One Quaker justified killing a Confederate, stating:

"Friend, it is unfortunate, but thee stands exactly 14 where I am going to shoot."

Deployed for most of the war in northern Virginia, the Loudoun Rangers endured the harassment of John

Singleton Mosby's partisans, against whom they retreated more often than they advanced. John H. Alexander, one of Mosby's Rangers, described one guerrilla raid on a supply depot at Point of Rocks, Maryland, during which the Loudoun Rangers fled across the bridge, stopping just long enough to destroy the flooring so as to slow the guerrillas' pursuit. Union officials also found the

Loudoun Rangers similarly unprepared for battle. On

September 2, 1862, Colonel Dixon S. Miles noted that the rangers quickly ran from the enemy, while Colonel R.

Clendenin, on July 14, 1864, declared the unit

"worthless.

Although most Loudoun Quakers fought for the North, several enlisted in the Confederate military. Nearly all of these Friends no longer participated in the

Quaker meetings. Elders had dismissed most of them for slaveownership, including Gurley R. Hatcher. Although

Hatcher asked the Goose Creek Meeting to retain him as a member, the elders removed him in 1832. His son

111 enlisted in Mosby's Rangers in 1863. Quakers and ex-Friends who volunteered for the Confederate army generally did not do so until the latter years of the war, when Mosby's Forty-Third Virginia Cavalry Battalion lured them into uniform. While most of these men no longer belonged to the Society of Friends, they probably harbored misgivings about taking up arms. They or their loved ones had separated from the Quakers over slavery— not over war.^^

Slaveownership generally determined whether a

Loudoun Quaker fought for the North or the South.

Wealthy slaveholders, who on average owned seven slaves, constituted sixty percent of the Confederate Friends, while only two out of thirteen of their Unionist counterparts fell into this category. The latter two,

James A. Cox, a farmer, and Samuel Means, a storekeeper and mill operator, owned two slaves each, but most of their wealth came from sources independent of their bondsmen. The remainder of the Unionist Friends belonged to the non-slaveholding middle class. Prior to the war, roughly half of the Quakers who served the

Confederacy earned a living as farmers, whereas only three of their Union counterparts participated in agricultural occupations. By contrast, most Unionists found employment as artisans, including four carpenters

112 and one shoemaker; or industrialists, including three wool manufacturers and two millers. The average age for

both groups in 1860 was twenty three. Loudoun Quakers as young as twelve and as old as forty-nine served in

the Civil War.^^

The Harsh Reality of War

Anxiety overwhelmed the civilian population, as

local Confederates and Unionists, alike, believed God

sanctioned their respective causes but feared that he might abandon them for their adversary. Amanda Edmonds blamed the war on the "wickedness of the land" and called it "a judgment sent to bring the pride of the

American people down." She prayed that God would save her family from the North's "unprincipled, unmerciful cut throats," beseeching the Almighty to protect her home from the horrors of war and lead the Confederacy to ultimate victory. She remained confident that with

God's assistance the Confederate military would drive the Union forces from Virginia's soil. For Edmonds and her Confederate-supporting neighbors, the South's liberation never materialized, and "rivers of blood" 18 accompanied its downfall.

113 Unionist Susan Q. Curlette proved as eloquent as

Edmonds when she lamented the Union's demise. Widowed

prior to the war, Curlette operated her farm

single-handedly. She feared that Virginia would become

a battleground and grew despondent, seeing no end to the

conflict. In May 1861, Curlette poured out her grief

over the rift within the Union; "Oh, My country I loved 19 so much, I fear she is doomed for ruin."

General Pierre G.T. Beauregard, commander of

Southern forces in northern Virginia, must have

amplified the Confederates' trepidation when he issued

his "Beauty and Booty" proclamation on June 5.

Beauregard warned the residents of Fairfax, Loudoun, and

Prince William Counties that tyrants had invaded

Virginia. President Lincoln had thrown his

abolitionists among them, jailing and murdering citizens and destroying property, Beauregard declared. He proclaimed, "All that is dear to man— your honor and that of your wives and daughters— your fortunes and your

lives, are involved in this momentous contest." He

implored residents to expel the Yankee invaders before

they could carry off Virginia's property and women—

their "Beauty and Booty.

Four days after Beauregard's proclamation, Loudoun secessionists sent a petition to Eppa Hunton, commander

114 of Southern forces in their vicinity, urging him to furnish additional men for their defense. Certain the

North would launch an invasion across one of the thirteen fords and ferries along the Potomac River, the petitioners notified Hunton of the county's large surplus of animals and crops. They also expressed concern about the sizable Unionist population in their midst and the numerous reports in Northern papers encouraging Union officials to make Leesburg the site of an encampment because of its healthy climate. Hunton concurred with the petitioners, and 2,500 troops 21 hastened to defend northern Virginia.

As the Confederate military grew in strength in the counties, incertitude gradually yielded to optimism.

Beauregard stationed the newly arrived units along the

Potomac River to prevent a Union invasion. The heaviest concentration of troops occurred at Prince William

County's Manassas Junction, the most important railroad connection in northern Virginia. Each day the counties' residents awoke to the expectation of an imminent Union attack. Although scared, Amanda Edmonds clung to the hope that Northern forces would spare Fauquier County.

The arrival of one thousand Georgians at Harper's Ferry in -.'hcly June especially pleased her. The influx of

115 Southern troops assuaged Edmonds's fears and those of 22 her Confederate neighbors.

Despite their anxiety. Confederate supporters steeled themselves for the impending fight. Certain that Union soldiers were "worse than Barbarians," Kate

Powell Carter believed that the liberty and honor of white Southerners remained at stake. She urged her fellow whites to do all in their power to gain their independence. Carrie Powell, Carter's neighbor, agreed.

Although she abhorred the thought of the Union occupation of her home, she chose to remain in Leesburg

"just to 'Sass' the Yankee to his face." She insisted her cousin join her, since she also excelled at impudence. Loudoun and Fauquier soldiers anticipated a victory on the battlefield and a quick end to the war.

John R. Turner concluded that Lincoln would simply leave the South alone once Confederates repelled the current

Unionrt • invasion. • .23

Confederate officers proved less confident than

Turner of the South's military readiness. Richard Henry

Dulany, colonel of the Sixth Virginia Cavalry, remembered events at Fairfax differently from most of the counties' Confederates. The Southern troops, he contended, ran from a smaller Union force; he found the soldiers "much better at boasting than fighting." In a

116 dispatch to Robert E. Lee, Eppa Hunton blamed his inability to destroy the Loudoun and Hampshire Railroad on his untrained and undisciplined men.^^

For most recruits this was not a war but a party.

Encamped at the Fauquier White Sulphur Springs, the

Second Virginia Cavalry drank mint juleps by the bucketful and partook of the baths. The Old Dominion

Rifles, stationed in Warrenton, described their sojourn in the town as a pleasant vacation. Another Confederate soldier delighted in the home-cooked food the citizens prepared for the troops. Leesburg remained the soldiers' "favorite arena for combat," John Esten Cooke maintained, because the men could compete for the attention of the town's women. According to Fauquier resident James Marshall, the troops spent more time

"feasting dayly on the fat of the Virginia land" than learning the art of soldiering, a skill they would desperately need when the time arrived to prove their manhood. Their day of reckoning would come on July 21,

1861, at the Battle of First Bull Run.^^

The counties' residents contributed immeasurably to the South's victory at Manassas. Since early June, slaves and whites, alike, had engaged in constructing breastworks for the anticipated battle, and the counties' militias had augmented Beauregard's forces

117 since early July. As Confederate troops, mostly

belonging to Joseph E. Johnston's command in the

Shenandoah Valley, raced to Manassas, women provided the

hungry and weary soldiers with food and places to rest.

The troops poured through the two counties, but the

women could not satisfy the hunger of more than one-

third of the men, although they cooked as "hard and as

fast as fire and hands could do it." Most white women

refused payment for the meals that they prepared,

including Kitty Shacklett, who declared, "'Go fighti I 2 g won't have your gold!'"

For many white women, the unfamiliar chore of cooking became an added duty. When one Confederate soldier asked Amanda Edmonds to cook him a bucket of flour, she did her best but confided to her diary the awkwardness of this new work. The same proved true for

Susan Curlette, whose stove performed to its capacity, as a continuous stream of troops passed through her kitchen for three days. Meanwhile, the Warrenton newspaper encouraged the "Ladies" of Fauquier to assist the troops in every possible means. As Confederate soldiers headed for Manassas, white women in both 27 counties heeded the newspaper's call.

The Loudoun and Fauquier units performed admirably at First Bull Run. Milton Robinson wrote to his mother

118 of the battle's horrors and the courage of the Eighth

Virginia Infantry's "Loudoun Company," describing men

"exhausted, some running to the woods and branches, some

with one leg, one arm, one eye and some with no legs."

The sight disheartened him, but he consoled himself with

the knowledge that Virginia's soldiers had cleared the

field of Northern forces and had proven themselves on

the battlefield, forcing the invaders to flee back to

Washington. Robinson thanked God for blessing the 2 8 Confederacy on this day.

The South's victory at Bull Run boosted the morale

of the counties' Confederate-supporting residents. With

satisfaction, Amanda Edmonds enumerated, albeit

incorrectly, the Union losses in her diary, including

more than ten thousand men, seventy cannon, fifteen

thousand small arms, and General Winfield Scott's

carriage horses, epaulets, plans, and sword. Edmonds

joyfully recorded that the women of Washington,

expecting a victory ball after the Union army defeated

the Confederates, lost their gowns in the pell-mell

retreat to the capital. After such a stunning defeat,

she believed the North would relinquish the fight. If

she had known the true Union losses— 625 killed, 950 wounded, and 1,200 captured— Edmonds might not have been

so confident. She, nevertheless, gave thanks to the

119 Southern army but credited God for the "glorious victory," the same triumphant phrase Kate Carter used when she too praised God for the Confederates' 29 success.

Faced with the North's defeat, many local Unionists began to waver. In a letter to her son, Susan Curlette wrote of her disappointment that the Confederates had routed the Northerners. The thirty thousand handcuffs

Southern forces reportedly captured from the Union army especially troubled her, prompting Curlette to hold fast to her belief in war's horribleness. She remained convinced of Virginia's eventual ruination and expected the conflict to destroy everything that she owned.

Thanking God for the nearby presence of Confederate soldiers, Curlette now referred to the Union troops as the enemy and chastised the Federal army for its occupation of Alexandria. Having paid in advance for a thirty-year subscription to the Alexandria Gazette, it piqued her that she could not receive her newspaper through Union lines.

The loss of friends and loved ones tempered the new­ found optimism of local Confederates. Holmes Conrad, who opposed secession but nevertheless fought for

Virginia, died at Bull Run, as did his brother, while

Richard Ashby perished during a battle in western

120 Virginia. Disease felled Dr. Thomas Marshall, while he assisted wounded and ill soldiers in a Confederate

hospital. Although the war was only three months old, many families already had made the ultimate sacrifice.

The Confederate victory inspired many previously

reluctant white males to enlist in the Southern army.

Although Bull Run's outcome excited Amanda Edmonds, she had a new concern; her younger brother Sydnor had enlisted in the Confederate army. His family begged him not to volunteer, but Edmonds feared, after the decisive victory at Manassas, that the war would end before he could become one of the South's heroes. Amanda Edmonds reluctantly conceded that other families already endured the absence of their menfolk and consoled herself with the knowledge that her brother served his country.

Meanwhile, grief overwhelmed Ida Dulany, as Confederate officials ordered her husband Hal to Manassas. Losing her self control when she heard his orders, she uttered her hatred of the war— with constant dread overshadowing every thought and punctuating every laugh with anticipated sorrow. "Desolate shall I be till he comes 32 back," she recorded in her diary.

While Sydnor Edmonds hastened to enlist before the glory of battle eluded him, other local whites sought exemptions from military service. Bailey W. Allison, an

121 overseer, and John R. Holland, the owner of a woolen factory, each made exemption requests. When Governor

Letcher called out the Fauquier militia, Allison pursued an exemption because, with his employer already serving in the regular army, no one would be available to administer to the man's affairs. Based on a Virginia law passed on May 1, 1861, Holland deemed the services of two of his woolen factory employees critical to the production of "military goods," primarily uniforms. In his petition to the militia captain, Holland insisted that if either man reported for duty the factory would of necessity close.

Local Confederates had little time to savor the triumph at Manassas before a new challenge confronted them. In the days following Bull Run, Confederate wounded flooded Warrenton and Leesburg. On August 2, the Warrenton Town Council appropriated the public schoolroom for a hospital, but by August 22, it overflowed with sick and wounded. The council appointed a committee to arrange for additional hospital space and delegated the procurement of mattress frames, mattresses, and straw for stuffing. They chose the town cemetery, where John Quincy Marr reposed, as the burial site for those soldiers who perished. Another committee assumed responsibility for interring the six or seven

122 soldiers who typically died each day. By winter, town authorities had commandeered as hospitals all but one church, the courthouse, both train depots, and several stores. In the nine months following the Battle of Bull

Run, the students at the Fauquier Female Seminary placed 34 six hundred crosses on the Confederate graves.

Primarily white women and African Americans tended the sick and wounded soldiers. For their services, the women received ten dollars per month, while the males commanded twenty dollars. The town's white women helped supply the hospitals with blankets, bandages, and medicine. Many of these females also supplemented their families' income by boarding relatives of wounded soldiers or refugees from neighboring Fairfax County.

One soldier from Mississippi credited every Leesburg family with taking sick or wounded soldiers into their homes and caring for them as if they were family members. Faced with a dire shortage of nurses, the

Confederate medical director, on December 17, ordered the commander of the Warrenton hospitals, to impress all free blacks if they refused to be hired. The free-black population in Fauquier County proved almost non-existent; it remains unknown if the officer followed the medical director's suggestion that he impress blacks in adjoining counties.

123 with the fall of 1861, residents began to experience their first shortages. Catherine Hopley, an

Englishwoman, accepted employment as a music teacher at the Fauquier Female Seminary in August. The school had an abundance of foodstuffs, but she quickly discovered a shortage of footwear. Hopley often invited her pupils to accompany her on walks, but they frequently refused her invitations, fearing the exercise would wear out their shoes. One student agreed to join Hopley if she would stroll along the railroad tracks, so they could traverse the wood-work without ruining their shoes in the prodigious mud of Warrenton's streets. Upon hearing that a storekeeper had received a shipment of galoshes, the music teacher hurried out to make a purchase. Only three pairs remained, each two sizes too large, but that was better than two sizes too small, Hopley reasoned.

She bought the galoshes anyway and congratulated herself for securing them, since Warrenton shoemakers could not obtain thread to repair old or to make new shoes.

As winter approached, residents encountered shortages in heating and lighting supplies. A scarcity of coal forced residents unable to heat with another fuel to move in with relatives or friends who warmed their homes in another fashion. The cost of wood soared from three dollars per cord in the spring to ten dollars

124 as winter neared. Just before Christmas, the Fauquier

Female Seminary supplemented its coal furnace with a wood-burning stove that sat in the drawing room, with the shivering pupils crowded around it. Evening church services ended that fall, and stores closed at sunset, 37 because of a shortage of lamp oil and wicks.

Farmers quickly learned that the Confederate soldiers made good customers and charged outrageously for their products. In particularly short supply, butter increased from twelve cents per pound before the war to sixty cents. A turkey, which cost one dollar in

January, brought $2.50 by the fall of 1861, but salt, which cost twenty-two dollars in the Shenandoah Valley, remained comparatively cheap at $3.50 per sack. To extend their coffee, residents began mixing it with rye.

Several Warrenton stores closed that winter for lack of merchandise. The army hospitals had stripped the town's three drug stores of most of their supplies, forcing one to close, while the two remaining stores had little stock.

Those individuals who had goods to spare or could perform services the Confederate army needed profited handsomely. Robert Beverley contracted with the army at

Manassas to butcher cattle. In return, Beverley received the hide and the hooves of each animal. He

125 processed the hooves into tallow and oil, products used to make candles and lubricant for weapons and machinery, while craftsmen fashioned the hides into saddles and other leather goods. Lucius Bellinger Northrop, the

Confederate army's commissary general, valued the hides and the hooves of each animal at twelve dollars.

Believing the Southern government compensated Beverley too liberally for his services, Northrop sent his assistant to meet with Burr Powell Noland, one of

Loudoun's representatives to the House of Delegates.

Noland concurred that the South must negotiate a more favorable contract with Beverley. Some residents 39 clearly welcomed profiting from the war.

Many businessmen exploited the residents' apprehensions to turn a profit. As soon as Lincoln called for 75,000 volunteers to quell the rebellion,

J.H. Price placed an advertisement in the Warrenton Flag of '98, declaring that Union soldiers were "MARCHING directly to WARRENTON" and advising the townspeople to visit his store to lay in enough goods to last the war's duration. In their ad in the Leesburg Washingtonian,

Waterford blacksmith James M. Steer and wheelwright

Reuben Schooley begged the counties' farmers not to let the current excitement prevent them from having their farm machinery serviced. They pledged to assist the

126 people of Virginia as long as the citizens would sustain 40 them in their businesses.

Although some residents garnered tremendous profits, many others reaped only financial losses. In

April 1861, Virginia military authorities impressed

Christian Nisewarner's horses for "state services," and in August, they took additional horses and his wagon.

Nisewarner valued the confiscated goods at $560 but received no compensation from the state. Numerous other residents experienced similar losses to the state and

Confederate governments. In October, Ida Dulany had the uncomfortable feeling that farm work did not proceed as it should. She described the planting as "so very backward" and expressed concern that she might lose the wheat crop, her only source of income. Laborers might have to supplement her slaves, and although she still could have found farmhands, they commanded higher wages than ever before. Edward Donnelly signed an indenture with J.P. Nourse in 1861 and with Charles L. Nourse in

1862. They paid Donnelly two hundred dollars per year plus room and board— twice the amount he could earn in the Confederate army. Prior to the war, both slave and free workers earned, at most, one hundred dollars per 41 year plus food and lodging.

127 Following Bull Run, the Confederate troops attempted to recreate the party-like atmosphere they had enjoyed prior to the battle. Although Confederate soldiers occupied and passed through all parts of

Loudoun and Fauquier Counties, most remained near

Leesburg. General Joseph Johnston reported that 2,700 men occupied that community in October. John Esten

Cooke, who had delighted in pursuing Leesburg's women before Bull Run, had not lost his passion, describing the town as a "Land of excellent edibles, and beautiful maidens! of eggs and romance, of good dinners and lovely faces !" A first lieutenant in the Richmond Howitzers took pleasure in riding with Leesburg's "finest and first young Ladies," many of whom expressed their desire for the man, if he became ill, to reside in their homes until well. He concluded that it would be a joy to 42 become sick to have such beautiful attendants.

For other soldiers, the monotony of camp life and a longing for home and family quickly replaced the initial exuberance of victory. Angry because he did not receive permission to go home, Milton Robinson tired of the army within a few weeks of the battle and lamented the drudgery of a soldier's life. He appreciated the boxes of food from home but longed for a visit from his mother, who was just a six-hour ride away. Robinson

128 found the duties imposed upon a soldier difficult to accept. Most importantly, he hoped the war would not

last much longer, praying that the peace meetings in the

North would result in a cessation of hostilities before winter, but not if the Union failed to accept Southern independence. Robinson's loyalty to the Confederacy remained steadfast, but his romantic views of war promptly succumbed to the harsh reality of everyday life 43 in the army.

Boredom and the mischief it caused among the soldiers greatly vexed military leaders. One member of the Seventeenth Mississippi Infantry Regiment deserted at Leesburg on September 15, but Confederate authorities captured and jailed him the following day. Three weeks earlier a fight broke out between two men of the same regiment; meanwhile, a guard arrested two very drunken soldiers in Leesburg. Richard Henry Dulany experienced similar problems with the Loudoun and Fauquier soldiers in his command. Dulany maintained that only quick and harsh punishment would deter his men from consuming alcohol. In early September, he confined two men in jail for drunkeness; one of them had been intoxicated for six months. Dulany believed that "indulgence" had 44 "ruined" more men than would die in the war.

129 The soldiers' intemperance especially troubled the civilians, who preached abstinence to the men and arrested those who failed to heed the word. The

Fauquier Long Branch Baptist Church took up a special collection to send colporteurs to the army to furnish the troops with Bibles. To deal with obstreperous soldiers, the Fauquier County court formed a special police force. As units from across the South flooded northern Virginia, Confederate supporters welcomed the men who would protect them from the Union army but, at 45 the same time, feared their disorderly behavior.

Although his troops' unruliness bothered Richard

Dulany, he also worried about his farm, his aging father, and his mother-less children. Dulany regularly sent instructions to his seventy-three-year-old father regarding the farm's operation. On September 12, he ordered the sale of his wheat and directed a slave to remove the sheep from the mountain and graze them at

Millsville. Dulany also organized his business affairs in case the war claimed his life. He directed the children's tutor to show them the Northern and Southern states on a map and asked their cousin to read them the battle accounts in the newspapers so that they might learn the names of the officers and the engagements.

While it would be nice to be home to handle his affairs

130 personally, Dulany particularly yearned to be with his 46 father and children.

Like Dulany, John Augustine Washington, an aide to

Robert E. Lee, remained involved in affairs at home. He

directed his aunt to find a governess for his children—

a woman mature enough "to inspire respect and not old

enough to be crotchety or ill tempered." Concerned that

his progeny learn the importance of money, he instructed

them in the wisdom of selling property when opportune

and not when necessary. Credit at the store, he wrote,

took away independence and brought the creditor to the

door. He reported that General Lee made his supply

requests in vain, and while angry that Confederate

authorities in Richmond ignored Lee's appeals. Southern

newspapers infuriated him with their seeming "delight"

in revealing Confederate troop locations and supply

difficulties to the Union military. Although he dearly

missed his children, Washington's faith in the Southern

cause remained steadfast. His earthly concerns ended

abruptly in the fall of 1861 when he fell in battle in 47 western Virginia.

The harsh reality of soldiering disillusioned less

committed men who wavered in their support of the

Confederacy. Thomas B. Turner, a son of prominent

slaveowner Edward Carter Turner, became irate over

131 rumors that the Confederacy would withhold the pay of any man who refused to enlist for the entire war.

Turner vowed he would never take any such oath and, if the rumor proved true, would personally hang Jefferson

Davis and his cabinet. While Turner opposed the rumored high-handed measures of the Southern government, other less passionate men simply grew tired of camp life and deserted.

Occasional Federal raids into Loudoun County temporarily interrupted the monotony in the Southern camps and alarmed Confederate supporters. Following

Bull Run, Union forces remained in defensive positions around Washington, guarding the numerous fords along the

Potomac River, but in August, Northern troops crossed the Potomac into Loudoun to determine the Confederate military's strength. The Democratic Mirror proclaimed,

"Federal Troops in Loudoun; BURNING PRIVATE PROPERTY.

ARREST OF UNOFFENDING CITIZENS." The paper stated that

Northern soldiers had spent the weeks since Bull Run

"prowling" along the Potomac River, frightening

Loudouners with their raids. Humiliated at Bull Run, the Union soldiers purportedly sought revenge. Several hundred troops supposedly occupied Lovettsville, the story continued, while another Union force had burned an old warehouse and home at Edward's Ferry. The following

132 week the paper reported that General Evans had defeated the Northerners, killing three hundred men and capturing seventeen hundred others. The Democratic Mirror printed a retraction in its next edition, as no such battle had taken place. The Union troops simply "vamoosed" back 49 across the Potomac.

The first actual battle to occur on Loudoun soil transpired at Ball's Bluff on the outskirts of Leesburg on October 21. Union General Charles P. Stone began to ferry his men across the Potomac River on the evening of

October 20, intending to determine Confederate troop strength around Leesburg. With the water rising and only three boats available to ferry soldiers, the mission experienced adversity from the outset. Early afternoon of October 21 found the Union forces sandwiched between a ninety-foot precipice overlooking the swollen waters of the Potomac and a Confederate force, the size of which Northern officers had grossly underestimated. Under Confederate fire, the trapped

Northerners plunged down the steep bluff, breaking bones as they fell to the swirling waters of the Potomac.

Each side numbered roughly seventeen hundred. Union casualties included forty-nine men killed, 158 wounded, and 714 missing or captured, while the South's losses numbered thirty-three killed, 115 wounded, and one

133 missing. The Confederates had overwhelmed the Union army at Ball's Bluff.

Although Ball's Bluff paled in consequence to later battles, it held some important ramifications for

Northern military policy and Confederate morale. After six months of war, the Union had yet to achieve a victory in the Eastern theater, and more than three thousand Northern newspapers decried the battle’s tragic results. Unsure of the Union's ability to win. Congress formed the Joint Committee on theConduct of the War to investigate the debacle at Ball's Bluff as well as the conduct of the entire war. The victory, meanwhile, greatly enhanced Confederate morale. Milton Robinson wrote to his mother that dead Union soldiers floated in the Potomac River between Edward's Ferry and Georgetown.

Leesburg resident Mary E. Lack believed that the North wanted Leesburg, but to secure it, they would have to fight more bravely than they had at Ball's Bluff.

Certain the South would emerge victorious, Amanda

Edmonds wondered why Union authorities, after their defeats at Manassas and Ball's Bluff, did not halt this

"unjust war.

Not all locals welcomed Confederate rule or rejoiced over the outcome at Ball's Bluff. For the most part, Loudoun Friends maintained their neutrality,

134 but the first year of the war proved difficult for them.

In June, the Confederate adjutant and inspector general

ordered General Joseph Johnston to place the residents

near the Potomac under surveillance. The number of

"Virginia yankees" shocked Confederate soldiers,

including Samuel Hillhouse, who described the

inhabitants around Leesburg as abolitionists.

Confederate William Tatum swore that half the people

favored the Union, but some devout Confederates, at

"dagger draw" with the Unionists, also occupied the 52 region.

Confederate surveillance heaped one more frustration on top of the hardships and loneliness white

Unionist women endured in their menfolk's absence. The separation of so many of Waterford's husbands and wives grieved Rachel Williams. In early July, the Baltimore

American reported that over fifty Unionist males from near Waterford had escaped into Maryland. Their husbands' exile forced the women to assume new and unfamiliar roles. In addition to raising the children and caring for the household, they ran the farms and operated the businesses, all the while attempting to fend off marauders on both sides. In August,

Confederate soldiers tried to purge the region of its

"Home made Yankees" but located only four. The troops

135 entered the homes of the disloyal men and stripped them of everything, including foodstuffs, utensils, and bedding.

While Unionists and Quakers shared various tribulations with their secessionist neighbors, others

they suffered for their political and religious beliefs.

Farmers could not transport their crops across Union lines to their principal markets of Washington and

Baltimore, and troops from both sides fed themselves from the residents' fields and storehouses. Turner

Ashby removed Waterford postmaster Rodney Davis for being sympathetic to the Union and replaced him with a secessionist. Quaker committees at Goose Creek could not perform their duties owing to the disrupted mail service. Likewise, the primarily Quaker-owned Mutual

Fire Insurance Company ceased operations on December 31, because of communication problems. the presence of

Confederate troops precluded Samuel Janney from speaking 54 out against slavery, distressing him above all else.

Following Ball's Bluff, life returned to the pre­ battle status quo. Unionists remained hopeful that the secessionists would see the error of their ways and return to the Union, and Northern troops continued to make small raids across the Potomac as the First New

England Cavalry Regiment did on January 4, 1862, when

136 they went to Loudoun after oats. Confederate soldiers

and the "Leesburg beauties" spent the winter of

1861-1862 sleighing, prompting George Henry Caperton of

the Second Virginia Cavalry to conclude that the women

enjoyed the soldiers' company. Waterford's Rebecca

Williams fretted about the lack of morals in the army

camps and among local white women, as evidenced by their

"continual running" to the soldiers' bivouacs. Cautious

optimism buoyed Confederate sympathizers. The Southern

military twice had routed the Yankees from northern

Virginia, and Union soldiers did not possess any part of

the counties. Fear ruled their lives, however, and

rumors of Northern incursions drove them into a

frenzy.

The death of loved ones particularly grieved the

citizens. Residents buried Confederate soldiers killed

at Manassas and Ball's Bluff or who succumbed to diseases prevalent in the camps. By December, Mary E.

Lack reported that more than one hundred new graves

filled the cemetery at Leesburg— graves of men who would

have been at home if not for the "horrible war."

Catherine Hopley, the Fauquier Female Seminary's music

teacher, accepted a new position and left Warrenton in

late December. As her train departed the station, coffins along the platform riveted her gaze. The dead

137 had come home. Many more would would perish, but unknown to Loudoun and Fauquier Countians, they would fall on their very doorsteps.

138 NOTES TO CHAPTER 3

^Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 19.

^The Flag of '98, 6 June 1861; Archibald Atkinson, "Memoirs," 36, Special Collections, VPISU.

^The Flag of '98, 6 June 1861. 4 Chappelear, Diary, 1 June 1861, 26 May 1861, 17 April 1861, Chappelear Papers.

^Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 1-xxxi; Williams, Legends of Loudoun, 201-202.

identified the men included in the analysis by combing histories, memoirs, letters, and diaries by participants in the war and consulting unit rosters. Rosters included Keen and Mewborn, 43rd Battalion Virginia Cavalry; Wert, Mosby's Rangers ; Wallace, 17th Virginia Infantry; Glasgow, Northern Virginia's Own ; William N. McDonald, A History of the Laurel Brigade (Reprint, Gaithersburg, MD: Olde Soldier Books, Inc., 1987); Divine, 35th Battalion Virginia Cavalry; John E. Divine, 8th Virginia Infantry (Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, Inc., 1983); Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish ; Frank Myers, The Commanches (Baltimore: Kelly, Piet & Company, Publishers, 1871; reprint. Marietta, GA: Continental Book Company, 1956); Goodhart, History of the Independent Loudoun Virginia Rangers ; James J. Williamson, Mosby's Rangers (New York: The Polhemus Press, 1895); Wise, History of the 17th Virginia Infantry C.S.A.. Once I determined a man's military service through these sources, I searched for him in the U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Eighth Decennial Census of the United States, Virginia, Fauquier and Loudoun Counties, Free Schedule; George K. Fox, Jonah Tavenner, and Thomas M. Wrenn, commissioners, "Loudoun County Property Books, 1860, VSLA; Nimrod T. Ashby, commissioner, "Fauquier County Property Books, 1860," VSLA. Only those men found in the census records were included in the quantitative analysis regarding age and occupation. Only those men found in the property tax records were included in the analysis of social standing. For another discussion of Confederate men's social and economic characteristics, see Bell Irvin

139 Wiley, The Life of Johnny Reb; The Common Soldier of the Confederacy (Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Pulishers, 1943).

^James M. McPherson, For Cause and Comrades: Wh Men Fought in the Civil War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997); James M. McPherson, What They Fought For: 1861-1865 (Baton Rouge: The Louisiana State University Press, 1994); McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom; Reid Mitchell, Civil War Soldiers : Their Expectations and Their Experiences (New York: Simon & Schuster Inc., 1988). Q Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 197; Hunter, The Women of the Debatable Land, 18-19; McDonald, A History of the Laurel Brigade, 19. Hunter appears to have believed that Northern workingmen were jealous of Southern slaveholders. Considering he was writing nearly fifty years after the war, he may have forgotten the constitutional issues at the war's center. 9 My conclusion is based on the large number of poorer Loudoun and Fauquier Countians found in the quantitative analysis who enlisted in the Confederate military— roughly forty percent of the total. This conclusion may not hold true for other regions of the South. Northern Virginia was a constant battlefield for the entire war. Areas such as Georgia, Mississippi, and the upcountry of North and South Carolina were relatively untouched until late 1864 and 1865. For the historiography of Civil War Virginia, see Gallagher, "Home Front and Battlefield," 440-508.

^^Ibid. For another historian who argues some Confederate soldiers partly fought for economic reasons, see Bolton, Poor Whites of the Antebellum South, 158. For a differing interpretation, see McPherson, For Cause and Comrades ; McPherson, What They Fought For ; McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom; Mitchell, Civil War Soldiers ; Gabor S. Boritt, ed., Why the Confederacy Lost (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992).

^^Goodhart, History of the Loudoun Virginia Rangers, 9, 12-13, 21, 23-28. For a discussion of Southerners who fought for the Union, including the Loudoun Rangers, see Richard Nelson Current, Lincoln's Loyalists : Union Soldiers From the Confederacy (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1992).

140 12 Goodhart, History of the Independent Loudoun Virginia Rangers, 8, 225-234. Historians have debated the number of Quakers who fought in the Civil War. The best work to date is Nelson, Indiana Quakers Confront the Civil War. See also Worrall, The Friendly Virginians ; Brock, The Quaker Peace Testimony; Wright, Conscientious Objectors in the Civil War; Hirst, Quakers in Peace and War; Weeks, Southern Quakers and Slavery; Cartland, Southern Heroes. For a Loudoun County Quaker's discussion of his faith, see Janney, History of the Religious Society of Friends.

^^Goodhart, History of the Independent Loudoun Virginia Rangers, i-10. 14 Ibid.; Fairfax Monthly Meeting Minutes, 11 September 1861; Goose Creek Monthly Meeting Minutes, September 1861, MSA.

^^John H. Alexander, Mosby's Men (New York; Neale Publishing Co., 1907; reprint, Gaithersburg, MD: Olde Soldier Books Inc., 1987), 81-82; The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1880-1901), Series I, 12, Part II, 805; OR, Series I, 37, Part I, 219-221. Hereafter, the Official Records will be cited as OR. See also Joseph T. Devine, Commonplace Book, VHS. Despite the Loudoun Rangers' poor battlefield performance, it is important to note that eight of the sixteen Quakers who served in the rangers died in the war. This may partly explain why only two men were dismissed from the Loudoun County meetings for their military service.

^^Goose Creek Monthly Meeting Minutes, 14 June 1832. On Mosby, see Keen and Mewborn, 43 rd Battalion Virginia Cavalry; Wert, Mosby's Rangers ; Siepel, Rebel; Jones, Gray Ghosts ; Jones, Ranger Mosby. 17 To determine the loyalties and military participation of the Quakers, I compared the Fairfax and Goose Creek Monthly Meeting Records with the military rosters listed in note 6. The only Union command from Loudoun and Fauquier Counties was the Independent Loudoun Virginia Rangers. To determine statistical data about the ages, occupational, and social backgrounds of these men, I followed the same process as described in note 6. Only those Friends found in both the census and property tax records were included in the statistical analysis. Although he was not a Friend in good standing,

141 Samuel Means was included in the statistical analysis of Quakers who fought, because he was a birthright Quaker and married to a Friend in good standing. 18 Chappelear, Diary, 1 June 1861, 23 May 1861, Chappelear Papers. 19 Divine, Souders, and Souders, eds. , "To Talk is Treason", 24; Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 87.

^^Goodhart, History of the Independent Loudoun Virginia Rangers, 22-23; The Flag of '98, 13 June 1861.

^^OR, Series I, 2, 915-916. On the difficulties Confederate officials faced in getting men to northern Virginia, see Andrew C.L. Gatewood, The Virginia Military Institute, Lexington, to "Parents," 29 May 1861, The Virginia Military Institute Archives, Lexington. 22 Chappelear, Diary, 8 June 1861, 6 June 1861, 23 May 1861, Chappelear Papers. 23 Kate Powell Carter, Diary, 20 July 1861, Kate Powell Carter Diary, TBL; Carrie Powell, Leesburg, to Mary Eliza (McCormick) McDonald, "Frankford," Clarke County, VA, 26 June 1861, McDonald Letters; John R. Turner, Manassas Junction, to Sallie, 25 June 1861, John R. Turner Papers. 24 Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Melbourne, 4; Ronald I. Hillhouse, ed., "Hard Battles, Hard Marching and Hard Fare," Confederate Veteran (May-June 1989): 11; Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 13; Cooke, Wearing of the Gray, 305; Charles Minor Blackford, III, ed., Letters from Lee's Army or Memoirs of Life in and out of the Army in Virginia During the War Between the States (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1947), 13; OR, Series I, 2, 915-916; The Flag of '98, 6 June 1861.

^^Ibid.

^^Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 88, 90, 166;; James W. Silver, ed., A Life for the Confederacy; As Recorded in the Pocket Diaries of Pvt. Robert A. Moore (Jackson, TN: McCowatt-Mercer Press, Inc., 1959), 41.

142 27 Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 88, 90, 166; Chappelear, Diary, 18 July 1861, 6 June 1861, Chappelear Papers; The Flag of '98, 11 July 1861. 2 g Ibid., 101-102. On another Fauquier Countian's role in the battle, see John Turner Ashby, Notes, Genealogical Notes Collection, VSLA. 29 Carter, Diary, 25 July 1861, Carter Diary; Chappelear, Diary, 23 July 1861, Chappelear Papers.

^^Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 87-89.

^^Ibid., 88-89; Blackford, Letters From Lee's Army, 17, 32 Mary Eliza (Powell) Dulany, Diary, 7 September 1861, 5 September 1861, 4 September 1861, Mary Eliza (Powell) Dulany Diary, VHS; Chappelear, Diary, 25 July 1861, 13 July 1861, 4 June 1861, Chappelear Papers. 33 R. Taylor Scott to ? (John E. Fletcher), 19 July 1861, Fletcher Papers, VSLA; John R. Holland to John E. Fletcher, 15 July 1861, Fletcher Papers, VSLA. 34 Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 22-23; Moffett, Diary of Court House Square, 31-32; Catherine Cooper Hopley, Life in the South; From the Commencement of the War by _a Blockaded British Subject, vol. 2, (New York: Augustus M. Kelley, Publishers, 1971), 187.

^^Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 22-23; Brewer, The Confederate Neqro: Virginia's Craftsmen and Military Laborers, 1861-1865, 123; Armistead Burt, Diary, 25 January 1862, Armistead Burt Diary, 18th Mississippi Infantry Regiment, USMHI. On refugees, see Robert H. Simpson, Fairfax Courthouse, to "Mary," 16 September 1861, Thomas Lee Settle Papers, Special Collections, WRP.

^^Hopley, Life in the South, 95-104, 105, 117, 185- 186.

^^Ibid., 117-119, 121.

^®Ibid., 108, 115-116, 119-121, 185. 39 Jerold Northrop Moore, Confederate Commissary General: Lucius Bellinger Northrop and the Subsistence Bureau of the Southern Army (Shippensburg, PA: White

143 Mane Publishing Co., Inc., 1996), 89-90; Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, vol. 1, (Secaucus, NJ: Castle, n.d.), 261; Dunbar Rowland, ed., Jefferson Davis : Constitutionalist. His Letters, Papers and Speeches, vol. VIII, (Jackson, MS: The Mississippi Department of Archives and History, 1923), 445; "Announcement of Candidates Elected to the House of Delegates from Loudoun County," Harrison Family Papers, Section 7, VHS. It has been impossible to determine which Robert Beverley had the contract with the Confederate government. Several residents in Loudoun and Fauquier had this name, as did residents in neighboring counties. For additional information on prices, see John E. Fletcher, Receipt, 16 November 1861, Fletcher Papers, VSLA. 40 The Washingtonian, 7 June 1861; The Flag of '98, 6 June 1861. 41 Dulany, Diary, 6 October 1861, Dulany Diary, VHS; Christian Nisewarner, Diary, 1 August 1861, 19 April 1861, Christian Nisewarner Diary, TBL; The Flag of '98, 6 June 1861; Charles Nourse, "Indenture," 1862, Nourse Family Papers, Special Collections, AL; J.P. Nourse, "Indenture," 1861, Nourse Family Papers; John E. Fletcher, Contract to Rent a Slave From William L. Childs, 1860, Fletcher Papers, VHS; John E. Fletcher, Contract to Rent a Slave From Henry G. Dulany, 1860, Fletcher Papers, VHS; John E. Fletcher and William Fletcher, Contract to Rent Two Slaves From Wellington Mellon, 1860, Fletcher Papers, VSLA. 42 Cooke, Wearing of the Gray, 381; Silver, A Life for the Confederacy, 55-56, 58, 60, 62; Peter S. Michie, General McClellan (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1901), 121; Edward Steven McCarthy, Big Spring, to Florence McCarthy, 16 September 1861, McCarthy Family Papers, VHS; Edward Steven McCarthy, Big Spring, to Jane McCarthy, Richmond, 4 September 1861, McCarthy Family Papers. 43 Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 103-104. On soldiers' attitudes toward camp life, see Mitchell, Civil War Soldiers ; David W. Blight, "No Desperate Hero: Manhood and Freedom in a Union Soldier's Experience," in Divided Houses ; Gender and the Civil War, ed. Catherine Clinton and Nina Silber (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Linderman, Embattled Courage.

144 44 Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Melbourne, 12-13; Silver, A Life for the Confederacy, 52, 58, 60. 45 Long Branch Baptist Church, Records, 20 July 1861, John K. Gott Papers, Record 4, VHS; Fauquier County Court Records, 27 May 1861. 46 Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Melbourne, 6-11, 22- 23 . 47 John Augustine Mashington, Valley Mountain, Randolph County, Virginia, to Louisa (Clemson) Mashington, "Maveland," Fauquier County, 31 August 1861, John Augustine Mashington Letter, VHS. 48 Thomas B. Turner, Camp Harrison, to "Ma," 20 September 1861, Edward Carter Turner Papers, Special Collections, MRP. 49 The Democratic Mirror, 21 August 1861, 8 August 1861. See also The Democratic Mirror, 4 December 1861. On Southern civilian reaction to Northern troops, see E.M. Moodward, Our Campaigns ; or, the Marches, Bivouacs, battles, Incidents of Camp Life and History of Our Regiment During Its Three Years Term of Service (Philadelphia: John E. Potter and Company, 1865), 68. There is no mention in the OR of these Union incursions taking place. They might never have happened.

^^Joseph Dorst Patch, The Battle of Ball's Bluff (Leesburg: Potomac Press, 1958), 18-19; Milliam F . Howard, The Battle of Ball's Bluff : "The Leesburg Affair," October 21, 1861 (H.E. Howard, Inc., 1994); Poland, From Frontier to Suburbia, 193-202; Divine, Hall, Andrews, and Osburn, Loudoun County in the Civil Mar, 21-35. Two interesting primary accounts of the battle are Elijah Viers Mhite, History of the Battle of Ball's Bluff : Fought on the 21st of October 1861 (Leesburg: The Mashingtonian Print, n.d.); Richmond Howitzers, Order Book, 21 October 1861, Richmond Howitzers Order Book, VHS. For Charles P. Stone's report, see OR, Series I, 15, Part I, 293-299. On George B. McClellan's role in the battle, see Stephen M. Sears, ed.. The Civil Mar Papers of George B. McClellan: Selected Correspondence, 1860-1865 (New York: Ticknor & Fields, 1989), 109-112.

^^Poland, From Frontier to Suburbia, 201-202; Ramey andGott, The Years of Anguish, 102-103; Mary E. Lack, Diary, 28 November 1861, Mary E. Lack Diary, TBL;

145 Chappelear, Diary, 22 October 1861, Chappelear Papers. On civilian reaction to Ball's Bluff, see C. Vann Woodward, ed., Mary Chesnut's Civil War (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981), 147; Hopley, Life in the South, 136-138; The Democratic Mirror, 27 November 1861. On the political effects of Ball's Bluff, see Kenneth W. Wheeler, ed.. For the Union : Ohio Leaders in the Civil War (N.p.: Ohio State University Press, 1968), 170-193; J.G. Randall, The Civil War and Reconstruction (Boston: D.C. Heath and Company, 1937), 368-370; John B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital (Philadelphia: J.P. Lippincott & Co., 1866), 87-88; Congress, House, The Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War, Report of the Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War, 37th Cong., 3d sess., 1863. See also McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom. 5 2 OR, Series I, 2, 916; Janney, Memoirs, 189; William Henry Tatum, near Leesburg, to "Sister," 24 August 1861, William Henry Tatum Papers, VHS.

^^Divine, Souders, and Souders, "To Talk is Treason", 28-31, 33-37; James Montgomery Holloway, Leesburg, to "Annie," 18 August 1861, James Montgomery Holloway Papers, VHS; The Baltimore American, 15 July 1861. 5 4 Divine, Souders, and Souders, "To Talk is Treason", 28, 31; Janney and Janney, Composition Book, 6, 25; Janney, Memoirs of Samuel M. Janney, 189-194; Fairfax Monthly Meeting Minutes, 12 February 1862; William Henry Tatum, Leesburg, to "Sister," 16 August 1861, Tatum Papers; Noble S. Braden, Eudora, to Turner Ashby, 10 July 1861, Ashby Family Papers; Goose Creek Monthly Meeting Minutes, 13 June 1861. Jeffry D. Wert concluded that the churches of Loudoun rarely held services during the war. This does not appear to have been the case for the Quakers. See Wert, Mosby's Rangers.

^^Hopley, Life in the South, 113-114, 192-193; Blackford, Letters From Lee's Army, 68-69; George Henry Caperton, Diary, 14 January 1862, 12 January 1862, Caperton Family Papers, Section 7, VHS; Edward D. Phelps, Diary, 4 January 1862, Phelps Family Papers, VHS; Lack, Diary, 6 December 1861, Lack Diary. On women in the camps, see Silver, A Life for the Confederacy, 85, 101.

146 ^^Hopley, Life in the South, 113-114, 192-193; Lack, Diary, 6 December 1861, Lack Diary.

147 CHAPTER 4

"BEELZEBUB ± HIS IMPS":

UNION SOLDIERS AND WHITE CIVILIANS

FEBRUARY 1862-DECEMBER 1862

Unable to locate Colonel Richard Dulany, commander of the Confederacy's Sixth Virginia Cavalry, the Union cavalry detachment arrested the man's seventy-three- year-old father and threatened to imprison his niece, who begged the men to spare the family their wrath.

Undeterred, the troops emptied the storeroom, impressed nearly all of the bacon in the smokehouse, prepared themselves a dinner from the family's pantry, and then departed with the foodstuffs, a trunk of children's clothing, a gold snuff box, a silver tumbler, and the keys to the wardrobes and the upstair rooms. John

Dulany's protestations that he had taken no part in the war and had opposed Virginia's secession failed to impress the Union commander, who determinedly held the man responsible for his son's decision to fight for

Southern independence.^

148 From Nightmare to Reality ; The Union Occupation

During January and February 1862, rumors flew through Loudoun and Fauguier Counties of Union invasions and Confederate withdrawals. Amanda Edmonds described the endless hearsay and the accompanying trepidation as sufficient to "set a rock crazy." Warrentonian Susan

Caldwell, fearful that the Confederate army at

Centreville intended to retreat to Gordonsville, leaving her to the mercy of the enemy, contemplated fleeing with her children but hoped it would not come to that.

Virginia Miller abhorred the "complete destruction" of the "once glorious Union," although not enough to refrain from entertaining Confederate soldiers in her home throughout the winter, including General D.H. Hill, commander of the Southern forces at Leesburg. Miller prayed that the conflict would soon end and, as Northern troops entered into the counties, joined her

Confederate-supporting neighbors in beseeching God to 2 carry them safely through the Union invasion.

The Federal occupation of Loudoun County began on

February 24, when Colonel John Geary's Twenty-Eighth

Pennsylvania Infantry crossed the Potomac at Harper's

Ferry and entered the Quaker district. Geary's troops reached Lovettsville on February 28, and they remained

149 there until March 7. General George B. McClellan,

meanwhile, began transporting the Army of the Potomac to

Fort Monroe on the James River Peninsula for an assault

on Richmond. Confederate General Joseph E. Johnston

countered by gradually removing his army from

Centreville to the Southern capital, leaving General

D.H. Hill's men at Leesburg in an indefensible position.

Hill's withdrawal, which began on March 6, allowed Geary

to enter the county seat unopposed the following day.

According to Virginia Miller, sadness and gloom fell

over the town. Their army having deserted them

Confederate supporters felt like "poor islanders" in a

sea of Fédérais.^

Although Geary found "considerable secession

feeling" in Loudoun County, not all white residents

abhorred the Northerners' presence. Mrs. Lewis detested

the Confederate soldiers, who she accused of fornication while occupying Leesburg. She preferred the Union

troops, who "vaccinated" the community with their

presence. Enthusiastic welcomes greeted Geary when he

entered Lovettsville, where the Quaker residents

joyously hailed the officer. Several citizens took the oath of allegiance and sought the protection of the

United States government. Prior to their withdrawal

from Waterford, Confederate soldiers had threatened to

150 burn the Unionist town. Learning of the peril, Rachel

Means, the wife of Union officer Samuel Means, sprang into action. She begged a "gentleman" to hasten the eight miles to Geary's troops for assistance. Afraid that Confederate sentries would arrest him, the man refused, but Means took his horse, rode through the pickets unmolested, and returned with a detachment of

Federal soldiers in time to save "this pretty little village.

As the Yankees advanced through northern Virginia, local Unionists cheered their deliverers, while

Confederate supporters bemoaned their fate. Whether joyous or in despair, none of these people knew how the

Northern military would treat Confederate civilians. By

April, the Union military had entrenched itself firmly in Loudoun and Fauquier Counties. To the consternation of both secessionists and Unionists, Northern troops routinely seized livestock, foodstuffs, and wagons and stole jewelry, money, and other valuables. Visits by

Union soldiers, such as the one that occurred to the

Dulany family in April, became commonplace as the

Northerners sought to restore the Union.

151 The Confederate Precedent

Federal soldiers did not originate the commandeering of property. Throughout 1861, Confederate

soldiers had appropriated livestock and food, usually

from the Quakers and Unionists. In early October 1861,

the Seventeenth Mississippi Regiment confiscated twenty-four wagons of corn from the predominantly Quaker residents of Waterford. During the winter of 1861-1862,

General D.H. Hill ordered Captain Elijah White to impress all wagons, teams, and slaves in southern

Loudoun and northern Fauquier. White failed in his mission, believing the civilian populace when they promised to send the items to Leesburg in a "'more convenient season.'" Irate, Hill dispatched White's regiment to fulfill his order immediately. The seizure of their property, although a legitimate act of war, embittered the counties' residents.^

The mayhem Confederate troops inflicted upon the civilians disheartened many whites. In November 1861,

South Carolina troops visited the home of Mr. Lewis, an invalid, where they slaughtered the family's poultry and demanded a meal. The soldiers gambled and cursed throughout the night, and when the troops finally departed, they took with them food and blankets. The

152 South Carolinians also impressed John Moore's hay, the only sustenance he had to winter his livestock.

Although the soldiers paid Moore eighty cents per bushel, just days earlier, the farmer had refused to sell the same hay to the Eighth Virginia Infantry for one dollar a bushel. In a final parting blow, the South

Carolina troops destroyed Moore's rail fence.

Distraught over his loss, Moore found it incomprehensible that Southern troops would impress the goods of these "very poor" Aldie residents.^

Confederate soldiers, as Union troops would subsequently do, appropriated churches, government buildings, and large private structures for hospitals and barracks, thereby disrupting Loudoun and Fauquier's political, religious, and social life. Southern cavalrymen quartered themselves in several buildings at the Fauquier White Sulphur Springs, while the other structures became hospitals. Georgian Edgeworth Bird sadly reported that, by their departure, the troopers had defaced the once "splendid" resort. Although such destruction commonly accompanies war, local residents struggled to cope with the devastation that enveloped them beginning in the summer of 1861.^

The destruction intensified in the counties as the

Southern forces withdrew. In an effort to impede the

153 Union army's progress. Confederate troops demolished numerous bridges and tore up dozens of miles of railroad. As early as June 1861, Robert E. Lee had ordered Colonel Eppa Hunton to dismantle the bridges on the Loudoun and Hampshire Railroad and to disrupt the

Chesapeake and Ohio Canal. On June 9, General Thomas

Jonathan Jackson targeted the bridges across the Potomac O River at Point of Rocks, Berlin, and Harper's Ferry.

Before evacuating Leesburg, Southern troops seized foodstuffs and burned the counties' manufacturing operations, thereby denying them to the Northerners.

They also torched a meat-packing facility at

Thoroughfare Gap. As Union troops advanced into Loudoun and Fauquier, Confederate soldiers hauled eighty wagons of meat from the plant to the homes of Loudoun and

Fauquier civilians, while empty cars, which could have transported the meat to Confederate lines, flew past on the Manassas Gap Railroad. When officials finally carried out their orders to destroy the plant, the flames consumed over 370,000 pounds of meat, five hundred hides, tallow, and most of the buildings.

Citizens, who had donated or sold much of the beef to the Confederate army, watched in disgust. Although he realized its necessity, the destruction that was

154 occurring in his "beloved and beautiful" valley 9 disheartened Elijah White.

Union Policy in Action

The destruction of a few bridges and some railroad track hardly slowed the Union advance through Loudoun

County. With Leesburg firmly under Northern control,

Geary's forces moved southward, where a "great stench"

from the smoldering meat still hung in the air three weeks after the Confederates had set it afire. By March

15, Geary could report that he had driven all of the

Rebels from Loudoun. To protect workmen repairing the numerous turnpike and railroad bridges, Geary positioned his fifteen hundred troops across thirty miles of territory from Front Royal in the Shenandoah Valley to

The Plains in Fauquier County. By April 27, four cavalry companies patrolled the road between White

Plains and Rectorstown; one unit of horsemen occupied

Salem; one artillery, four cavalry, and seven infantry companies operated from Rectorstown; two infantry companies inhabited Markham; another cavalry and two infantry units held Piedmont; and four infantry companies and a cavalry unit covered the area between

Linden and the Shenandoah River. The troops' presence

155 greatly enfeebled the wills of the counties' "very

saucy" residents.

Due to the extended positions of his troops, Geary

ordered his men to procure forage from private citizens.

Although he instructed the quartermaster to impress the

required items, more often than not, it fell to the

soldiers without the quartermaster's oversight. While

much of the land was "impoverished," the Union troops

did not go hungry. Prior to entering Leesburg, Geary's men raided the Wise family's home, where they killed all

the fowls and confiscated all of the hay. The soldiers

proceeded to the next farmhouse, seizing the corn and

torching the barn. Like the Confederate soldiers before

them. Federal troops fed themselves from residents'

larders.

While Geary's orders to seize provisions and

livestock was legal under the rules of war, most Union officers, including Generals George McClellan, Don

Carlos Buell, and Ambrose Burnside, favored a policy of

"conciliation" toward civilians. "By thoroughly defeating their armies, taking their strong places, and

pursuing a rigidly protective policy as to private property and unarmed persons," McClellan believed that

the nation could be reunited. He remained convinced that most non-slaveholding Southerners did not support

156 the Confederacy and that, if Northern soldiers treated them with kindness, these people would return to the 12 Union.

General John Pope, who assumed command of Union forces in northern Virginia in July 1862, expanded the

Union army's demands on the counties' residents. He immediately issued an order prohibiting Northern soldiers from guarding civilian property and instructed them to "subsist upon the inhabitants." In addition.

Pope ordered theincarceration of all white males who refused to take the oath of allegiance. While his predecessors also arrested those who declined to swear their allegiance, they typically followed a gentler policy regarding private property, although enlisted soldiers generally ignored their commanders' directives to treat the civilians with kindness. Frequently assigned to safeguard civilians and their possessions, guards often failed at their assignments. While they commonly prevented soldiers from marauding homes, the guards exhibited little concern for the residents' barns, outbuildings, and fields.

157 While many of their officers advocated conciliation. Northern enlisted men commonly dispensed retribution. They blamed all Southerners for the war and resolutely punished them for destroying the Union, killing their comrades, and separating them from their loved ones. Convinced that all Southerners devotedly supported the Confederacy, the Northern soldiers who occupied Warrenton noted the antagonism of the counties' residents. One soldier described the citizenry as

"strong Secesh," who considered the Union's invasion of the South unjustifiable. Alvin Voris described

Warrenton as the prettiest town he had seen in Virginia, but he found its women "awful sour." A "pretty girl" made a nasty face at Voris, who returned an amiable look which he felt implied that " ' if I could get at you miss

I would hug those scowls out of your face.'" George

Townsend, with the New York Herald, reported that

Warrenton females refused to walk under American flags or listen to the music that the Union bands played. A

Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantryman accused these women of having "sour and defiant countenances," while the

Warrenton elite, according to another soldier, seemed

158 "particularly bitter in their hostility." These were 14 committed rebels, not reluctant Confederates.

Union soldiers portrayed other northern Virginia communities and their residents in even less flattering

terms. John Geary described the people of Rectorstown as "the meanest and most ignorant people" that he had ever met, while Provost Marshal Marsena Rudolph Patrick dubbed Catlett's Station the "vilest of vile places," where the stench proved "insupportable." One woman near

Salem appeared disdainful to Samuel Sexton, who quickly added that, although everyone near Salem were "rebel at heart," ten thousand Union soldiers engendered ^ 15 respect.

With Geary's men occupying Loudoun and northern

Fauquier Counties, on March 28, Union Brigadier General

Oliver 0. Howard led three thousand soldiers into southern Fauquier, along the Orange and Alexandria

Railroad. Two small forces, under the command of

Colonel W.E. Jones and Brigadier General Richard Ewell, contested the Union's advance, but withdrew into

Culpeper County, where, after crossing the Rappahannock

River, they torched the bridge. Howard suffered four wounded men in this operation but seized 230 cattle— sixty from secessionist William Bowen alone.

The Northern general spent April solidifying Union

159 control over southern Fauquier County, a task

Confederate horsemen made difficult by harrassing his

headquarters at Warrenton Junction.

Union soldiers penetrated central Fauquier last.

Throughout March, Susan Caldwell hoped Southern troops

under Elijah White and Thomas Munford could prevent

Northern forces from entering the town. Southern officers counseled her to stay in Warrenton; otherwise.

Union troops would destroy everything she owned. If she greeted the Northerners politely, they would not

inconvenience her, the Confederates advised. As late as

April 5, Caldwell expected that the Yankees would not enter Warrenton for some time, because they mistakenly believed that General "Stonewall" Jackson's troops protected it. Caldwell misjudged the Northerners, who invaded the town later that week. To prevent an attack on Washington, D.C., Union officials placed 1,350 men along the Potomac River and spread over fifteen thousand more throughout Loudoun and Fauquier. Although

Confederate troops occasionally struck at Union forces

in both counties, the North now occupied the region.

Throughout the summer of 1862, Union troops replenished their supplies from the fields, barns, and storehouses of local civilians. Catherine Broun's family rode to town in an ox cart, because the Yankees

160 had stolen all of the horses. Ida Dulany, like her

neighbors, hid the family's silver and money when

Northern soldiers tarried in the vicinity. She deemed

it incredulous that she could not find "one honest man"

in the "disgraceful" Union army. Northern soldiers had

commandeered all of her horses, which greatly curtailed

her "social intercourse" with her far-flung neighbors.

Between May and November 1862, Isham Keith lost more

than eighteen thousand dollars in property to Union

soldiers. Occasional reports that Southern troops

approached produced groundswells of optimism among

Confederate supporters, including Broun, who despised

living so "far into yankeedom." Tales of Union plundering commonly filled residents' diaries and

letters, while entries also documented the times

Northern soldiers passed without incident. On June 26,

Broun recorded that Geary's men sped by her home in such 18 a hurry that they did not even stop to kill a chicken.

The counties' Unionist population commonly noted the tribulations of their Confederate neighbors, including Margaret Nourse, who chronicled the secessionists' woes. As the Northern army neared

Warrenton, one man, she reported, took his male slaves and most of his stock and provisions further south.

Charles Randolph, "a hard character passionate &

161 uncontrolled," flew into a rage at the Yankees' behavior and "stormed & raved at them." The Union soldiers tied

Randolph to his bed and left him there, carrying off his 19 possessions.

Although Margaret Nourse sided with the Unionists, the Northern occupation of the counties did upset her.

Nourse and her husband Charles owned 468 acres near

Warrenton, and on April 4, 1862, they fled from their home in Georgetown, D.C., to their country house in

Fauquier to evade Northern conscription. Margaret

Nourse confided to her diary that the family could not stay in the North, where they disapproved of her husband's refusal to fight. It remains unclear why

Charles Nourse scorned military service. He may have shared his mother's Quaker faith, or he may have been apprehensive because he owned slaves, although free 20 blacks constituted the majority of his laborers.

While the numerous Union victories in early 1862 gratified the Nourses, federal soldiers repeatedly beset them. Their second day in Fauquier County, Charles had to extricate his wheat from scavenging troops. Later that day, Margaret confronted five Illinois soldiers about to seize the family's grain. She convinced them of her Unionist sympathies, saving the wheat, but three days later, the Nourses lost the crop that they tried so

162 hard to protect. Although Unionists, the Nourses' 21 loyalty did not translate into favored treatment.

The residents' plight worsened in August 1862, when

General Pope abandoned conciliation after hearing of the

Confederate Congress' rumored approval of the execution of any of his captured officers. In retaliation. Pope ordered the complete destruction of the country through which his men passed. While Union Colonel George H.

Gordon denied that Northern troops carried out the reprisals at the expense of defenseless women and children, his assertions proved false. One Northern officer advised Charles Nourse to remove the women and children from the county, as the soldiers could go where 22 they wanted and do as they pleased.

With a new intensity and severity. Union troops fed themselves from the civilians' larders. Members of

Duryee's Brigade dined on green corn and meat foraged from citizens near the Fauquier White Sulphur Springs and, after dinner, "eagerly explored" a warehouse filled with tobacco. The Springs also hosted Battery D of the

Pennsylvania Artillery, whose members searched for horses, chickens, turkeys, milk, cornmeal and seized 23 fence rails to cook the appropriated foodstuffs.

Orders from their commanders failed to deter the hungry soldiers and often strained relationships between

163 officers and men. General Irvin McDowell drew the ire of his soldiers, according to Provost Marshal Marsena

Patrick, because of the "humane and just" policy he

established toward civilians, while his troops labored

under "very faulty" conditions. Assigned to protect

Fauquier cornfields. Northern guards halfheartedly entreated their fellow soldiers to cease their pillaging. Charles Haydon recorded one such incident in which the guards requested: "Say, hold on there, wish you fellows would go around to the back side & not go in right here in front where we are guarding." Although orders commonly dictated otherwise. Northern soldiers punished Loudoun and Fauquier Countians for residing 24 within the Confederacy.

Although staunch Confederates received the brunt of the Northerners' wrath. Union troops seized the locals' property indiscriminately. While out foraging,

Durrell's Battery lost two horses that they replaced by impressing two animals from an "old rebel farmer."

Margaret Nourse recounted a tale of Fédérais burning down an "old lady's house" because she had no food to give them and related another account of troops who

"stripped a colored woman" to check for hidden money.

Other men broke into a store at Catlett's Station and looted everything. The officer in charge proclaimed

164 that the merchant's goods belonged to the United States and that the soldiers had a "right" to them. Rich and poor, secessionists and Unionists, white and black, all endured the Northern troops' willful pillaging of their belongings.

Assuming command of Union forces in northern

Virginia following the battle of Antietam, General

George McClellan implemented a more conciliatory policy, replacing General Pope's harsher one. In actual practice, little change occurred. Federal soldiers continued to seize all of the crops, foodstuffs, livestock, and wagons they could haul away, even if the troops did not need the confiscated goods. McClellan commanded his officers to dissuade the troops from pillaging the countryside, but the common soldier, contrary to his leader's orders, did not practice the 2 g restraint the officers encouraged.

Union troops most commonly sought food to supplement their rations, but these items' scarcity made their appropriation nearly impossible. The fields, according to one soldier, grew only weeds, with hardly a furrow turned or a kernel sown; seldom did he see any livestock. A horseman of the First Massachusetts

Cavalry recorded the area's complete devastation. In need of a blanket. Confederate Captain William H.S.

165 Burgwyn of the Thirty-Fifth North Carolina Infantry

searched throughout Upperville but could not find one to 2 7 purchase, the civilians having none to spare.

The residents of northwestern Loudoun fared better

than citizens in other parts of the counties. Franklin

Sawyer of the Eighth Ohio Infantry described the farms

as rich and beautiful and their owners generally loyal,

with smiles instead of "ill-natured sneers" for the

Union troops. The "devastating hand of war," one member

of the 118th Pennsylvania Volunteers concluded, had not

denied these fields their rich harvests. Families also

enjoyed "prolific" supplies of beef, poultry, mutton,

and pork. Although the Confederates had preceded him by

several weeks, one Maine volunteer noted that the

Southern army had been "quite sparing of things in

Rebeldom," thus allowing the Union soldiers to return

from foraging well supplied. This same man vowed to

"'make treason odious'" even if he, himself, had to eat 2 8 all the poultry and swine in Virginia.

The severest pillaging befell those who most

vociferously proclaimed their loyalty to the

Confederacy. One Leesburg secessionist made "his

property insecure and his neck liable to a slight

extension" by widely broadcasting his views. He watched

indignantly as Union soldiers gobbled his food.

166 Although his superiors did not condone and routinely punished men for foraging, John Berry of the Sixteenth

Michigan Infantry argued that Virginia's hogs, sheep, chickens, and vegetables had to "suffer" once Union soldiers realized they belonged to a secessionist. The quickness with which the Confederates' rail fences disappeared shocked another Yankee. One soldier declared, "If I am only allowed to get my revenge out of the true originators of this war, the rebels, I will be 29 content."

Many Northern officers tried to restrain their men but often to no avail. One commander deployed Edward

King Nightman and another soldier to guard the property of a "rebel widow." They performed their duty well, until the frigid weather that engulfed northern Virginia in November 1862 drove them inside the cook house.

While the pair slept, a group of soldiers broke into the widow's home; cut rugs into blankets; smashed vases; splintered doors with axes; "slivered" mirrors; destroyed pianos; tore curtains; and trashed books.

They also carried off tubs of butter, jars of preserves, and barrels of sugar. Nightman concluded that the

North's enlisted men ranked "scarcely above brutes."

General Newton, similarly, gave Fauquier resident Edward

Carter Turner a guard who diligently protected Turner's

167 home but could not prevent hundreds of men from killing the cattle. Major Abner R. Smalls concluded that

"Hunger knew no discipline.

Even the Army of the Potomac's provost marshal general, the man responsible for supplying the troops, opposed the soldiers' plundering and marauding. Marsena

Patrick routinely sent out detachments to capture the

"villians." He arrested so many soldiers on November 6 that he lost count, but Patrick, despite all of his efforts, failed to stem the depredations. Despite the efforts of some officers, their men's actions convinced many residents that no one was safe from the soldiers' wrath.

The plundering almost rose to the level of a sport, which pitted the enlisted men against their officers and local residents. The Twelfth New Hampshire persuaded farmers near Orlean that true Unionists would not mind contributing a few sheep to the Northern army. A member of the First New Jersey Cavalry tried to appropriate a mare, but the "tallest, thinnest, boniest, yellowest, oldest and most scant-skirted" woman he had ever met convinced him to relinquish the horse out of fear that all of Virginia's females would "shriek" after him.

General Alpheus S. Williams, who had spent the night with a poverty-stricken family, found the audacious

168 behavior of "some rascally fellows" particularly irksome. They set fire to three haystacks, the family's only subsistence. Frustrated that they could not catch a chicken, soldiers ran off with the breakfast, including the tablecloth, from one family's table. A

Maine volunteer argued that officers should punish the thieves but noted that the guilty eluded penalties, because they stole from the poor, whom troops could rob with "impunity

While they plundered indiscriminately. Union troops often sympathized with members of the working class.

Lieutenant Regis De Trobriand of the Twelfth New York

Artillery happily pillaged the "instigators" of the rebellion who, he insisted, deceived the lower classes.

From October 28 to October 30, the Twelfth New York camped at secessionist Alfred Belt's farm near Leesburg.

The soldiers commandeered Belt's fences and shot one of his colts, but De Trobriand refused to compensate the man, arguing that Belt's grandson, serving in the

Confederate army, undoubtedly carried off a lot more horses from Maryland during the Antietam campaign. On

November 1, De Trobriand moved to a farmhouse closer to

Leesburg, where he stayed with a family who troubled themselves little with politics. This family relied on its own labor— not slavery— to survive. Members of

169 their social class aided the Confederate soldiers. De

Trobriand maintained, because they were "dupes of

political theories which they did not understand."

Northern soldiers, he believed, should not punish these

citizens for simply wanting to live a comfortable life.

Union troops justifed their pillaging in

interesting ways. The 118th Pennsylvania Infantry

court-martialed a pig that ran through the unit's lines.

The soldiers found the hog's "breach of discipline"

intolerable and sentenced it to death, but when they bayoneted the animal, it squealed, attracting the notice of an officer. The men quickly divided and hid the 34 carcass.

The very officers General McClellan charged with deterring the plundering sometimes ordered the confiscations or themselves stole from local citizens, including General Alfred Pleasonton, who seized the grain from the farm of Confederate General Wright.

After a Union general and and his female companion departed from Mrs. Joshua Fletcher's home, she noted the loss of towels, hair brushes, blankets, and her side-saddle. Despite official policy. Northern troops 35 of all ranks participated in robbery.

170 While Union pillaging greatly distressed local citizens, the Northern occupation created a perplexing dilemma for the counties' white males: either they take the oath of allegiance to the federal government or suffer reprisals. Upon seizing Leesburg, Geary declared a "general impressment of citizens into the army" unless they pledged their allegiance to the Union. Many secessionists immediately stepped forward to avoid the draft, including John Janney, the president of the

Virginia secession convention. As he delivered his sermon. Union soldiers arrested the Reverend Smith for refusing to swear his loyalty. Despite his adamant dissent. Northern authorities eventually released him.

Union troops took Mr. Stone to his Methodist Church where they destroyed his pulpit and wrote "vileness" on the walls. They forced the minister to read what they had written and demanded he take the oath, but he too abstained. Only when the soldiers threatened to shoot him did Stone repeat the pledge. Susan Caldwell excused the man for taking the oath, but Ida Dulany proved less forgiving. She insisted that, if Southern men remained steadfast in refusing to affirm their loyalty, they would prevent the troops from enforcing Geary's order.

She revered "Exile, confiscation, even death" over o c "perjury and disgrace."

171 While most Loudoun Friends welcomed the Yankees,

the soldiers' presence forced the Quakers into yet

another religious dilemma. Union commanders expected

them also to take the oath of allegiance. The Friends

believed that swearing, including affirming, violated

the teachings of Christ. Above all else, oaths led to

"irreverence." Samuel Janney contended that Friends

should not summon the "Most High" except in acts of

devotion. While most Quakers declared their neutrality,

by and large, they supported the Union, yet officers

like Geary and Pope demanded that the Friends violate

their doctrine by taking the oath of allegiance. If the

Quakers refused, they faced arrest as traitors.

Extremely worrisome and dangerous. Northern

deserters roamed the countryside terrorizing Loudoun and

Fauquier civilians. On May 3, two such fugitives killed

Robert Eden Scott, one of Fauquier County's delegates to

the secession convention. For several weeks, the pair had committed a "great deal of mischief," including

raping a woman. Scott had sought the assistance of

Union officers to end the men's depredations, but the officials claimed that they could not spare the troops.

With eight men, Scott tracked the pair to a house near

Salem. The ensuing showdown resulted in the deaths of

Scott and John Matthews, who left behind a wife and six

172 children. The posse killed one of the deserters, but

the other escaped. Fauquier County had lost one of its

"wisest, best and most valuable" men in Robert Eden

3 Q Scott.

On occasion. Union soldiers made rash decisions

that resulted in civilian deaths. At Bealeton Station,

Northern troops executed Dr. Beale without benefit of a

trial. Beale's servants reported to Federal officials

that the doctor had given information on the Union

forces to a Confederate officer. Federal soldiers

knocked on Dr. Beale's door and gunned him down when he

responded. Beale's son immediately joined the Black

Horse Troop, hoping to encounter the brigade that had

killed his father so that he could avenge his murder.

Northern soldiers also killed Lemuel Hutchinson. Nearly

seventy years old, Hutchinson had participated in a long running feud with Henry Dixon, the only Fauquier

Countian to vote for Abraham Lincoln in the election of

1860. Dixon, a major in the Union army, reportedly sent a detachment of John Geary's command to arrest

Hutchinson. The soldiers encountered the man in his yard, ordered him to halt, and, when he refused, killed 39 the unarmed man as he entered the door of his home.

The murder of civilians prompted much debate within the Union's ranks. In one instance during the fall of

173 1862, a Northern soldier killed an unidentified

"notorious rebel." Some troops called for the murderer's execution, while others insisted the victim's political sentiments justified his death. Many Yankees believed that all Southerners ardently supported the

Confederacy and deserved similar treatment. Despite

Warrentonians' claims that they had "utterly opposed" secession, one Union captain characterized the town as

"wholly sympathetic with the rebel cause." The residents incorrectly argued that they did not leave the

Union until after the North had invaded Virginia. "We had to fight in self-defense," they proclaimed, but the captain insisted that Southerners made the "absurd plea" to justify their "suicidal act of folly." Although many

Loudoun and Fauquier Countians reluctantly accepted

Virginia's secession, their hesitation did not mitigate 40 the consequences of their action.

The Struggle to Survive ; The Confederate Response

When Southern forces retreated from Loudoun and

Fauquier Counties in February 1862, local Confederates faced, in Amanda Edmonds's words, the ravages of

"Beelzebub ^ his imps" unaided. Their country having abandoned them, these citizens lost any feeling of

174 security that they had enjoyed prior to the Union occupation. The Northerners entered their homes uninvited; arrested the men for refusing to take the oath of allegiance; seized crops and livestock; stole money, china, clothing, and other forms of wealth; burned outbuildings and occasionally homes; and murdered local civilians. Although Union commanders like George

McClellan undertook a conciliatory policy toward civilians, local Confederates believed all Northerners engaged in a war of extermination. Secessionists now endured their worst nightmare, but despite the toll

Union troops exacted upon them both physically and psychologically, these people remained dedicated to 41 Southern independence.

Fanny Carter Scott, like Amanda Edmonds, abhorred the Union troops, whom she described as the "most miserable set" and the "scum of the earth." In one regiment, she recorded that the men spoke seventeen different languages, ate "fowls of every description raw," and found puppies a "great delicacy." Despite her hate-filled depiction of the Yankees in 1862, her family survived the troops' presence with a comparatively small physical loss. The mental turmoil they endured, however, is incalculable.^^

175 Although they felt that the Confederacy had

abandoned them and became convinced that the Yankees

would devastate their homes, most local Confederates

resolutely defied the Union aggressors. On March 17,

three soldiers slept in Ida Dulany's kitchen. More men

joined them the following day, seized the corn, and

insisted on dinner, but Dulany refused. The soldiers'

threats to break into the house and take what they

wanted if Dulany did not cook them a meal failed to

deter her from locking all the doors and windows. The

Yankees "stormed about" but did not enter; they

retaliated, however, by killing five steers and two

turkeys. Because Dulany's husband fought for the

Confederacy, the Union soldiers boastfully claimed

entitlement to all of her possessions. Kate Carter,

Dulany's sister, described the Northerners as "Cowardly wretches" who preyed upon "unprotected ladies and

servants," proving "brave soldier boys" in the absence of Confederate troops. She prayed that the Southern army would soon return to put an end to the North's 43 "polluting presence."

With considerable pluck, Ida Dulany asked Colonel

Geary for compensation for damages and protection from his troops. Geary's "ruffianly countenance" did not encourage Dulany, but she hoped his adjutant might

176 assist her. To the woman's amazement, her report of his soldiers' conduct "excessively annoyed" Geary, who ordered his aide to shoot any soldier caught beyond the lines. He directed Dulany to the quartermaster, who gave her a promissory note in payment for her corn and 44 steers.

Some citizens attended to the soldiers with special courtesy in an effort to save their property, but while the Northerners appreciated their civility, the residents' kindness often gained them no favors.

Although the Shumates opened their larder to the soldiers, the men still killed their pigs and sheep and pillaged the dairy and hen roosts. Fearing for their lives, the Shumates also served the marauders dinner with a "hospitable grace. . .no where excelled in

Christendom.

Despite Geary's conciliatory efforts. Northern officers could not feasibly protect the locals from all of their men. Confederate supporters wondered if anyone, including God, could protect them. March 22 marked the first Sunday Ida Dulany and Kate Carter spent under Northern occupation. To Dulany's consternation, no church service occurred, as Union troops had commandeered the chapel for a barracks. The soldiers ate, slept, fiddled, gambled, and even sang "obscene"

177 songs, desecrating the church. The Northerners left on

March 24, allowing Dulany to enter the sanctuary, where

she found two inches of mud on the floor and the altar

covered with bread scraps and meat. To Dulany's joy.

Confederate forces returned on March 25. The county's

women shouted, waved their handkerchiefs, and clapped

their hands, as they welcomed Elijah White's

Thirty-Fifth Virginia Cavalry Battalion with food. The

Confederates stayed only briefly, departing the next

day.46

Although most Confederate supporters believed

otherwise. Southern troops had not abandoned the

civilian population. Throughout March and April,

Confederate forces remained in central and southern

Fauquier contesting the Northern occupation, with the

Thirty-Fifth Virginia Cavalry Battalion figuring most

prominently in these skirmishes. White's troops briefly

liberated Middleburg, Salem, and The Plains on April 3.

During the raid, a Union adjutant accidently shot himself and died from his wounds. White's forces captured the eight Northerners dispatched to Salem for a coffin. While federal soldiers controlled much of the 47 two counties, their dominance proved tenuous at best.

The Union occupation severely hampered Loudoun and

Fauquier Counties' economies. Although John Bevan of

178 the First Pennsylvania Cavalry described Fauquier as

"much less desolated" than the other parts of Virginia he had witnessed. Northerner Samuel Sexton noted that residents had done little farming. Fanny Scott reported that few people bothered ploughing; soldiers had pulled down the fences; the fields served as pastures; the broken-down horses could not handle the work; and the stores remained closed. Charles Bragg's blacksmithing operation flourished in 1861 and early 1862, but following the Northern occupation, it declined precipitously. In July, after stealing nine hundred dollars worth of cloth. General James Shields's command 48 burned Isham Keith's woolen factory.

Those citizens withexcess supplies garnered tremendous profits, but few residents had a surplus after Union troops seized their provisions. John Bevan noted in July that he could purchase an abundance of fresh bread and butter from the civilians. Although some people had extra flour, Susan Caldwell believed that no one would have any by the fall. The merchants at Alexandria, who brought items for sale into the counties, angeredCaldwell, because they demanded payment in silver and gold. Although many residents had 49 Virginia script, few had gold or silver coinage.

179 While the Union occupation and economic problems troubled many Loudoun and Fauquier Countians, the death of loved ones grieved an increasing number of families.

The war claimed Turner Ashby, founder of the Mountain

Rangers, on June 6. Ashby's mother must have drawn strength from the numerous condolence letters she received, describing her son as "a noble specimen of mankind." Ashby's cousin exhorted his aunt to take comfort in God, because He would not allow their

"oppressors" to triumph over them. Ida Dulany disavowed the rumors of Ashby's death but felt uneasy, confiding to her diary that every day she found herself less cheerful.

Numerous less prominent Loudoun and Fauquier soldiers gave their lives in early 1862. Milton

Robinson, who had tired of camp life following First

Bull Run, succumbed in early April in a Confederate hospital. Amanda Edmonds remembered this soldier as one

"who rushed to meet the invader and defend our precious land, our homes, our all." Other families proved more fortunate. In June, Ida Dulany's husband received an eye wound and resigned from the Confederate army, fearing that he would lose the sight in his good eye.

Disfigured for the remainder of his life, at least he

180 survived his injury and returned home to his loved ones.

Women often refused to be deterred from caring for their wounded menfolk. In May 1862, Molly Payne, a refugee from Fauquier County living in Danville,

Virginia, with her seven children, learned that her husband. Major William H. Payne, had suffered a wound during the Peninsula Campaign. Mrs. Payne immediately set out for Williamsburg, where Northern troops held her husband prisoner, but General McClellan refused to allow her to enter Union lines near Richmond. She proceeded to Warrenton, entrusting her youngest daughter to

William's parents, then travelled to Alexandria. At

Alexandria, Provost Marshal Thomas, a family friend, granted her a pass to Fort Monroe on the James River

Peninsula. More than one month had elapsed since Payne 52 first heard of her husband's wounding.

Her trials did not end upon receiving the pass.

Aboard the transport to Fort Monroe, the Union soldiers, except for one "horrid, coarse Dutchman" whom officers forbade to speak to the Confederate woman, acted like gentlemen towards Payne, the only female passenger.

When the ship arrived at the peninsula, flat boats carrying sick and wounded Northerners clogged the James

River and prevented the transport from docking. Forced

181 to cross from boat to boat, Payne stepped over the bodies of the dead and wounded. She finally saw her husband, early the next morning. A bullet had struck him in the face, breaking his jaw, knocking out seven teeth, and piercing his tongue before exiting from his throat. The wound did not heal completely until

"sometime after the war." Payne immediately sought her husband's exchange. During the two weeks it took Union authorities to process the release, she cared for her husband and even tended wounded Union soldiers. She remained by one Yankee's side until the last, trying to comfort this man who longed for his wife. Payne and her husband returned to Warrenton unmolested, where their neighbors applauded her for her "splendid courage, heroism and endurance.

Southern defeats compounded the anxiety that the

Union occupation produced among Confederate supporters.

Disturbing rumors of the South's imminent collapse in early 1862 quelled the exhilaration the Confederate successes of 1861 had inspired. The news of the war, printed in the Baltimore Clipper, distressed Amanda

Edmonds, who revealed hollow optimism that "an abundance of Yankee lies" filled the paper. The Clipper reported the fall of Fort Macon in North Carolina and New

Orleans, Louisiana. General Pierre Beauregard

182 purportedly had evacuated Corinth, Mississippi, and retreated to Memphis, Tennessee. The report that

Richmond had fallen disheartened Edmonds the most, and to her dismay. Union soldiers in Rectortown fired a salute to the rumored Northern victory. The outlook for the Confederacy, once so bright, now appeared extremely dismal.

As Edmonds bemoaned the Confederacy's rumored collapse, Mary Ambler Stribling recorded in her journal a conversation between her father and a Yankee picket, who believed the war would end in Union victory in less than two months. George McClellan reportedly had

100,000 men on the Peninsula, and Ambrose Burnside and

Irvin McDowell had placed an additional 100,000 soldiers at Fredericksburg to cut off a Confederate withdrawal from Richmond. By the thirteenth of the month,

Stribling heard rumors that the Army of the Potomac had captured Richmond and General Joseph Johnston's

56,000-man army. The thought that the Confederacy had suffered such a loss "miserably mortified" Stribling.

If so many troops had surrendered, what could the South expect from the others?^^

Reports that Ulysses S. Grant had "overpowered" and

"whipped" Confederate soldiers at Fort Donelson in

Tennessee stupefied Susan Caldwell, who shared Edmonds's

183 and Stribling's dejection, yet Caldwell remained

steadfast in her belief that the Confederacy would not

yield to Northern rule as long as an army remained to

challenge such tyranny. Anticipating a battle at

Yorktown, Caldwell prayed that God would give the

Confederates the strength to destroy the Yankee army,

just as He had done for George Washington eighty-one

years before, when Lord Cornwallis's entire army

surrendered.

Amid rumors that the Southern government had

evacuated Richmond, the Confederacy's future looked even more grim. Chagrined that Southern forces gave up New

Orleans, presumably without a fight, Caldwell realized

the port's capture allowed Union soldiers to traverse

anywhere they desired in the Confederacy. The loss of

New Orleans combined with McClellan's advance on

Richmond caused her to question whether the South had enough troops to defend the capital, although she remained hopeful. Having considered escaping the Union advance into Fauquier County in March by going to

Richmond, Caldwell determined that it had been wise to stay in Warrenton, where she remained as safe as if in the South's capital. The war, which appeared a sure

Confederate victory in 1861, now seemed to forebode 57 certain defeat.

184 While local secessionists faced growing uncertainty. Unionists enjoyed cautious optimism.

Margaret Nourse rejoiced over the Southern withdrawals but recognized that Confederates were "not the sort of people to give up so quietly." In early May, she joyously recorded the capture of Norfolk, Virginia, and the destruction of the Merrimac, although if true, the rumored Confederate victories by Generals Price and

Beauregard, in the Western theater, would prolong the 58 war.

With McClellan's army ready to strike Richmond, the

Confederacy tottered on the brink of defeat, but the

Army of Northern Virginia's triumph at the Seven Days'

Battles revitalized the Southern war effort. While dismayed that the war would continue indefinitely,

Nourse remained faithful to the Union. She hated the rebellion worse than ever and contemplated moving back to New York, but she feared that the new militia bill, which allowed Union authorities to draft all eligible males, precluded her husband from moving to the North.

Believing Northern politicians "wicked" for passing such laws, she placed ultimate blame for the war on the

South, which had violated the Constitution by seceding.

The Union, she insisted, must punish the rebellious 59 states.

185 Nourse switched her allegiance on July 31, when

Lincoln signed the Second Confiscation Act, empowering

Union soldiers to emancipate slaves and commandeering

property belonging to Confederate supporters. She

believed that Northern troops would begin to war against

women and children, infuriating and reinvigorating

Southern men. She predicated her support of the

Confederacy on her belief that the Northern government

had become so "ruthless" that it would "crush all these

poor people without a thought of regret." Despite her

new conviction that Northerners lived under a despotism,

the Nourses moved to New York to escape the war in late

November 1862. To avoid the draft, Charles formed an

ambulance service. Whether Margaret once again changed

her loyalty remains unknown.

Union reversals in the Shenandoah Valley in late

May and Lee's success over McClellan at the gates of

Richmond in June and July brightened the spirits of

Loudoun and Fauquier secessionists. On May 26, Amanda

Edmonds joyfully recorded the Southern victory at

Winchester, Virginia. Upon learning that Lee had saved

Richmond, Edmonds expressed thankfulness that the

Confederacy had "whipped" the North once more but grieved for the massive number of killed and wounded

Confederate soldiers during the Seven Days' Campaign.

186 Catherine Broun's diary entry offered jubilant praise;

"God has indeed given us the victory before Richmond.

By late July, Confederate soldiers began advancing from Richmond into northern Virginia, ready to drive all

Union troops from the state. Their appearance in the region imbued Confederate supporters with optimism.

These citizens welcomed the respite from the nightmare they had endured for the past six months. Now local

Confederates could exact revenge upon the Unionist population for the suffering they endured at the hands 6 2 of the Northern soldiers.

187 NOTES TO CHAPTER 4

^John Peyton Dulany, Affidavit, (March 1862?), DeButts Family Papers, VHS. 2 Michael Welton, ed., "My Heart is so Rebellious": The Caldwell Letters, 1861-1865 (N.p.: 1991), 75-77; Chappelear, Diary, 26 February 1862, Chappelear Papers; Virginia J. Miller, Diary, (13?) January 1862, 1 January 1862, Virginia J. Miller Diary, Civil War Diaries Vertical File, TEL.

^Divine, 35th Battalion Virginia Cavalry, 3; Divine, Hall, Andrews, and Osburn, Loudoun County and the Civil War, 36-38; OR, ser. I, vol. 5, 512; Miller, Diary, 7 March 1862, Miller Diary, Civil War Diaries Vertical File. For examples of how Confederate soldiers felt about leaving Loudoun and Fauquier Countians to the mercy of the Union military, see John Vanlew McCreery, Diary, 7 March 1862, John Vanlew McCreery Diary, VHS; George Newton Wise, Diary, 7 March 1862, George Newton Wise Papers, WRPL. 4 Hillhouse, "Hard Battles, Hard Marching and Hard Fare"; Janney and Janney, The Composition Book, 4; OR, ser. I, vol. 5, 512; Frank Moore, The Civil War in Song and Story (N.p.: n.d., (1882?)), 314.

^Silver, Life for the Confederacy, 63; Myers, The Commanches, 20-21.

^John Moore, Aldie, to M. Harrison, 12 January 1862, George William Bagby Papers, Section 22, VHS. See also John Rozier, ed. , The Granite Farm Letters ; The Civil War Correspondence of Edgeworth ^ Sallie Bird (Athens; The University of Georgia Press, 1988), 72- 73; Anne Button Lindsey, ed., Loudoun County: A Reference of Information (Middleburg, VA: Blue Ridge Press, 1973), 60; Silver, Life for the Confederacy, 68.

^Ibid. Q Scheel, The Guide to Fauguier, 20; Divine, Hall, Andrews, and Osburn, Loudoun County and the Civil War, 11-14; OR, ser. IV, vol. 1, 1038-1040 ; OR, ser. I, vol. 5, 1081, 1083-1084, 1093; OR, ser. I, vol., 2, 915, 917;

188 Dulany, Diary, 10 March 1862, Dulany Diary, VHS; William Hill Gray, Diary, 6 March 1862, William Hill Gray Diary, VHS. See also Moore, Confederate Commissary General, 129-131. On Ida Dulany, see Marietta Minnigerode Andrews, ed. , Scraps of Paper (New York: E.P. Dutton & Co., Inc., 1929); Ida Dulany, Diary, 10 March 1862, Dulany Diary, TBL.

^Ibid.

William Alan Blair, ed., A Politician Goes to War: The Civil War Letters of John White Geary (University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1995), 37-38; Myers, The Commanches, 33; OR ser. I, vol. 12, pt. 1, 410-413; OR ser. I, vol. 5, pt. 1, 511-517.

^^OR ser. I, vol. 5, pt. 1, 511-517; Gabrilla Van Devanier, Memoir, n.d., Gabrilla Van Devanier Memoir, Civil War Diaries Vertical File, TBL. 12 Mark Grimsley, "Conciliation and Its Failure, 1861-1862," Civil War History : A Journal of the Middle Period 39 (December 1993): 316-337. For an overview of Union policy toward civilians, see Mark Grimsley, The Hard Hand of War: Union Military Policy Toward Southern Civilians, 1861-1865 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995). See also William B. Baker, Waterloo, to father, 27 July 1862, William B. Baker Papers, SHC.

^^Ibid. 14 History of Durell's Battery in the Civil War (Philadelphia: Craig Finley & Co., 1903), 42-45; Theodore F . Dwight, ed.. Campaigns in Virginia, 1861- 1862 (New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1895), 316; R.R. Dawes, Service with the Sixth Wisconsin Volunteers (Marietta, OH: E.R. Alderman & Sons, 1890), 46-48; George Alfred Townsend, Campaigns of a Non-Combatant, and His Romaunt Abroad During the War (New York: Blelock & Co., 1866), 197; Alvin Coe Voris, near Warrenton Junction, to his wife, 19 May 1862, Alvin Coe Voris Papers, VHS; Nathaniel L. Parmeter, Diary, 17 May 1862, Nathaniel L. Parmeter Papers, OHS. Considering his comments regarding the women of Warrenton, it is interesting to note that Voris's letter was to his wife.

^^Blair, A Politician Goes to War, 40; David S. Sparks, ed., Inside Lincoln's Army: The Diary of Marsena Rudolph Patrick, Provost Marshal General, Army of the

189 Potomac (New York: Thomas Yoseloff, 1964), 89-90; Samuel Sexton, Civil War Memoirs, 22 June 1862, Samuel Sexton Papers, OHS. For other descriptions by Union soldiers, see Newton Martin Curtis, From Bull Run to Chancellorsville: The Story ofthe Sixteenth New York Infantry Together with Personal Reminiscences (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1906), 93; Frank Leslie's Illustrated Weekly, 7 June 1862.

^^Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 26- 28; OR, ser I, vol. 12, pt. 1, 412-413.

86, 92-93; Dwight, Campaigns in Virginia, 84-85. 18 Dulany, Diary, 27 July 1862, 15 June 1862, 27 April 1862; Catherine Barbara Broun, Diary, 26 June 1862, 10 June 1862, Catherine Barbara Broun Diary, AL. For other examples of Union soldiers commandeering supplies from Loudoun and Fauquier Countians, see Louise (Anderson) Patten, War Claim, (1900?), Louise (Anderson) Patten Papers, Section 37, VHS; Isham Keith, List of Property Seized by Union Troops, May to November 1862, Keith Family Papers, Section 14; Mary Cary Ambler Stribling, Diary, Mary Cary Ambler Stribling Diary, VSLA. 19 Margaret Tilloston (Kemble) Nourse, Diary, 24 April 1862, 19 April 1862, 14 April 1862, Margaret Tilloston (Kemble) Nourse Diary, VHS.

^^Edward D.C. Campbell, ed. , ""'Strangers and Pilgrims'"": The Diary of Margaret Tilloston Kemble Nourse, 4 April-11 November 1862," The Virginia Magazine ofHistory and Biography 98 (1990): 440-448. It is unclear how many of Charles Nourse's four workers were slaves. In one case, Nourse mentioned he owed his slave Batelle one hundred dollars. George Riley was described as a "new hand." The status of the two other men is even less clear. Nourse does not appear to have had any female workers. He also hired slaves from his neighbors. 21 Janney, Memoirs of Samuel M. Janney, 193-195; Nourse, Diary, 6 April 1862, Nourse Diary, VHS. 22 History of Durell ' s Battery, 58-59; George H. Gordon, History of the Campaign of the Army of Virginia .From Cedar Mountain to Alexandria, 1862 (Boston: Houghton, Osgood and Company, 1880), 78-80; Franklin B. Hough, History of Duryee's Brigade, During the Campaign

190 in Virginia under Gen. Pope, and in Maryland under Gen. McClellan, in the Summer and Autumn of 1862 (Albany; J. Munsell, 1864), 79-80. See also George F. Noyes, The Bivouac and the Battle-Field ; or. Campaign Sketches in Virginia and Maryland (New York: Harper & Brothers, Publishers, 1863), 102-103; Charles Joseph Nourse, Memoir, 12-13, Charles Joseph Nourse Memoir, VHS. 23 Stephen W. Sears, ed.. For Country, Cause ^ Leader : The Civil War Journal of Charles B . Haydon (New York: Ticknor & Fields, 1993), 276-277; Sparks, Inside Lincoln's Army, 128; Cecil D. Eby, Jr., A Virginia Yankee in the Civil War : The Diaries of David Hunter Strother Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1961), 86-87; History of Durell's Battery, 59; Nourse, Diary, 31 August 1862, 27 August 1862, Nourse Diary. 24 Sears, For Country, Cause ^ Leader, 276-277; Sparks, Inside Lincoln's Army, 128. 25 History of Durell's Battery, 59; Nourse, Diary, 31 August 1862, 27 August 1862, Nourse Diary. 2 g Grimsley, The Hard Hand of War. 27 Herbert M. Schiller, A Captain's War: The Letters and Diaries of William H.S. Burgwyn, 1861-1865 (N.p.; White Mane Publishing Company, Inc., 1994), 29; Curtis, From Bull Run to Chancellorsville, 215; Charles M. Smith, Warrenton, to unknown, 1 November 1862, Charles M. Smith Letters, Smith Family Papers, First Massachusetts Cavalry, Civil War Miscellaneous Collection, USAMHI.

Ruth L. Silliker,ed., The Rebel Yell & the Yankee Mai neHurrah : The Civil ______MaineHurrah ______(Camden, ME: Down East Books, 1985), 44-45; History of the 118th Pennsylvania Volunteers : Corn Exchange Regiment (Philadelphia: J.L. Smith, Map Publisher, 1905), 100-101; Franklin Sawyer, A Military History of the 8th Regiment Ohio Vol. Inf'y : Its Battles, Marches and Army Movements (Cleveland, OH: Fairbanks & Co., 1881), 85. 29 Silliker, The Rebel Yell ^ the Yankee Hurrah, 45; Robert G. Carter, Four Brothers in Blue, or Sunshine and Shadows of the War of the Rebellion (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1978), 152-153, 158; John Berry, Diary, 3 November 1862, John Berry Diary, 16th

191 Michigan Infantry Regiment, The Civil War Times Illustrated Collection, USAMHI. See also Luther C. Furst, Diary, 10 November 1862, Luther C. Furst Diary, 39th Pennsylvania Infantry Regiment, Signal Corps Detachment, The Harrisburg Civil War Round Table Collection, USAMHI; John E. Fletcher, List of Property Taken by U.S. Troops, Fletcher Papers, VSLA. Union soldiers also arrested civilians, including Mathew Harrison, Loudoun's representative in the House of Delegates. See Flournoy, Calendar of Virginia State Papers, 223.

^^Edward G. Longacre, ed.. From Antietam to Fort Fisher; The Civil War Letters of Edward King Wightman, 1862-1865 (Rutherford: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1985), 72-74, 254; Silliker, The Rebel Yell & the Yankee Hurrah, 49-53; Sparks, Inside Lincoln's Army, 171-173; Harold Adams Small, ed. , The Road to Richmond: The Civil War Memoirs of Maj. Abner R. Small of the 16th Maine Vols. ; with His Diary as a Prisoner of War (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1957), 53; Edward Carter Turner, Diary, 6 November 1862, Turner Family Papers, VHS. Longacre believes that Mrs. Marshall was Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Marshall's wife. Thomas was the grandson of Chief Justice John Marshall. He commanded the Seventh Virginia Cavalry at the time of his death on 12 November 1864. On Marsena Rudolph Patrick, see Nourse, Memoir, 23-24, Nourse Memoir.

^^Ibid. 3 2 Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 46; Silliker, The Rebel Yell ^ the Yankee Hurrah, 46; Sparks, Inside Lincoln's Army, 172; Milo M. Quaife, ed.. From the Cannon's Mouth : The Civil War Letters of General Alpheus S . Williams (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1959), 152. See also Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Welbourne, 48-66; Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 42-48; Richard Wheeler, Lee's Terrible Swift Sword: From Antietam to Chancellorsville, An Eyewitness History (New York: Harper Collins Publishers, 1992), 198; Longacre, From Antietam to Fort Fisher, 76- 77; Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 90; Donald L. Smith, The Twenty-Fourth Michigan: Of the Iron Brigade (Harrisburg, PA: The Stackpole Company, 1962), SC­ SI; Glenn Tucker, Hancock : The Superb (Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1960), 95-97; Blackford, Letters From Lee's Army, 135; Francis A. Walker, General Hancock (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1894), 54- 57; Isaac Fletcher, Property Claim for John E. Fletcher,

192 9 March 1878, John E. Fletcher Papers, VHS; Nisewarner, Diary, 22 November 1862, 30 October 1862, 20 October 1862, Nisewarner Diary; Dulany, Diary, 28 September 1862, Dulany Diary, VHS; John E. Fletcher, Property Claim, n.d., Fletcher Papers, VSLA; William Fletcher, Property Claim, n.d., Fletcher Papers, VSLA; Solomon Hoge, property claim, n.d., Fletcher Papers, VSLA.

^^Regis De Trobriand, Four Years in the Army of the Potomac, trans. George K. Dauchy (Boston; Ticknor and Company, 1889), 343-346. 34 Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 42; History of the 118th Pennsylvania Volunteers, 101; OR, ser. I, vol. 19, pt. 2, 104. See also U.R. Brooks, ed.. Stories of the Confederacy (Columbia, SC: The State Company, 1912), 118-121. •

^^Ibid.

^^Welton, "My Heart is so Rebellious", 108-111; OR, ser. I, vol. 5, pt. 1, 511-517; Dulany, Diary, 5 August 1862, 31 July 1862, Dulany Diary, VHS; Amanda H. Donohoe, to "Sisters," 2 April 1862, Amanda H. Donohoe Letter, Civil War Letters Vertical File, TBL. 37 OR, ser. I, vol. 5, 512; Janney, The Life of George Fox, 465-466. n O Welton, "My Heart is so Rebellious", 107-108; Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 152-157; Evans, An Old Timer in Warrenton, 143-146; Nourse, Diary, 4 May 1862, Nourse Diary, VHS.

^^Welton, "My Heart is so Rebellious", 109; Bell Irvin Wiley, ed. , 4^ Years on the Firing Line (N.p.: McCowat-Mercer Press, Inc., 1963), 28-29. 40 Noyes, The Bivouac and the Battle-Field, 104- 105.

^Chappelear, Diary, 16 April 1862, 12 April 1862, 24 March 1862, Chappelear Papers; Dulany, Diary, 25 March 1862, 22 March 1862, Dulany Diary, VHS. 42 Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 56-59.

^^Carter, Diary, 18 March 1862, 17 March 1862, Carter Diary, TBL; Dulany, Diary, 18 March 1862, 17 March 1862, Dulany Diary, VHS.

193 44 Dulany, Diary, 19 March 1862, Dulany Diary, VHS. 45 Sears, For Country, Cause ^ Leader, 276-277; Sparks, Inside Lincoln's Army, 128; Eby, A Virginia Yankee in the Civil War, 86-87; History of Durell's Battery, 59; Nourse, Diary, 31 August 1862, 27 August 1862, Nourse Diary.

^^Dulany, Diary, 25 March 1862, 22 March 1862, 19 March 1862, Dulany Diary, VHS. 4 7 OR, ser. I, vol. 12, pt. 1, 410-413; Thomas Birge Moore, Fauquier County, to Ann Moore, Stonewall Mills, Appomattox County, Virginia, 4 April 1862, Moore Family Papers, VHS; Carter, Diary, 3 April 1862, Carter Diary, TBL. 48 Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 30; Welton, "My Heart is so Rebellious", 126-128; Scheel, The Guide to Fauquier, 13; William B. Baker, Waterloo, to father, 21 July 1862, Baker Papers; John H. Bevan, Warrenton Junction, to sister, 13 July 1862, John H. Bevan Letters, 1st Pennsylvania, Civil War Miscellaneous Collection, USAMHI; Samuel Sexton, Civil War Memoirs, 19 May 1862, Sexton Papers; John H. Bevan, Catlett's Station, to sister, 12 April 1862, Bevan Letters; Charles Bragg, Account Book, (1862-1867?), Charles Bragg Account Book, VHS; H.A. White & Co., Account Books, (March 1862?), H.A. White & Co. Account Books, VHS. On prices and shortages, see Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Welbourne, 39-40; Welton, "My Heart is so Rebellious", 126-131.

^^ibid.

^^Ann P. Jones, Louisa County, to "Aunt," 15 June 1862, Ashby Family Papers, Section 1; Dulany, Diary, 13 June 1862, Dulany Diary, VHS; Nannie Thompson (Bayne) Clark to Aunt Dollie, 9 June 1862, Ashby Family Papers, Section 1.

^^Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Welbourne, 34; Chappelear, Diary, 6 April 1862, Chappelear Papers. 52 Mrs. William H. Payne, "Search for My Wounded Husband," (1910?), William H. Payne Papers, Personal Papers Collection, VSLA.

194 Ibid. For another discussion of female nurses in the war, see Perry H. Epier, Life of Clara Barton (N.p.: MacMillan, 1915). 54 Chappelear, Diary, 6 May 1862, Chappelear Papers.

^^Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 126-130, 131-137. Union forces at Fredericksburg actually numbered forty thousand men.

^^Welton, "My Heart is so Rebellious", 98-99.

S^lbid., 106-111. 5 8 Nourse, Diary, 11 May 1862, 9 May 1862, Nourse Diary, VHS. 59 Nourse, Diary, 4 July 1862, 10 June 1862, Nourse Diary, VHS.

^^Campbell, ""'Strangers and Pilgrims’"", 440- 445; Nourse, Diary, 9 August 1862, 31 July 1862, Nourse Diary, VHS.

^^Broun, Diary, 10 July 1862, Broun Diary; Chappelear, Diary, 22 June 1862, 27 May 1862, 26 May 1862, 13 May 1862, 10 May 1862, Chappelear Papers. 6 2 Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 32.

195 CHAPTER 5

DREAD, TERROR, AND HOPE:

UNIONISTS V. THEIR CONFEDERATE NEIGHBORS,

FEBRUARY 1862-DECEMBER 1862

Captain Elijah Viers White's Thirty-Fifth Virginia

Cavalry Battalion crept through Union lines to

Waterford, where Captain Samuel Means's Independent

Loudoun Virginia Rangers had spent the previous evening resting peacefully. At dawn on August 27, 1862, the fifty Confederates opened fire on Means's command outside the Waterford Baptist Church. Approximately one-half of the twenty-eight Fédérais suffered wounds in the initial attack. The Loudoun Rangers sought cover in the church, which the Thirty-Fifth Virginia quickly surrounded, laying siege to the men inside.^

Using the pews as barricades, Means's troops put up a stubborn resistance. On two occasions, the

Confederates sent a local woman to the church under a flag of truce, demanding the unit's surrender, but each time the beseiged men refused. After two hours and with their ammunition gone, the predicament inside the

196 sanctuary became desperate. The wounded men's blood made the church look "more like a slaughter pen than a house of worship." When the woman arrived a third time, the rangers surrendered. The Confederates suffered two men killed and several wounded, while the Union troops 2 lost two killed, ten wounded, and twenty-two paroled.

The engagement at the Waterford Baptist Church marked the first violent clash between Loudoun residents. Describing Means's troops as "without discipline," Union General Dixon Miles charged that, since its inception, the unit had terrorized Loudoun

Countians. Although overwhelmingly from the county and operating among their neighbors, Means's troops

"committed all kinds of depredations on the inhabitants, living on them, taking what (they) pleased," and generally inspiring "dread and terror" in the civilian populace. Also comprised primarily of Loudoun residents. White's command sought to punish Means for his treatment of the county's secessionists. The war now pitted local citizens against each other. Two peoples still battled for their respective nations, but in Loudoun and Fauguier Counties, neighbors fought each other, sacrificing their homes and their lives for their ideal societies.^

197 The Army of Northern Virginia drove the Yankee military from Loudoun and Fauquier Counties in August

1862, once again placing the Unionists at the mercy of

Southern military authorities and their secessionist neighbors. Local Confederates, who had greeted Union troops with "angry hearts and scowling brows" in

February, poured into the streets to welcome the

Southern troops when they returned in August. Their presence inspired Amanda Edmonds to proclaim, "Glorious, 4 glorious, we are yet in Dixie."

As they had done in July 1861 when Jackson raced to

Manassas, many locals greeted his troops with gifts of food, including Edmonds who reported with glee that

Jackson and his men were "coming home again ! " Ida

Dulany exuberantly loaded the wagon with supplies and immediately departed for Jackson's camp at Salem.

Although citizens had barely enough food to nourish themselves, Edward Carter Turner believed the residents,

"wild with excitement," would feed the soldiers as long as they had anything to give them.^

Many civilians found the Confederates' physical appearance disheartening. Mrs. Robert Beverley described them as "ragged forlorn looking men," who

198 seemed "nearly starved." She provided them with as much

food as she could, but it did not begin to end their

hunger. Edward Turner stared in disbelief at the

"hungry, thirsty, barefooted" men, "some of them almost

naked." Diarrhea afflicted many of the troops,

including J.F.J. Caldwell of South Carolina's McGowan's

Brigade, who purchased a "mouldy, half-done hoe-cake

that lay on the floor" in an old woman's home. He

scraped off the mold and ate the unleavened biscuit to

the envy of his starving comrades. Despite their

physical condition and outward appearance, the soldiers'

devotion to the Confederacy had not faltered. According

to Caldwell, the "grand instinct of patriotism and the

thirst for glory" still thrived among them. The men.

Turner noted, remained "bright and buoyant," anxious for

a fight, yet many Confederate supporters wondered if

these gallant men could ever prevail against their

better equipped Northern counterparts.^

Despite their uncertainty, local Confederates

rejoiced as the Army of Northern Virginia began its

first invasion of the North. On September 1, General

J.E.B. Stuart dispatched Colonel Thomas T. Munford and

the Second Virginia Cavalry to drive the Union's Loudoun

Virginia Rangers from Leesburg and to secure the

numerous Potomac crossings along Loudoun's northern

199 border. Since the Thirty-Fifth Virginia Cavalry defeated the Rangers at the Waterford Baptist Church on

August 27, Means's unit had operated in northern Loudoun between Hillsboro and Leesburg, apprehending Confederate stragglers. Stuart hoped the Second Virginia Cavalry would free locals from Means's "party of marauders" that had "so long infested" the region. On September 2, the

Confederates met and drove Means's troops and Captain

H.A. Cole's First Maryland Cavalry through Leesburg, killing eleven, wounding twenty, and capturing forty-seven. Munford had extricated the town from Union occupation, prompting Confederate soldier R. Channing

Price to boast incorrectly that not a single Yankee soldier existed west of Alexandria.^

By September 7, the last Confederate soldiers to participate in the Northern invasion had crossed the

Potomac. The troops fording the river presented a

"magnificent sight." The men cheered, while "hats filled the air, flags waved, and shouts from fifty thousand throats reverberated up and down the banks of the river." Despite their joy in taking the war to the

North, they found the crossing difficult. With the

Potomac's bottom "worn to the slipperiness and smoothness of polished ice," the troops lost their footing and toppled, drenching themselves. Those lucky

200 enough to remain dry laughed at their unfortunate

comrades. Angered at the loss of his haversack full of

bread that he had begged from a Leesburg woman, one man

swore he would have preferred to lose his gun or his

shoes. Despite the problems they encountered, most

soldiers joked that they needed "baptizing" anyway. The g men planned, however, to baptize the North in blood.

The Union's victory at Antietam and the Army of

Northern Virginia's subsequent return reduced morale

among Loudoun and Fauquier Confederates to a new low.

Their optimism had reached its peak when the Southern military forced Generals Pope and McClellan from

Virginia in late August and early September, but now

fears for the South's and their own futures absorbed

their thoughts. The Confederate presence in late August

inspired Sallie Powell, but their "ragged condition" after Antietam greatly depressed her. Tired of her

"monotonous" life during these "troublous times," she prayed that God would bring peace to the divided nation.

Warrenton resident Bettie Stephens feared that the approaching winter could prove disastrous if the Yankees spent it in Fauquier, as citizens had few supplies.

With the Union army so "completely equipped," the North had every advantage over the Confederacy, Amanda Edmonds reasoned. Like many of her neighbors, Edmonds wondered,

201 "Can we hope for anything else than to be conquered

people?"^

Despite the increasing uncertainty, most

Confederate supporters held fast to their convictions and true to the fight for their beliefs. Aware that

Lee's Maryland invasion could only be labeled

"disastrous," Ida Dulany's hatred for the Union remained strong. Her abhorrence of the "wicked government" that provoked all her "needless suffering" increased her love for the Confederacy, as it became " more and more hallowed by the dearest and noblest blood" of the South.

Citizens realized, however, the difficulty the

Confederacy faced in attaining victory, including Amanda

Edmonds, who reasoned that only the "goodness of God" and the "good management" of the generals could save the

South. The Confederacy's setbacks notwithstanding, many whites had not lost their will to continue the struggle.

They remained optimistic, but uncertainty in the South's ultimate victory increasingly entered their thoughts.

The Rejection of Violence

While the Northern occupation of Loudoun and

Fauquier Counties in February and again in August 1862 depressed local Confederates, most Unionists perceived

202 the troops as their saviors. They enjoyed the protection of the Yankee soldiers against both the

Southern military and their rebel neighbors. The

Fédérais' presence inspired their confidence in a Union victory and a subsequent end to the slaveholders' dominance over local politics and the economy. To

African Americans, it meant freedom. The Unionists sought the best way to create their utopia, while local

Confederates struggled to maintain control. Despite each faction's zealousness, several determinants constrained the residents from employing violence to effect their goals.

Although local Unionists and Confederates bitterly fought each other at the Waterford Baptist Church, most citizens rejected violence to settle their disputes. In

Missouri, Unionists exceeded Confederates, but sizable numbers of each inhabited the state, with both sides resorting to bloodshed to settle the same economic and political differences that divided northern Virginians.

Although slaveowners controlled Loudoun and Fauquier politics, most nonslaveholders accepted the status quo or, like the Quakers, used moral persuasion to effect changes in governmental policy.

At times, violent altercations erupted between northern Virginia's Unionists and Confederates but

203 rarely did these episodes result in death or

retaliation— more likely outcomes in Missouri, eastern

Tennessee, and western North Carolina. "Wild

secessionist" Henson Simpson, for example, drew a bowie

knife on Unionist Will Brown, but both men emerged from

the struggle unhurt. While the Thirty-Fifth Virginia

Cavalry Battalion relished punishing the Loudoun Rangers

for the unit's persistent attacks on local

secessionists, the battle followed specific orders given

to White. In achieving its military objective, the unit

did not exceed the force necessary to accomplish its 12 mission.

John W. Mobberly, a scout for the Thirty-Fifth

Virginia Cavalry, actively engaged in the brutality

characteristic of the war in Missouri, but he proved the

exception in northern Virginia. He quickly earned a

reputation for his blood lust. In a skirmish with the

Loudoun Rangers, he shot the already wounded and defenseless Charles Stewart in the face and rode his

horse across the still alive man. A doctor who witnessed the incident concluded, "Surely no hell is too hot for a man who would do a thing like this." Near the war's end, Mobberly decided to punish the Compher family

for displaying the Union flag. As the guerrilla attempted to torch the family's home, fifteen-year-old

204 Elizabeth Compher wrestled with the scout, who pistol- whipped the girl before fleeing. Adding to his infamy,

Mobberly captured a Union spy, took him into the Blue

Ridge Mountains, and staked the man spread-eagled to the ground, leaving him there to die. Mobberly's outrages ended when Stewart, the Loudoun Countian the guerrilla shot in the face, ambushed and killed him. Although

Mobberly exhibited the same ruthlessness as Missouri guerrillas, most other locals refused to participate in such tactics.

Tne lack of an armed Unionist population accounted, in great part, for the absence of such unrestrained violence. At the war's inception, Loudoun County had one Unionist for every two Confederates. Most of the

Unionist males not forced into exile in Maryland refused, as pacifists, to bear arms. Loudoun and

Fauquier Confederate units, especially the Thirty-Fifth and Forty-Third Virginia Cavalry Battalions, found the only Northern regiment organized in the counties, the

Loudoun Rangers, to be an inferior military force.

Unlike Missouri, Confederate supporters from these counties simply did not have to contend with an 14 organized and armed Unionist citizenry.

Although several issues divided the counties before the war, in numerous ways, the residents stood united in

205 purpose. While they disagreed over slavery, they concurred on the need for a transportation infrastructure, the importance of maintaining a godly society, and, during the first decades of the nineteenth century, the gradual emancipation and colonization of the slaves. The Quakers and other nonslaveholders perceived slavery to be inhumane but held violence to be as immoral as human bondage. They wanted to change the local economic, political, and social systems through education, not cataclysm. Most white residents belonged to the Whig Party throughout the antebellum period and opposed secession until President Lincoln called for seventy-five thousand volunteers to quash the rebellion.

Whether Unionists or Confederates, they still deemed violence an unacceptable resolution to their local differences.

Tne failure of either the Union or the Confederacy to gain solid control over the area contributed to the unlikelihood of an internecine conflict. During 1861,

Southern forces held a firm grip on the counties, but beginning in February 1862, neither side ever established dominance. As Northern forces moved across the region in the spring of 1862, they faced constant harassment from the Confederate military. Throughout

March and April, Southern troops remained in central and

206 southern Fauquier contesting the Northern occupation, with the Thirty-Fifth Virginia Cavalry battalion

figuring most prominently in these skirmishes. For the

remaining two and one-half years of the war, John

Singleton Mosby and his Confederate partisan rangers challenged the Union forces. While Fédérais occupied much of the two counties, their control proved tenuous at best.^^

Local Confederates, who had forced many white

Unionist males into exile in Maryland in 1861, became

"less defiant, less confident, and more courteous" towards the Unionists when Northern troops entered the counties in February 1862. To Quaker Samuel Janney's dismay, several Friends took the opportunity to retaliate for injuries the secessionists had caused and reported them to Northern authorities, but most

Unionists practiced forgiveness rather than vengeance.

Both sides aided their respective causes by furnishing military authorities with information, but they generally refrained from violence except on the battlefield. They realized that neither side enjoyed mastery over the counties, and at any moment, control of the region might change. Hoping not to anger their neighbors or to draw the opposing army's ire, most

207 residents eschewed the vengeance that consumed Missouri and several other regions of the Confederacy.^^

The War to End Slavery

The Union's success at Antietam provided Abraham

Lincoln with the victory he needed to issue the

Emancipation Proclamation and to intertwine slavery's demise with the country's reunification. Although

Lincoln released his edict on September 22, it would not end slavery in the Confederate-ruled sections of the country until January 1, 1863. Many Union soldiers embraced Lincoln's proclamation, including George Fowle.

As he prepared to reenter Loudoun County following

Antietam, he wrote to his sweetheart that the proclamation increased his gratification that he had enlisted. He thanked God for the privilege of fighting 18 to secure liberty for all men, regardless of race.

While the federal government now officially pursued slavery's eradication in the Confederacy, the slaves had not remained entirely passive during the first eighteen months of the war. Although Southern troops controlled

Loudoun and Fauquier, many slaves looked for an opportunity to escape during the confusion that dominated the summer and fall of 1861. Captain Elijah

208 White of the Thirty-Fifth Virginia Cavalry Battalion stationed his men along the Potomac River to prevent a slave exodus. Throughout that year. Confederate officials forced many slaves to labor on fortifications at Centreville or one of the three Leesburg forts. One such slave fled across the Potomac to Union lines, where he reported the location of the five thousand

Confederate troops at Leesburg. Conscripted to work on

Confederate fortifications along the Potomac, another slave escaped from Waterford on his master's one-eyed 19 horse.

When the opportunity for freedom presented itself,

African Americans occasionally chose slavery. During the Battle of Ball's Bluff, two slaves became "mixed up" with Union troops as they fled across the Potomac.

General Charles Stone heard about the pair and summoned them to his tent. He assured them of their freedom and offered them employment within the camp. Both slaves declined, stating that their owner, a Leesburg mill owner, oftentimes allowed the men to work for themselves. He also held a considerable sum of their money, which they did not want to lose. More importantly, their parents, wives, and children remained in Leesburg as slaves. Stone delivered the pair, under a flag of truce, back across the Potomac.

209 Although their masters taught them that Northerners

had horns and would treat them cruelly, Loudoun and

Fauquier slaves vociferously exhibited their joy at the

Union soldiers' arrival in February 1862. According to

Samuel Sexton, African Americans filled the streets of

Warrenton as the Eighth Ohio Volunteer Infantry advanced

into town. The slaves gave three cheers for the "Yankee

Boys" and four for "massa Abe." Alvin Coe Voris of the

Sixty-Seventh Ohio Volunteer Infantry concluded that the

sight of Northern troops at Warrenton Junction pleased

the slaves. Voris believed that the owners raised the

slaves for market and not as "family heirlooms," as most

Virginians wished Northerners to think. The "prolific"

slave women, based on the number of children that he

saw, astounded Voris. The "variety of color in the same

family, from black as black can be to the fair hues of a

new saddle," also bewildered him. He supposed that the variation in skin color resulted not from "amalgamation"

but rather had to do with "certain conditions of the 21 moon at the time of planting."

The presence of Northern troops emboldened the counties' slaves to become openly rebellious, while their masters struggled to enforce obedience. Catherine

Cochran noted that once their "protectors" arrived in

Fauquier, the slaves worked when they pleased. They

210 strolled openly from farm to farm and carried information on Confederate troops and sympathizers to the Union camps. Northern soldiers, Susan Caldwell insisted, encouraged slaves to run away so that the

"d______lazy southern women" would have to work. If disciplined or offended, a slave commonly would bring a

Yankee detachment, which would "carry off" the slave and 23 whatever the African American fancied.

Masters who treated their slaves well often garnered loyalty in return. Prior to the war, Margaret

Harrison Benton had taught her slaves to read and write.

During the conflict, she instructed them in a trade, believing the war would destroy slavery. Despite the presence of Northern soldiers, none of her slaves ran away. Fielding Lewis Marshall turned over his farm's operation to a slave, and from 1862 to April 1865, he relied on two bondsmen to care for his children while they lived as refugees in Amelia County, Virginia.

Marshall fancifully claimed that all slaveowners treated their bondsmen like their own children, loved them, and even buried them in the family graveyards. While a few solicitous masters existed, most slaves endured grueling hours of labor, families torn asunder, and brutal ^ . 23 whippings.

211 As the war continued, it became increasingly difficult for slaveowners to feed and cloth their

slaves. Like Ida Dulany and Susan C. Noland, many

slaveholders hired their bondsmen out to other people.

Trapped in Philadelphia at the outbreak of hostilities.

Aunt Peggy's mistress arranged for the slave woman to work at the Fauquier Female Seminary. Before going to

the school, Peggy labored separately for two men, who contracted to provide her with new clothes, but from whom she received only one pair of shoes. The shortages residents faced stretched across all social classes and . , 24 racial groups.

Although a few slaves remained loyal to their owners, the Union military presence convinced many

African Americans to seek their freedom. One of

Catherine Broun's male slaves informed her that he had been under the "yoke" too long and warned against anyone trying to prevent his escape, as he would kill for his freedom. By June 1862, seven male slaves had run away from Richard Henry Dulany's farm, and Ida Dulany had lost all of her bondsmen. When the Union soldiers arrived, Amanda Donohoe reported a virtual "stampede" among the slaves. Nearly all of her bondsmen had fled, including Henry, who stole one of Donohoe's colts. Most of Fauquier's enslaved had run away, according to John

212 Turner, including Amanda Edmonds's slave Charles, who ended his bondage on May 23, going to "Heaven on Earth 25 piloted by the Yankee Angels."

The loss of slaves and the goods they often carried away with them forced many slaveowners into poverty,

including Macon Jordan, who proclaimed himself "a poor man" without his bondsmen. Fanny Carter Scott's family lost several slaves in March 1862. With them went all of the family's horses. Dr. Stevens's slave woman took his wagon in broad daylight, and Union soldiers 2 g prevented him from stopping her.

Slaveholders endured more than financial losses from their slaves' actions. With her slaves gone, Mrs.

Bispham became the family's cook, and Ida Dulany personally delivered her wheat after her last two male slaves ran away. Other bondsmen reported the presence of Confederate soldiers home on leave to Union authorities, oftentimes resulting in the capture of family members, as happened with Josephine Stephenson's brothers, who secretly visited her in Upperville.

Stephenson thought her brothers had escaped, until she peered out the window and saw that Union soldiers had 27 captured her youngest sibling.

Although economic losses distressed many slaveowners, what they perceived to be their slaves'

213 unfaithfulness caused the greatest dismay. Unhappy that

purportedly loyal bondsmen had fled to the Union troops,

slaveholders expressed consternation that some

recalcitrant slaves had not fled. Elizabeth Herbert

welcomed the slaves' departure, believing that it

constituted "one of the best parts of the war," although

the faithfulness of "disagreeable" slaves pained her.

Ida Dulany intended to whip one slave woman for

provoking her, yet, to Dulany's joy, the bondwoman ran

away. On April 19, Amanda Edmonds wrote of her conviction that the remaining slaves planned to embrace the "wings of liberty." As long as the "same unfaithful ones" never harassed her family again, she prayed that 2 g God would simply "let them go."

Other masters and mistresses ruefully accepted slavery's demise. By April 1862, Fanny Carter Scott had resigned herself to losing her slaves. She could no

longer cope with the responsibility of managing both them and her farm, while her husband served in the

Confederate army. Other slaveowners refused to stand idly by while their bondsmen ran away. One man in

Warrenton offered all of his slaves their liberty plus new clothes, but if they returned to his home, he promised to shoot them. A neighbor reported that none 29 of his slaves requested their freedom.

214 The Emancipation Proclamation changed little for

Loudoun and Fauquier slaves and their owners. Since the two counties fell under the loyal government of

Virginia, the proclamation excluded them. As the Army of the Potomac reentered Virginia in late October, the numerous contrabands working for the soldiers exhibited

"great excitement." Traveling back to their former homes greatly disturbed them, as these ex-slaves no longer desired to "fry any more buckwheats for General

Lee" or his men. Those Loudoun and Fauquier Countians still in bondage continued to seek their freedom, including one bondsman who ran away from his master, because the man planned to send him to the "rebel army."

Richard Payne feared his "young and foolish" slave Dinah might flee from him when Northern troops returned. Not realizing that the Emancipation Proclamation did not include them, most Loudoun and Fauquier slaves eagerly anticipated January 1. As one slaveholder noted, there was "no making" a slave "do anything.

During the winter of 1862-1863, few slaveowners mentioned runaway slaves, probably owing to the uncommonly harsh weather and the Union soldiers remaining huddled around their own warm campfires. As

Northern troops emerged from their winter hibernation, slaves, like Christian Nisewarner's Mary and Margaret,

215 began the trek north. On April 27, Union soldier

Jasper B. Cheney spotted forty Warrenton slaves fleeing

their masters, an exodus Sally Armstrong of Culpeper

County described as a "great stampeed."^^

In an attempt to reunite his family, J.W. Foster's

slave Staunton appeared at Edward Carter Turner's home on May 21, with a Yankee cavalry unit to secure his wife's and children's freedom. The soldiers ransacked

the Turners' personal belongings and commandeered a wagon and two oxen to transport the slave family. Upon discovering Turner's brother, Rear-Admiral Thomas

Turner, currently served in the United States Navy, the soldiers treated the man with more respect and advised him he could recover his wagon and animals after the slaves reached Northern lines. Turner accompanied the troops to their headquarters, a journey fraught with delays, while the Fédérais plundered hen and milk houses along the way. Turner demanded that Colonel De Forrest return the slaves, to which the Union officer erroneously responded that the Emancipation Proclamation blocked his compliance with Turner's request. Although

De Forrest promised to encourage the slaves to return with their master, they chose freedom over bondage.

With so many Fédérais traversing the counties, nothing

216 slaveowners did could prevent their slaves from departing.

A ^ Ma n 's Land

Immediately following Antietam, neither the Union nor the Confederacy laid claim to Loudoun and Fauquier

Counties. The bulk of the Army of Northern Virginia had camped at Winchester in the Shenandoah Valley, while the

Army of the Potomac recuperated in Maryland. A few

Southern units, such as White's Thirty-Fifth Virginia

Cavalry, patrolled both counties, and Union troops commonly embarked on raids into Virginia from their defenses around Washington or from Maryland, but the large-scale troop movements that characterized the previous month did not take place. Northern forces launched at least three raids into Fauquier between

September 21 and 29. The most successful, an attack on a Confederate supply train, resulted in four Southern dead, fourteen prisoners, and the parole of 140 sick and wounded Confederates in the Aldie and Middleburg hospitals. On September 29, Lieutenant Colonel Joseph

Karge entered Warrenton with five hundred Union troops; they found more than thirteen hundred hospitalized

Confederates. Karge ordered the men paroled, as their

217 conditions obviously precluded them from taking up arms.

Approximately fifty hospitalized Confederates died each day— several of them because "starvation stared the 33 people in the face."

Beginning in early October, the Confederate army tried to buttress its diminishing ranks through conscription, prompting a number of local white men, with death hanging over their heads for evading impressment, to leave their families and homes and hide in Virginia's mountains or to flee to Maryland. In a raid into Loudoun County, Lieutenant Wesley McGregor of the Seventy-Eighth New York Infantry happened upon thirty residents who had taken to the mountains to escape the Southern conscription officer, and on October

5, in Quaker-dominated Hillsboro, a sizable number of citizens and refugees proclaimed McGregor and his soldiers their "deliverers." Chiefly responsible for conscription in Loudoun County, Elijah White's cavalrymen drafted their neighbors, compounding the discord between the region's secessionists and 34 Unionists.

The over-cautious General McClellan, after a month of inactivity, finally moved the Army of the Potomac into Virginia on October 27, bridging the Potomac River at Harper's Ferry and Berlin. Leesburg resident Mary

218 Lack characterized the Union soldiers as "the greatest rogues" that ever lived and expressed consternation that the Yankees once again held the town. Brigadier General

Alfred Pleasonton encouraged McClellan to organize

Loudoun's white Unionists, so that they could protect themselves from Confederate guerrillas. A local police or militia force would enable the Unionists to

"restrain" their secessionist neighbors, who became

"very violent at times," as well as Northern deserters.

Local Unionists rejected the plan, as did McClellan, who uncharacteristically did nothing to slow his army's advance. The soldiers found Loudoun's numerous turnpikes easier going than the roads in Maryland. The paved highways allowed the Fédérais to enter Fauquier

County by November 4.^^

Tne Army of the Potomac's advance southward did not go uncontested. General Lee ordered J.E.B. Stuart's cavalry into Loudoun's Pleasant Valley to delay

McClellan's progress, while the main body of the Army of

Northern Virginia removed itself from Winchester to the southern bank of the Rappahannock River in Culpeper

County. For five days, a running fight occurred along the Loudoun-Fauquier border. Confederate supporters, once again, expressed their gratitude for the Southern cavalry's presence, including fifty or sixty "pretty

219 young girls" in Middleburg, who greeted Stuart with

kisses that "popped in rapid succession like musketry."

Even as Union troops forced Stuart to retreat into

southern Fauquier, several women in Upperville exhibited

their devotion to the Confederacy and to Stuart. The

last two Confederates to evacuate the town, the general

and his chief of staff rode through a hail of bullets,

while the women bid farewell to the cavalier. By

mid-November, the Army of the Potomac had gained

possession of both counties.

Throughout this second Union occupation. Southern

forces, primarily those of Elijah White and Wade

Hampton, frequently conducted vexatious raids into the

area. White's men pillaged the Unionists in

northwestern Loudoun, where they sacked Quaker Samuel A.

Cover's store of everything they could carry, including

thirty hats and fifty-five pounds of candy. Brigadier

General William W. Averell defended the North's

inability to capture these small enemy parties, whose members had a thorough knowledge of the territory and numerous civilians providing them with information.

Averell, nevertheless, spent the last two weeks of 1862 rendering these Confederates uneasy. Before year's end, however, a new, more troublesome menace would arrive to harass the Union forces.

220 NOTES TO CHAPTER 5

^Divine, 35th Battalion Virginia Cavalry, 9- 10; Divine, Hall, Andrews, and Osburn, Loudoun County and the Civil War, 39-40; Myers, The Commanches, 98- 104; Goodhart, History of the Independent Loudoun Virginia Rangers, 32-40.

^Ibid.

^Goodhart, History of the Independent Loudoun Virginia Rangers, 38-39; OR, ser. I, vol. 51, pt. 1, 764-765.

^William Willis Blackford, War Years With Jeb Stuart (New York; Charles Scribner's Sons, 1946), 99- 100; Heros Von Borcke, Memoirs of the Confederate War for Independence, vol. 1 (New York: Peter Smith, 1938), 127-128; History of Durell's Battery, 58-59; Gordon, History of the Campaign of the Army of Virginia, 78- 80; Hough, History of Duryee's Brigade, 79-80. See also Noyes, The Bivouac and the Battle-Field, 102-103; Nourse, Memoir, 12-13, Charles Joseph Nourse Memoir.

^Chappelear, Diary, 28 August 1862, 26 August 1862, Chappelear Papers; Turner, Diary, 27 August 1862, Turner Family Papers; Dulany, Diary, 26 August 1862, Dulany Diary, VHS.

^Robert Beverley Herbert, Life on ^ Virginia Farm: Stories and Recollections of Fauguier County (N.p.: 1968), 84; J.F.J. Caldwell, The History of ^ Brigade of South Carolinians, Known First as "Greg's" and Subseguently as "McGowan's" Brigade (Philadelphia: King & Baird, Printers, 1866), 30; Turner, Diary, 26 August 1862, Turner Family Papers. On the economic deprivation residents faced, see Helen Jeffries Klitch, ed., Joseph Arthur Jeffries' Fauguier County, Virginia, 1840-1919 (San Antonio: Phil Bate Associates, 1989), 18-20; Guy R. Everson and Edward H. Simpson, Jr., eds., "Far, Far from Home": The Wartime Letters of Dick and Tally Simpson, Third South Carolina Volunteers (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 146-147; Joseph T. Durkin, ed., Confederate Chaplain; A War Journal of Rev. James B . Sheeran c.ss.r., 14th Louisiana, C.S.A. (Milwaukee: The Bruce Publishing Company, 1960), 18, 24-25; John Simmons

221 Shipp, Diary, 5 September 1862, Shipp Family Papers, VHS. Numerous Confederate soldiers remained in Loudoun and did not participate in the Northern invasion. Residents treated these men with a mixture of pity and disgust. See John 0. Casier, Four Years in the Stonewall Brigade (Dayton, OH: Morningside Bookshop, 1971), 115- 116; Benjamin Lyons Farinholt, Diary, 5 September 1862, Benjamin Lyons Farinholt Diary, VHS.

^A.B. Johnson, "The Skirmish at Mile Hill," The Bulletin of the Loudoun County Historical Society 4 (1965): 53-56; OR, ser. I, vol. 51, pt. 1, 772-773; OR, ser. I, vol. 19, pt. 1, 814-815; OR, ser. I, vol. 12, pt. 2, 747-749; R. Channing Price, Mr. Turley's in Fairfax County, to mother, 5 September 1862, R, Channing Price Papers, SHC; WilliamMcllhenny, Diary, n.d. (September 1862), 1st Maryland Cavalry, The Civil War Times Illustrated Collection, USAMHI. On Confederate troop movements in Loudoun County in early September, see Divine, Hall, Andrews, and Osburn, Loudoun County and the Civil War, 41-43. Q Wheeler, Lee's Terrible Swift Sword, 25; Hunter, Johnny Reb and Billy Yank, 271-273; OR, ser. I, vol. 19, pt. 1, 814-815; OR, ser. I, vol. 12, pt. 2, 747-749. 9 Klitch, Joseph Arthur Jeffries * Fauquier County, 19-20; Chappelear, Diary, 5 November 1862, Chappelear Papers; Sallie Powell, Leavenworth, to Mary Eliza McDonald, 23 September 1862, McDonald Letters. On Antietam, see McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 534-545. On troop movements in Loudoun County during the Antietam Campaign, see OR, ser. I, vol. 19, pt. 2, 298-301, 318-319. See also Divine, 35th Battalion Virginia Cavalry, 10-12; William H. Runge, ed.. Four Years in the Confederate Artillery: The Diary of Private Henry Robinson Berkeley (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carlina Press, 1961), 26-27; OR, ser. I, vol. 19, pt. 1, 1091-1092; OR, ser. I, vol. 19, pt. 2, 324; 35th Virginia Cavalry Battalion, White's Battalion, Papers, 35th Virginia Cavalry Battalion, White's Battalion Papers, The Civil War Miscellaneous Collection, USAMHI; Laura Lee, "'A History of Our Captivity,' 11 March 1862-5 April 1865," Special Collections, Earl Gregg Swem Library, College of William and Mary, Williamsburg.

^^Chappelear, Diary, 5 November 1862, Chappelear Papers; Dulany, Diary, 28 September 1862, 3 September 1862, Dulany Diary, VHS.

222 Missouri guerrillas, see especially Fellman, Inside War. 12 Janney and Janney, The Composition Book, 6.

^^David H. Brown, "John Mobberly: Renegade Hero," John W. Mobberly Vertical File, TBL; OjR, ser. I, vol. 46, pt. 3, 240-241, 444-445. 14 Fellman, Inside War.

^^See Chapter 1.

, ser. I, vol. 12, pt. 1, 410-413; Thomas Birge Moore, Fauquier County, to Ann Moore, Stonewall Mills, Appomattox County, Virginia, 4 April 1862, Moore Family Papers; Carter, Diary, 3 April 1862, Carter Diary.

^^OR, ser. I, vol. 5, 512; Janney, The Life of George Fox, 465-466. 18 Margery Greenleaf, ed.. Letters to Eliza from ^ Union Soldier, 1862-1865 (Chicago; Follett Publishing Company, 1970), 13-19. 19 Jordan, Black Confederates and Afro-Yankees, 283; Myers, The Commanches, 21; Amanda H. Donohoe, to "Sisters," 2 April 1862, Donohoe Letter, Civil War Letters Vertical File; Dulany, Diary, 18 March 1862, 16 December 1861, 9 December 1861, Dulany Diary, VHS; Carter, Diary, 18 March 1862, Carter Diary; "Records of the U.S. Army Continental Commands: Descriptions of Refugees, Deserters, and Contrabands," vol. 18, pt. 2, 2223, 5493, The National Archives, Washington. 20 Hamilton J. Eckenrode and Bryan Conrad, George B . McClellan : The Man Who Saved the Union (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1941), 32-34; E.D. Townsend, Anecdotes of the Civil War in the United States (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1884) 70-75. 21 Sexton, Civil War Memoirs, 19 May 1862, Sexton Papers; Alvin Coe Voris, "near Warrenton Junction," to "Wife," 19 May 1862, Voris Papers.

^^Welton, " My Heart is so Rebellious", 126-131; Dulany, Diary, 19 May 1862, Dulany Diary, VHS; Catherine Mary Powell (Noland) Cochran, Diary, n.d. (prior to the Peninsula Campaign), Catherine Mary Powell (Noland) Cochran Diary, VHS.

223 23 Scheel, The History of Middleburg, 62; Rawick, The American Slave, vol. 16, Kansas, Kentucky, Maryland, Ohio, Virginia, and Tennessee Narratives, 29-33; Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 171-175. 24 Moffett, Diary of Court House Square, 32; Hopley, Life in the South, 123-127; Jonathan (Bean?) Hoge, Richmond, to Susan C. Noland, 27 December 1861, Susan C. Noland Letters, WRPL; Dulany, Diary, 16 December 1861, Dulany Diary, VHS. 25 Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Melbourne, 34-36; Welton, "My Heart is so Rebellious, 99-100, 126-131; Broun, Diary, 10 July 1862, Broun Diary; Chappelear, Diary, 23 May 1862, Chappelear Papers; Lack, Diary, 14 May 1862, Lack Diary; John R. Turner, "near Orange Courthouse, to Sallie, 3 April 1862, John R. Turner Papers; Amanda Donohoe, to "Sisters," 2 April 1862, Donohoe Letter, Civil Letters Vertical File. 2 6 Welton, "My Heart is so Rebellious, 128; Archie P. McDonald, ed., Make Me a. Map of the Valley ; The Civil War Journal of Stonewall Jackson's Topographer, 4th ed., (Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press, 1989)', 14; Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 57; Dulany, Diary, 8 August 1862, (31?) July 1862, Dulany Diary, VHS.

^^Ibid. 2 8 Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Melbourne, 35; Dulany, Diary, 4 July 1862, Dulany Diary, VHS; Chappelear, Diary, 19 April 1862, Chappelear Papers. 29 Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 58; Nourse, Diary, 24 April 1862, Nourse Diary.

^^Mark De Wolfe Howe, ed.. Touched With Fire : Civil War Letters and Diary of Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. , 1861-1864 (New York: Da Capo Press, 1969), 71; OR, ser. I, vol. 19, pt. 2, 108-109; Noyes, The Bivouac and the Battle-Field, 269-270; Turner, Diary, 25 December 1862, Turner Family Papers; Richard Payne, Warrenton, to wife, 29 September 1862, Payne Family Papers, Section One, VHS. Loudoun and Fauquier Counties were part of "Restored Virginia." Restored Virginia initially included modern day West Virginia and several counties around Washington, D.C. Because Loudoun and Fauquier were part of this occupational government in 1862, they were not included under the Emancipation Proclamation.

224 See Younger and Moore, The Governors of Virginia, 34-35. Although many Union soldiers endorsed a war to end slavery, many of these men were racists. Federal Edward King Nightman wrote that one evening the men of his company were "feeling frisky" and "amused themselves by tossing the niggers (sic) of the regiment, great and small, in a blanket. The darkies were. . . getting rebellious. . . .One after another they were dragged from their hiding places and sent heave(n)ward with tremendous force. . .It was confoundly mean, but I laughed myself double at it." Northern trooper Uriah N. Parmelee mentioned how officers forced the orderlies and the blacks to sleep on the floor in the back room. See Longacre, From Antietam to Fort Fisher, 71; Uriah N. Parmelee, Snickersville, to mother, 3 November 1862, Uriah N. Parmelee Papers, WRPL.

^^Jordan, Black Confederates and Afro-Yankees in Civil War Virginia, 167; Nisewarner, Diary, 16 May 1863, Nisewarner Diary; Sally Armstrong, Diary, 29 April 1863, Sally Armstrong Diary, VHS; Jasper B. Cheney, Diary, 27 April 1863, Jasper B. Cheney Diary, Eighth New York Cavalry, The Civil War Times Illustrated Collection, USAMHI. 32 Turner, Diary, 21 May 1863, Turner Family Papers. 33 On troop movements in Loudoun and Fauguier from mid-September to late October, see Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 40-41; Divine, Hall, Andrews, and Osburn, Loudoun County and the Civil War, 43; Hall, Besley, and Woods, History of the Sixth New York Cavalry, 70-73; OR, ser. I, vol. 19, pt. 2, 25-29, 98-101, 371; William B. Baker, Warrenton, to father, 5 November 1862, Baker Papers; R.C. Hovey, Fairfax Courthouse, to brother, 3 October 1862, R.C. Hovey Papers, OHS. 34 Greenleaf, Letters to Eliza from a Union Soldier, 13-19; Hall, Besley, and Woods, History of the Sixth New York Cavalry, 73; OR, ser. I, vol. 19, pt. 2, 25- 26. White had long engaged in impressment in Loudoun County. In December 1861, White opened a recruiting office in Leesburg. Many enlisted to avoid D.H. Hill's general impressment of the militia to construct forts along the Potomac. Other people chose to pay the forty dollar exemption fee. See Divine, 35th Battalion Virginia Cavalry, 2; Unknown, Leesburg, to John McDaniel, 22 February 1862, Janney Family Letters, Michael P. Musick Collection, USAMHI.

225 Longacre, From Antietam to Fort Fisher, 71- 72; Lack, Diary, 11 November 1862, Lack Diary. On troop movements during late October and November, see Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 41-49; John Michael Priest and Robert Brown, eds.. Captain James Wren's Civil War Diary from New Bern to Fredericksburg ( New York: Berkley Books, 1990), 108-109; Klitch, Joseph Arthur Jeffries' Fauquier County, 30-31; Earl Schenck Miers, ed.. Ride to War : The History of the First New Jersey Cavalry (New Brunswick; Rutgers University, 1961), 97; History of the Third Pennsylvania Cavalry, Sixtieth Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteers, in the American Civil War : 1861-1865 (Philadelphia: Franklin Printing Company, 1905), 144-154; History of the 118th Pennsylvania Volunteers : Corn Exchange Regiment (Philadelphia: J.L. Smith, Map Publisher, 1905), 106-110; OR, ser. I, vol. 19, pt. 2, 102-113, 125- 145; OR, ser. I, vol. 51, pt. 1, 171-172, 910-919; Woodward, Our Campaigns, 223-225; Gray, Diary, 19 November 1862, Gray Diary; Devine, Commonplace Book, n.d., Devine Commonplace Book; 5th New York Cavalry Regiment, Movements and Report of Actions, n.d., 5th New York Cavalry Regiment Movements and Report of Actions, Lewis Lehigh Collection, USAMHI. Free from Union occupation, the Fauquier County Court met on October 27. The court decided not to remove the county's records. They remained in Warrenton for the war's duration. Loudoun County officials ordered George K. Fox, Jr. to remove the records in March 1862. Loudoun County Court did not meet between February 1862 and July 1865. Fauquier Countians did remove a portrait of Chief Justice John Marshall that hung in the courthouse, fearing Union soldiers would steal or destroy it. Residents sent the painting to Mr. Theo. Kemper in Cincinnati, Ohio, who returned it at the war's end. See Scheel, The Civil War in Fauguier County, 41; Divine, Hall, Andrews, and Osburn, Loudoun County and the Civil War, 59-61; Evans, An Old Timer in Warrenton, 34-36; Civil War Loudoun County Vertical File, TBL.

^^Von Borcke, Memoirs of the Confederate War for Independence, vol. 2, 14-30. See Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 41-49; Wheeler, Lee's Terrible Swift Sword, 191-199; Divine, Hall, Andrews, and Osburn, Loudoun County and the Civil War, 43; Cooke, Wearing of the Gray, 273-282. For Stuart's report, see OR, ser. I, vol. 19, pt. 2, 140-145. By November 10, the Union had 152,00 men in the vicinity of Warrenton. Once again Union troops received a cold reception from Warrenton

226 civilians. George F. Noyes described their entry thusly: "Every store was closed; hardly a light glimmered in a private residence. . . .The hotel was of course open, or, rather, its basement-office; but even that looked black and sullen, and anxious to turn upon us a very cold shoulder. This marked coolness, combined with the chilliness of the night air, and a plentiful lack of food, was not exhilarating." Women at Aldie threw stones at Union soldiers and "waved a secesh flag." See Campaigns in Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania, 1862-1863, vol. 3, Papers of the Military Historical Society of Massachusetts (Wilmington, NC: Broadfoot Publishing Company, 1989), 105, 121; Noyes, Bivouac and Battle-Field, 276-277; OR, ser. I, vol. 19, pt. 2, 108.

^^Divine, 35th Battalion Virginia Cavalry, 13; OR, ser. I, vol. 21, 697-698. See also Divine, 35th Battalion Virginia Cavalry, 13-21; Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 49-50; Hall, Besley, and Wood, History of the Sixth New York Cavalry, 81-82; OR, ser. I, vol. 21; Isaac R. Dunkelberger, Memoir, 25 December 1862, Isaac R. Dunkelberger Memoir, First United States Cavalry, Michael J. Winey Collection, USAMHI.

227 CHAPTER 6

"THE COHESIVE POWER OF PUBLIC PLUNDER":

MOSEY AND HIS RANGERS, DECEMBER 1862-APRIL 1865

When I shoot my rifle clear At Yankees on the road I'll bid farewell to rags and. tags And live on sutlers' loads

The dawning of 1863 came with no end to the Civil

War in sight. Although the Union army had made significant gains along the Mississippi River, the Army of Northern Virginia had repulsed every assault of the

Army of the Potomac against Richmond. Loudoun and

Fauquier residents greeted 1863 with trepidation and, like Unionist Samuel Janney, prayed for the interminable war's conclusion. Although Janney had faced "peculiar privations and trials" and feared even greater suffering awaited him, he still wanted the slaveholding states to reap "a just retribution" for their "transgression."

Confederate Amanda Edmonds had some pleasant memories from the previous year but felt only gloom for the

Confederacy's fate. The war, too, had exhausted Loudoun and Fauquier soldiers, including John Turner of the

228 Seventeenth Virginia Infantry, who proclaimed, "if there

ever was one man in these Confederate States of America

tired of the war, I am he." While they longed for the

war to be over, neither Turner nor Edmonds nor Janney 2 anticipated its termination in the new year.

Despite the residents' longing for peace, a new

chapter of the war stood ready to unfold. On December

30, 1862, Lieutenant John Singleton Mosby and fifteen

rangers initiated their challenge to the Union

occupation of northern Virginia. In Warrenton, the

presence of these Confederate troops, far behind

Northern lines, bewildered the residents of the

Warren-Green Hotel. "A foolish thing to do; . .

they'll be prisoners by tomorrow, and the South needs

those men," they concurred. The skepticism of the

hotel's guests quickly changed to admiration, as they

began to equate Mosby's success to the Confederacy's

survival. Secessionists in northern Virginia

experienced renewed optimism, as Mosby began to win

"himself a name."^

The Confederacy's Gray Ghost; John Singleton Mosby

By April 1862, many Southerners believed the

Confederacy had entered its twilight hours. George

229 McClellan and the Army of the Potomac stood poised at

Richmond's doorstep, while in the West, the Confederates

faced losing control of the Mississippi River. Hoping to change the South's plight, the Confederate Congress, on April 21, 1862, adopted the Partisan Ranger Law.

This legislation established units that would operate behind Northern lines to inform Confederate generals of the enemy's movements while "worrying and harassing" the

Union soldiers. By disrupting the invading army's communication and supply lines, the partisan rangers would hinder the fighting capability of the Union troops, forcing Northern military leaders to pull soldiers from the front lines to defend their support networks thereby helping the main Confederate armies achieve victory. Citing Francis Marion's forces during the American Revolution, the Confederate Congress hoped that, by adopting partisan warfare, the South could exhaust Union authorities, prompting them to sue for 4 peace.

Mosby emerged as the South's most formidable partisan commander. He believed that "A partisan's work is not measured by the amount of men killed or captured, but by the number he keeps watching. Every soldier withdrawn from the front to guard the rear of an army,"

Mosby asserted, "is so much taken from its fighting

230 strength." Mosby kept thousands of men guarding against his incursions. Prior to his arrival in Loudoun and

Fauquier, the Southern military could not challenge effectively the Union occupation of the region, but upon his arrival in December 1862, the partisan converted a twenty-square-mile section of the two counties into his personal realm.^

Mosby's childhood provides few hints of the daring exploits and courageous leadership that defined his partisan career. He was born in Powhatan County,

Virginia, on December 6, 1833, to Virginia McLaurine

Mosby and her husband Alfred, a middle-class farmer who owned a "small number" of slaves. Mosby's parents determined that he should receive a formal education, and after attending various local schools, Mosby enrolled at the Male Academy at Charlottesville. A schoolmate described him as "not in very good health,

. .a little crabbed, . . .(and) consequently not very popular with the boys."^

Mosby attended the University of Virginia, passed the bar exam, and practiced law in Bristol, Virginia.

In 1857, he married Pauline Clarke of Franklin,

Kentucky. Her father had held numerous state offices and had served in the United States Congress and as

President James Buchanan's minister to Guatemala. The

231 guests at the couple's wedding included future President

Andrew Johnson. As the threat of war loomed over the country, Mosby resolutely supported a united nation. In the presidential election of 1860, he voted for Stephen

Douglas, labeling John Bell's candidacy a "side show" and calling John C. Breckenridge's followers

"propagandists." Mosby contended that only Douglas could maintain the Union and purportedly cast the only vote for him in Bristol. That same year, Mosby declared his intention to fight for the Union if war broke out, but he reversed himself by April 1861 and proclaimed,

"Virginia is my mother, God bless her. . . .1 can't fight against my mother, can I?" With President

Lincoln's call for seventy-five thousand volunteers, perhaps Mosby viewed the federal government as an abusive husband, willing to use force to deny

Southerners their constitutional right to own slaves.

His ancestors having resided in Virginia since 1655,

Mosby, like Robert E. Lee and many other Virginians, chose to defend his state from the bullying federal government.^

Prior to receiving his own command in December

1862, Mosby enjoyed a stellar military career, despite his lack of military training. This "slender, not tall, wiry" man enlisted in the Washington Mounted Rifles,

232 where he rose to adjutant, before volunteering as a

scout for General J.E.B Stuart. Fellow Rifleman W.W.

Blackford recalled that nothing about Mosby hinted at

his future skill as a partisan ranger, yet this "slouchy

rider" with no "interest in military affairs"

distinguished himself in every fight. During the

Peninsula Campaign, Mosby observed the breach in General

George McClellan's line, allowing Stuart to make his

famous raid around the Army of the Potomac. Mosby

continued with Stuart until December 1862, when he began

his career as a partisan. The loss of Mosby's services grieved Stuart, who considered his officer a "bold, daring, intelligent, and discreet" fighter, who always g provided reliable information.

How did this "naturally feeble" man become such a

skillful and dangerous partisan? Although his friends repeatedly described him as sickly, Mosby never acted the part. While a student at the University of

Virginia, a grand jury had indicted him for assaulting the local constable with "fists, feet, and gun," during a brawl with some townspeople. Mosby's violent streak again became public two years later, when the sheriff arrested him for shooting George Turpin, a leading student and popular athlete at the University of

Virginia. Mosby had refused to invite Turpin to a

233 party. Insulted, Turpin accused Mosby of including two guests not out of friendship but for their fiddle- playing abilities and reportedly spoke "compromisingly" of Mosby's female companion. In accounts of the

incident years later, Mosby recalled a note from Turpin

threatening to "eat me up." Face-to-face on the porch of Mosby's boardinghouse, the future guerrilla confronted Turpin about his assertions. Planning to beat him "blood raw," Turpin rushed Mosby, who drew a revolver from his pocket and shot his adversary in the neck. Although Virginia's lieutenant governor defended him, a jury convicted Mosby of unlawful wounding and sentenced him to a year in prison. Virginia's governor pardoned Mosby after local citizens petitioned for his release, claiming that the sickly prisoner could not g survive a year in jail.

The incident with Turpin convinced Mosby that with a gun he could surmount his physical weaknesses.

Following the war, he stated: "I was glad to see that the little men were a match for the big men through being armed." Remembering his childhood, he avowed,

"Boys are the meanest things in the world. The larger ones invariably take advantage of the smaller ones."

For combat, Mosby rejected sabres as too cumbersome and ineffective and permitted only a few men to keep

234 carbines for sharpshooting. His weapon of choice was the Navy Colt. With two of these pistols, each of his men could clear the saddles of twelve Union soldiers— no matter what their size.^^

Mosby initially came to Loudoun and Fauquier

Counties with General J.E.B. Stuart on December 29,

1862, and immediately ended the Northern soldiers' drowsy indolence in their winter encampment. After scouting the area and determining that he could reap a

"beautiful harvest," Mosby requested fifteen men to carry out his work. In just over two weeks, the small band captured or killed forty-five men. The partisans so terrorized Federal pickets that Union officers posted them less than one-half mile from camp. During the next two years, Mosby would earn his reputation as the

Confederacy's most skillful partisan by killing or capturing Union soldiers and plundering a tremendous booty in supplies.

Mosby's Rangers t The Historiographical Debate

Mosby's feats drew several hundred Loudoun and

Fauquier Countians to his command and hundreds more from across the Confederacy, including one Fred Smith. In the postscript of a letter dated December 1889 to former

235 partisan Aristides Monteiro, Mosby discussed the post­ war exploits of Smith, who received a political appointment in Arizona as a result of his monetary contributions to Grover Cleveland's presidential campaign. With seven indictments against him for embezzlement. Smith fled to Canada, deserting five living wives. Of Monteiro, the ranger leader queried,

"Do you know of any other member of the command who has done as well?"^^

What did Mosby intend by this question? Was he remarking about Smith's prowess with the opposite sex?

Considering that the partisan leader demanded his men treat women with gentlemanly respect,it seemsunlikely that he would praise a former ranger for deserting five different wives. His question, more likely, was sarcastic— deriding Smith's inability to make an honest living, but why would Mosby include "the command" in his question? Following the war, Mosby devoted himself to championing the partisan rangers as a legitimate form of warfare and penned his autobiography as a justification of his wartime actions. Although a private letter,

Mosby would not have diminished his command's reputation by noting that even one ranger embezzled. He, nevertheless, seems to celebrate Smith's ability to enhance his wealth, while escaping his pursuers.

236 Mosby's postscript implies an important stimulus for the partisan rangers. Smith's embezzlement of funds, his escape to Canada to enjoy the spoils, and Mosby's praise of Smith's lifestyle suggest a motivation both Mosby's partisans and subsequent historians denied— greed.

Historians of the partisan rangers disagree on the motives of the irregular forces and whether or not they satisfied the objectives the Confederate Congress established under the Partisan Ranger Law. Skeptics cite William C. Quantrill's and "Bloody" Bill Anderson's

Missouri guerrilla organizations— groups that included such outlaws as the James and Younger brothers. Despite their law-abiding, Christian, middle-class, nonslaveholding, yeomen backgrounds, the Missouri guerrillas terrorized residents in the Confederacy's name for personal gain and revenge. Infamous for their thievery and bloodshed, they exemplify the partisan rangers' questionable legality. The Missourians did not fulfill the Confederate Congress's vision of an organized body of soldiers led by regular army 14 officers.

Those historians who view the rangers positively single out Mosby's Forty-Third Virginia Cavalry

Battalion for recognition. Mosby's commission in the regular army and his ability to control his men, these

237 historians argue, distinguished his partisans from the

Missouri guerrillas. Although Mosby operated independently, he reported directly to Generals Stuart and Lee. In April 1863, the malevolent acts the irregular forces committed in the South's name and their absence from the Army of Northern Virginia induced Lee to urge that the attorney general disband the partisan ranger units and assign these soldiers to the regular military. Lee argued that the Partisan Ranger Law gave

"license to many deserters and marauders, who assume to belong to these authorized companies and commit depredation to friend and foe alike." Mosby's spectacular victories in his first three months . as a partisan leader induced Lee, in the same letter, to recommend the Forty-Third Virginia's continuance, because Mosby provided an "excellent service, and from reports of the citizens and others," Lee believed this ranger to be "strict in discipline and a protection to the country" in which he operated. Mosby's value to the

Confederate war effort has prompted many scholars to concur with Lee's assessment and to regard irregular forces more positively than some of their colleagues.

All historians of the irregular forces cite Mosby's unit as the Confederacy's most successful partisan organization. Defending Mosby's Rangers as legitimate

238 soldiers, recruited from a "conglomeration of ages and

classes," Virgil Carrington Jones, Mosby's first

biographer, began this tradition. Their leader's

personality molded the "planter's son and the overseer's

son; the banker in richly trimmed officer's gray and the

adventurer in clothes gleaned from the litter of the

chase" into a cohesive unit, he argues. Downplaying as

nonsense "the desire of booty," Jones's noble warriors

fought exclusively for Southern independence.^^

Subsequent historians have shared Jones's idealized

perception of Mosby's Rangers. They submit that the

partisans conducted a legitimate form of warfare, operating as soldiers and not as a "band of licensed

robbers." To these troops they have attributed several motivations, including devotion to the Confederacy, grievances against Northern soldiers, the desire to serve near their homes, and the thrill of the fight.

Economic gain,Mosby's enthusiasts claim, never

influenced these partisans to risk their lives, contesting the Union occupation of Loudoun and Fauquier

Counties. The avarice discovered among Missouri guerrillas, they insist, simply did not exist in Mosby's command.

Only Kevin H. Siepel portrays Mosby's Rangers as self-aggrandizing guerrillas. Siepel concludes that

239 deserters from both the Union and Confederate armies formed the bulk of Mosby's battalion. To borrow from a phrase Mosby turned following the war, the partisans resembled "the Democratic party. . .held together by the 18 cohesive power of public plunder."

Just as they are divided on the character of the troopers who served in the Forty-Third Virginia Cavalry, historians also vary on the number of men who enlisted under Mosby's command. Estimates range from nearly two thousand downward to eight hundred, with no more than three hundred men ever participating in a given raid.

The larger figures appear inflated by nearly one-third due to the multiple counting of numerous rangers. Based on this author's research, it appears more reasonable 19 that fifteen hundred men served with Mosby.

Greedy Boy Warriors

The only difference between partisan service and regular army duty, Mosby once stated, lay in the danger.

The Confederate Congress realized this and deemed it necessary to compensate the partisans over and above regular army pay to spur enlistments in these irregular units. In early 1862, Representative William Smith proposed a branch of the military completely independent

240 of the main army and its chain of command. Under his

plan the members of these forces would receive a five-

dollar bounty for each Union soldier killed. Smith, in

effect, called for the formation of units of murderous

bounty hunters masquerading as partisans. A resident of

Fauquier County, Smith hoped that the monetary rewards

would spur these men to purge northern Virginia of Union

forces.c 20

Apprehensive about passing the drastic measure

Smith advocated, many Confederate Congressmen believed

that the authorization of bounty hunters would impair

the Confederacy's chances of diplomatic recognition. In a compromise move, Fauquier Countian John C. Scott urged

the creation of a special branch of the military that would operate independently of the regular army.

Commissioned officers would oversee and lead these

units. As an incentive to volunteering for the new and extremely dangerous forces, Scott's proposal entitled

these "land privateers" to all the plunder they seized

from Union troops. He hoped the constant harassment of

Federal supply and communication lines would weaken the

Northern army to such an extent as to allow Southern 21 troops to drive it from Confederate soil.

Two significant factors influenced the Confederate

Congress to vote in favor of Scott's plan, which it

241 adopted as the Partisan Ranger Law in April 1862.

Commissioned regular army officers would lead the numerous units organized under this act, precluding the roving bands of bounty hunters Smith proposed.

International law, additionally, had long recognized privateering as an acceptable means for a warring nation to hamper its enemy's supply and communication lines.

Their incorporation into the command structure of the

Southern army, international legal sanctions, and the rules of war, the Confederate Congress believed, legitimized these special units. Although the

Confederacy authorized the partisan forces, their legality did not automatically imbue them with patriotic

^ 22 fervor.

Officers in the regular army generally disapproved of the irregular forces and openly challenged the partisans' motives. Brigadier General Henry Heth accused the rangers of being "more ready to plunder friends than foes," while Brigadier General Thomas L.

Rosser denounced the partisans as "a band of thieves, stealing, pillaging, plundering, and doing every manner of mischief and crime." Rosser conceded, "Their leaders are generally brave, but few of the men are good soldiers, and have engaged in this business for the sake of gain." He urged the repeal of the Partisan Ranger

242 Law because it kept men from volunteering for the

regular army, caused dissatisfaction among the enlisted

men due to the great "latitude" and "many privileges"

the partisans enjoyed, and encouraged desertion.

Describing the partisans' actions as "evils," General

Robert E. Lee charged the rangers with generating more 23 harm than good.

Despite his negative opinion of the rangers and

although he called for the Partisan Ranger Law's repeal,

Lee permitted Mosby to continue operating behind enemy

lines due to his "boldness and good management." Lee

fretted, however, that plunder's lure might distract the guerrilla leader from more important military targets.

In August 1863, Lee wrote J.E.B. Stuart that Mosby's recent attacks focused on sutlers' wagons rather than on communication lines and outposts, charging the guerrilla

leader with exercising "little control" over his men.

Colonel John Logan Black of the First South Carolina

Cavalry agreed, describing the Forty-Third Virginia as a

"set of free lancers" in "loose order." Stuart, always true to his former scout, defended Mosby's command as 24 the only efficient rangers serving the Confederacy.

While Confederate officers frequently portrayed the

Forty-Third Virginia Cavalry in less than flattering terms. Union soldiers viciously assailed Mosby's

243 Rangers, generally reproaching them for their

engrossment with plunder and depicting them as cowards.

Mosby, the "sly coon," Northerners alleged, led

"omnipresent bushwhackers (and). . .freebooters," who

only captured supply trains, stragglers, and sutlers,

never attacking an organized military force. Union

General Franz Sigel characterized Mosby's Rangers as

"miserable riff-raff of broken down cattle thieves. . .

burglars, assassins, unwretchedly mounted." Mosby, "the

gallant Chevalier Bayard of Southern Maidens," only

assaulted the defenseless, a soldier of the 122nd New

York Infantry accused. The man sarcastically conceded

that the partisan ambushed all of these things with "the

bravery and recklessness of a Knight-errant of the olden

times," but with "vulgar things" like infantry and 25 cavalry escorts, the partisan disdained to meddle.

Despite the claims of Union soldiers and

Confederate military authorities, most rangers joined

the partisans for more upstanding reasons than greed.

Many rangers claimed an undying devotion to the

Confederacy, including Aristides Monteiro, who "With a

singleness of purpose served the Southern cause." John

Munson characterized his fellow rangers as men of breeding, who sought "the proper channel through which to express their feelings on a subject that made action

244 of some sort necessary." The partisans, he continued,

viewed themselves as "men of firm convictions, for which

they were anxious to fight and willing to make

sacrifices." Munson, unfortunately, did not make clear 2 g the topic that so concerned the rangers.

According to most partisans, the thrill of the

ranger lifestyle primarily lured men to serve with the

Forty-Third Virginia Cavalry Battalion. "The true

secret," according to Mosby, "was that it was a

fascinating life and its attractions far more than

counterbalanced its hardships and dangers." Mosby's

successes. Major Henry E. Peyton observed, made every

"young man in the land sigh," wishing to fight along

side the ranger leader and share "in the countless

perils and glorious deeds" of his "romantic life." Men

flocked to the partisans because, as Ranger Frederick

Fillison Bowen attested, life with them proved "easier"

than in the regular army. Many soldiers preferred the

luxury of a comfortable bed to the unpleasantness of , . ^ . 27 life in an army camp.

Typical of other rangers, the thrill of the fight

attracted eighteen-year-old John Munson to enlist with

Mosby. Throughout 1863, Munson listened to the tales of

Mosby's heroic exploits. Fearing the hard life of the

partisans, Munson curbed his appetite and discarded all

245 comforts, assuming that misery and starvation would

season him to life with the guerrillas. Munson left

Richmond late at night, afraid his friends would discover his aspiration to serve and scared that they 2 8 would tease him if Mosby rejected him.

Munson walked for ten days, through an impoverished

country, until he found the elusive guerrilla leader's camp. Tired, he emerged from the trees "in search of a big man with a showy uniform, a flowing plume and a

flashing saber." Munson had associated Mosby with

Generals Lee, Jackson, and Stuart and to the gallant

Robin Hood. Mosby's true appearance shocked Munson, who described the ranger leader as "a small, plainly attired man, fair of complexion, slight but wiry." The partisan's lack of swagger and his quiet demeanor all contributed to Munson's chagrin. To his consternation, 29 Mosby "did not even strut."

If the partisan leader's appearance so dismayed

Munson, why then did he enlist with Mosby? At 125 pounds and five feet, eight inches in height, every man in the clearing stood taller and possessed a larger frame than the partisan leader. What was it about Mosby that commanded such respect from Munson and convinced him that he too could be larger than life? How did such an ordinary-appearing man perform the legendary feats

246 retold by his admirers? At Miskel's Farm in March 1863, surrounded and outnumbered by Union cavalry, within the confines of a barnyard fence, dismounted, and sound asleep, how did Mosby lead his men to victory? A common-looking man, Mosby unquestionably proved an extraordinary leader.

All of the rangers proclaimed an intense devotion to the partisan chieftain. Aristides Monteiro, the surgeon of the Forty-Third Virginia Cavalry, told of

"the wildest demonstrations of vociferous joy" and

"noisy manifestations of affectionate regard," which greeted Mosby on his return after convalescing from one of his numerous wounds. "No man ever possessed a greater power of quick perception, or more promptness of thought and action," Monteiro concluded, "than did this meteoric genius of guerrilla warfare." Its leader's personality, according to ranger John Alexander, held the command together. Mosby's ability to avoid needlessly endangering his men, his effectiveness in gaining all possible advantages, his courage, and the success of most of his efforts secured his men's confidence. Mosby's authority emanated not from physical prowess but from his refusal to wantonly jeopardize his men's lives and his skill as a partisan commander.

247 While the ranger lifestyle enticed a majority of

recruits to the partisans, avarice ultimately overcame many of the rangers. John Munson's esteem for Mosby did

not preclude him from acquiring his portion of the war's

spoils. Welcomed into the partisans' ranks, the newest

ranger quickly learned how to benefit economically from his military service. On a raid of a Union supply depot

in October 1864, horses, cattle, and wagons, all valuable to the Confederate war effort, disinterested

Munson, who first looted a sutler's pocketbook. He added sardines, raisins, cakes, wine, cheese, figs, beer, chocolates, pickled onions, champagne, oysters, and jelly to his cache, and only then did he turn to the raid's main purpose--the confiscation of goods important to the Southern military. Although Mosby's heroic exploits drew Munson to the partisans, he unhesitatingly embraced the personal financial advantages obtainable through robbery, placing the rangers' true mission . 32 secondary.

Mosby recognized the importance of monetary incentives and doled out horses and cash to spur his rangers to ever more daring acts. While all partisans stood to benefit economically from their service with

Mosby, those men first into the fight and the last to depart received compensation predicated on their

248 exceptional bravery and daring. "This system, by rewarding individual merit," ranger Adolphus Richards contended, "encouraged a healthy rivalry among the men, and at the same time removed all inducement to leave the fight for plunder.

Men and officers in the regular army, often desperately in need of food and clothing, envied the riches the partisans garnered. Mosby requested the transfer of Aristides Monteiro, a friend from his days at the University of Virginia, so that he might serve as the Forty-Third Virginia Cavalry's surgeon. Upon presentation of Monteiro's transfer papers. General H.

A. Wise cautioned the new partisan of the dangers in a guerrilla's life while simultaneously removing his boots. The general, Montiero explained, "quietly requested that I take off one of my boots and try his on." Puzzled, Monteiro queried the general about his unusual entreaty. Wise solicited the first pair of leather boots the partisan seized, to replace the worn ones the surgeon had just tried for size. Certain Union soldiers would hang Monteiro before he could send a 34 second pair. Wise made no further appeals.

When soldiers in Monteiro's unit learned of his reassignment, everyonefrom officers to invalids entreated his aid in transferring to Mosby's command.

249 While traveling to his new post, a conscription officer challenged Monteiro. After examining the transfer orders, the officer quickly softened his authoritarian tone and even proposed that he and Monteiro change places. The officer understood that the rangers "lived so well and made so much money" that he would willingly desert his post and undertake the very action his orders commanded him to thwart. This conscription officer, like many other Confederate soldiers, believed so intensely that he would "get rich on partisan spoils" that he would forsake his duty to serve with Mosby.

A study of the economic backgrounds of Mosby's

Rangers uncovers additional data useful in hypothesizing about plunder's influence on the guerrillas. An examination of Loudoun and Fauquier census and property tax records yielded information on 219 members of the

Forty-Third Virginia Cavalry Battalion. The census schedules for 1860 listed thirty-eight percent of the rangers or their parents as farmers, while twenty-two percent worked as overseers, laborers, ditchers, and post rail fencers— all farm related occupations.

Skilled workers, including shoemakers, hatters, saddlemakers, cigar-makers, cabinetmakers, and gunsmiths, constituted just sixteen percent of Mosby's ranks. Professionals— teachers, lawyers, dentists,

250 physicians, and ministers— accounted for only eighteen

of the partisans found in the census schedules.

Following the war, ranger John Munson declared that

the Forty-Third Virginia Cavalry embodied "well-bred,

refined gentlemen." The diversity of skilled occupations and the large number of farmers, suggest many partisans were, at the very least, self-sufficient

if not well-established members of the upper class.

Forty-seven percent of the rangers belonged to the

slaveholding elite, with each master averaging five bondsmen. Unlike the elite of Missouri, Loudoun and

Fauquier's affluent whites voluntarily risked their own or their children's lives under Mosby's command.

The poor constituted the second largest class of rangers— nearly thirty percent. None of these men possessed land or slaves, and few owned more than a couple of sheep or hogs. Most had accumulated less than one hundred dollars in personal property in their lifetimes. These individuals worked as tenant farmers, overseers, apprentices, and farm laborers, earning 3 8 meager wages in the employ of someone else.

Substantially underrepresented, the non­ slaveholding middle class accounted for only thirty- five of the 219 partisans found in the census. This group included mostly craftsmen and factory owners with

251 a few yeomen farmers. On average, they exceeded the median age of their fellow rangers by six years, eight months. Although a non-slaveholding middle class participated in Mosby's exploits, the predominantly middle-class, yeomen guerrilla organizations in Missouri 39 did not exist in Virginia.

Afforded the opportunity to garner unlimited wealth, the rangers who came from the working class willingly embraced their good fortune. Greed so strongly motivated several of these partisans that, when

Mosby denied them what they perceived to be their fair share of the spoils, they betrayed the Confederacy.

Charles Binns, a poor farmer from Fairfax County,

Virginia, held no property of his own but depended upon his wife Mary, who owned fourteen hundred dollars worth of real estate, to support herself and their two young children. In the fall of 1863, Binns "committed some acts of rascality" for which Mosby ordered his arrest.

The ranger escaped to Union lines and, in retaliation, led Northern forces on a raid of Mosby's Confederacy.

With the ex-guerrilla pinpointing the safe havens of the rangers, the Northern troops captured approximately twenty partisans and killed eight "notorious smugglers and horse-thieves." For his services, Binns received the normal pay of a Union scout. Denied the right to

252 plunder, Binns sought and gained revenge on his former 40 comrades.

Greed propelled Fauquier Countian John F. Cornwell even before he linked himself to Mosby's Rangers.

Married with two children and employed as an overseer, he owned only $225 in personal property and no real estate. To support his family, he boarded horses for his neighbors and Confederate soldiers and supplemented his income by selling those horses to the Union military. Whether he enlisted with the Rangers or offered his services to Walter Frankland, Mosby's quartermaster, to avoid the conscript officer is not clear. Frankland disallowed expenses Cornwell incurred while transporting a load of ammunition to Richmond.

The overseer appealed to Mosby, but the partisan leader also denied his claim. On February 17, 1863, Cornwell defected to Union lines and, the following day, with information the guerrilla provided. Northern troops captured twenty-five rangers. Cornwell, like Binns, sacrificed Confederate soldiers when denied material 41 gain.

Loudoun and Fauquier's wealthy residents found

Mosby's daring escapades and plunder's temptation as attractive as those less affluent. Joseph Blackwell, one of Fauquier's richest men, owned nine slaves, the

253 same number of horses, and thirty-five sheep and hogs.

At the war's beginning, all of his slaves fled north, leaving him with one man to care for his fields.

Without sufficient laborers, Blackwell could not

"produce a thing but grass and not much of that." Known for his kindness to Confederate soldiers, especially

Mosby, his home became the partisan's headquarters.

Blackwell's continuous proximity to Mosby and his rangers led him to assume a military bearing he clearly lacked. Although he never served in the Confederate army, he wore a "gaudy uniform of gray" and always sported a pair of revolvers in imitation of the partisans. He even began criticizing Mosby's raids and 42 yearned to lead the rangers.

Blackwell "bragged so much about his valor and his military ability" that the rangers "finally badgered him" into participating in one of their forays. On July

4, 1864, Blackwell and the partisans set out to raid a sutler at Point of Rocks, Maryland, where Union troops greeted the rangers with a volley of gunfire, causing

Blackwell to cease his boasting and lament his unhappy fate. He wondered why he had made a "damned fool" of himself for "a few yards of calico and a new pair of boots." He chastised himself for not remaining in his

"comfortable home" and letting the "damned Guerrillas do

254 their own fighting and robbing," Safely ensconced back in his own house, Blackwell quickly forgot his terror and bragged that the Rangers never could have taken the town but for him. In October 1864, Northern forces heaped retribution on this self-proclaimed hero by torching his home and all of his farm buildings.

Blackwell's taste for plunder ultimately cost him 43 everything he owned.

Many partisans used the goods they commandeered to ease the suffering of local residents. Approximately twenty percent of the rangers lived within the confines of Mosby's Confederacy prior to the Civil War and thus quite naturally hoped to defend and provide for their loved ones. Ranger George Baylor participated in a raid on Shepherdstown, Maryland, in which the guerrillas pillaged a number of stores whose owners refused to sell to Confederate supporters. The partisans carried off various items "useful and necessary" to the men and their families. A recipient of plundered goods, Amanda

Edmonds confided to her diary that she hoped the rangers 44 would make a "brilliant haul" on their next raid.

Mosby's command greatly benefited from the service of these Loudoun and Fauquier men. At least thirty-five of these partisans had served with other units, half of them cavalry, before returning to their home counties to

• 255 fight for Mosby. They brought knowledge and experience, including familiarity with the territory, which immeasurably aided Mosby in his exploits. Their kinship to the residents also assisted Mosby in gaining the support of the civilian population— a great necessity as 4 5 the partisans operated deep behind enemy lines.

Of the remaining eighty percent of Mosby's command, at least seven hundred rangers lived in other parts of

Virginia before secession, while more than five hundred came from the Confederacy at large. Amanda Edmonds's beau listed Mississippi as his home, while another ranger claimed Prussian citizenship. At least two soldiers deserted from the Union's Army of the Potomac to enlist with Mosby for, in Northern Major General

Alfred Pleasonton's words, the "purpose of plunder."

Lacking the familial connections with the local civilian populace, these men may not have been as devoted to the 46 residents who housed, fed, and protected them.

Although the rangers portrayed themselves as devoted followers of Mosby and committed to Southern independence, their own accounts document numerous infractions of the command's regulations. Mosby immediately sent any guerrillas who did not follow his orders to the regular army, a measure his men perceived as "intolerable punishment and eternal disgrace." One

256 partisan, gripped "in a spirit of deviltry," upended a

Quaker farmer's milk cans and found himself consigned to 47 the regular service for his boyish pranks.

All accounts of the rangers' activities by the guerrillas contend that the partisan leader rejected deserters and promptly returned them under armed guard to the regular army. "In every Confederate regiment enlisted men began to display an interest in Mosby's movements, but to be transferred to his Command from any other force in the field," Munson claimed, "was an impossibility." The guerrilla leader "recognized every claim that the regular army had on its soldiers." The

Forty-Third Virginia Cavalry included, Munson wrote,

"the very best blood the Confederacy had to offer on the 48 altar of faith."

Mosby contradicted his men's assertions of their undying patriotism. He required only two things of a recruit— that he obey orders and fight bravely.

Although J.E.B. Stuart warned Mosby against enlisting deserters, the partisan leader considered a recruit's status as a military truant, a thief, or an ex-Union soldier irrelevant and accepted new rangers without investigating their military records. His obligation,

Mosby insisted, did not extend to "the ignoble duty of catching deserters." Justifying his request of the

257 secretary of war to transfer a number of deserters to

the Forty-Third Virginia Cavalry, Mosby subsequently

insisted these men had been "very efficient" with him.

Based on Mosby's statements and actions, Munson's claim

that the partisan unit consisted of the "pick and bloom of the South" remains highly questionable. Writing

after the war, Munson undoubtedly remembered the glory 49 and forgot the blemishes.

Convinced of the fearlessness of young men in their

late teens and early twenties, Mosby actively recruited these "children," who constituted roughly sixty-five percent of his unit. "They haven't sense enough to know danger when they see it, and will fight anything I tell them," Mosby concluded. In 1863, the first complete year of service for Mosby's Rangers, the mean age of the

219 partisans from Loudoun and Fauquier Counties was

twenty-three years, and the median age was nineteen.

According to the census for 1860, seventy-six percent of the men still lived with their parents, only sixteen percent had married, and just twenty-one percent had celebrated their thirtieth birthday. The term "boy warriors" truly fit Mosby's Rangers.

Henry Cabell Maddux typified the young men infatuated with Mosby and his daring exploits but who succumbed to plunder's temptation. A schoolboy at

258 recess in February 1864 when Mosby's Rangers chased a patrol of Union cavalrymen past the schoolhouse, this

"very fat boy" jumped on his pony and joined in pursuit.

He became "one of the gamest and best soldiers Mosby had," but greed propelled him. On October 12, 1864,

Mosby's Rangers derailed a train on the Baltimore and

Ohio Railroad just outside of Harper's Ferry. Mosby placed sentries around the area to warn those partisans raiding the train if Union forces approached. Maddux, one of the guards, so coveted the spoils for himself that he returned to the derailed train and lied that

Union forces approached. Mosby dispatched a man to confirm the warning and, upon discovering the truth, confronted Maddux. As Mosby related, "I was very mad with Cab for almost creating a stampede and told him that I had a good mind to have him shot." Despite his anger at the errant ranger, Mosby permitted him his

$2,100 share of the $173,000 Union payroll found on the train.

As a sentry, a ranger could forfeit a substantial harvest of booty. The partisans divided certain items, such as horses and large sums of money, based on their performance in an attack, yet each ranger could keep for himself personal items, like shoes, food, jewelry, and small amounts of cash. The men could appropriate

259 whatever they fancied from the captured goods before destroying the remainder. As a sentry on the Greenback

Raid, Maddux received an equal share of the Union payroll, but his guard duty precluded him from seizing any of the passengers' belongings. As a result of his youthful exuberance, Maddux readily jeopardized the 52 entire command for a portion of the spoils.

Considering the number of rangers who had deserted from the Army of Northern Virginia and the partisans' rebellious nature, their desire to enhance their own pocketbooks should not come as a surprise. The rangers' practice of boarding with •civilians across the countryside deterred Mosby from strictly controlling his men, and his habit of encouraging the rangers to independently attack Union forces increased the opportunity for plunder. Taking men who lacked military discipline, promoting autonomous decision making, and scattering the guerrillas across the countryside away from the watchful eye of their commander undoubtedly contributed to their pillaging. The very factors that allowed the rangers to achieve their stunning victories caused Union soldiers and many Confederate officers to accuse the guerrillas of being more greedy than _ . 53 patriotic.

260 On April 21, 1865, Mosby announced the war's end

and his unit's disbandment. Some partisans, hungry for

more spoils, reluctantly abandoned the opportunities for

wealth they had experienced. Dr. William Dunn, who

finally had garnered his first sizable booty, lamented

his poor timing.

This is just like all the rest of my d d luck. If the world had been a cow I would have been its infernal tail, I expect. Now, I have been fighting for several years in bad luck— not making a cent— and just as I was getting in a good way of making money for the first time in my life, the d d thing busted up.

Following General Lee's surrender at Appomattox, the

Union offered a ten-thousand-dollar reward for Mosby's

capture. Several of the partisan's own men reportedly

attempted to collect the bounty. For some, like Dunn,

the war ended too early to satisfy their greed; others

continued their pursuit of riches at the expense of

their former commander for whom they supposedly held 54 great devotion.

While Loudoun and Fauquier Countians enlisted with

Mosby for many altruistic reasons, the partisans' zeal

for enriching their own pocketbooks created a rancor

among both Union and Confederate troops, the aftermath

of which would create new challenges for the residents

of Mosby's Confederacy. Loudoun and Fauquier

Confederates welcomed the ranger defenders, but as the

261 guerrilla menace became more troublesome to the Union army, Mosby's presence had a negative impact upon the entire population. As 1863 dawned, the curtain began to rise on a new stage in the Civil War that once again sparked tensions between Unionists and Confederates and revealed a drama simultaneously more hopeful and more terrifying.

262 NOTES TO CHAPTER 6

^B.A. Botkin, ed. , A Civil War Treasury of Tales, Legends and Folklore (New York; Ranom House, 1960), 396; Jones, Ranger Mosby, 14. 2 Janney, Memoirs of Samuel M. Janney, 203, 208- 209; Chappelear, Diary, 1 January 1863, Chappelear Papers; John R. Turner, Guinea's Depot, Caroline County, VA, to Sallie, 9 December 1862, John R. Turner Papers.

^Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 50; Betsy Fleet and John D.P. Fuller, eds., Green Mount: A Virginia Plantation Family During the Civil War (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1962), 214; Jones, Ranger Mosby, 71-72.The discussion of the Warren-Green Hotel residents was reported by Jones. Unfortunately, he provides no information regarding where he found record of this conversation. Jones was not a professional historian. This incident may never have occurred, but other residents' skepticism of Mosby is well documented. On partisans in northern Virginia, see Archer Jones, Civil War Command and Strategy ; The Process of Victory and Defeat (New York: The Free Press, 1992), 150-151; Divine, Hall, Andrews, and Osburn, Loudoun County and the Civil War, 47-50; OR, ser. I, vol. 51, pt. 2, 688. 4 John W. Munson, Reminiscences of a Mosby Guerrilla (New York: Moffat, Yard and Company, 1906), 6.

^Williamson, Mosby's Rangers. On Mosby's Rangers, see Keen and Mewborn, 43rd Battalion Virginia Cavalry; Wert, Mosby's Rangers. On Mosby, partisan warfare, and how the rangers benefited the Confederacy, see John H. Brinton.Personal Memoirs of John H. Brinton: Major and Surgeon U.S.V., 1861-1865 (New York: The Neale Publishing Company, 1914), 269; John Singleton Mosby, Scrapbook, 1910, "Tributes to Col. Mosby," John Singleton Mosby Papers, Section One, VHS; OR, ser. I, vol. 43, pt. 2, 876-877, 926; OR, ser. I, vol. 33, 1113; OR, ser. I, vol. 29, pt. 1, 80-81; Philip H. Sheridan, Personal Memoirs of P.H. Sheridan; General United States Army (New York: Charles L. Webster & Co.,1888); Samuel H. Hurst, Journal-History of the Seventy-Third Ohio Volunteer Infantry (Chillicothe, OH: n.p., 1866), 79. On

262 guerrillas in the American Revolution, see Hugh F. Rankin, Francis Marion; The Swamp Fox (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1973); North Callahan, Daniel Morgan: Ranger of the Revolution (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1961). For World War II and the Korean War, see Carl E. Grant, "Partisan Warfare, Model 1861-1865," Military Review 38 (August 1958): 42-56. Grant was a colonel in the United States military. Based on America's experiences in World War II and Korea, Grant predicted future wars would see the wide scale use of guerrilla forces. He believed that the only way America could win such a war was to adopt General Sheridan's use of total war. America would have to break the will of the civilian populace to win such a war.

^Siepel, Rebel, 20-22. Siepel's work is the only biography of Mosby covering his entire life. See also, Jones, Ranger Mosby; The Nation, 8 June 1916; Bennett H. Young, ed. , Confederate Wizards of the Saddle: Being Reminiscences and Observations of One Who Rode with Morgan (Boston: Chappie Publishing Company, Ltd., 1914), 391-415; Clement A. Evans, ed. , Confederate Military History: A Library of Confederate States History (Atlanta: Confederate Publishing Company, 1899), 1057-1059; "Recollection of Col. John Singleton Mosby," John Singleton Mosby Papers, SHC. Mosby's maternal grandfather owned nineteen slaves in 1851. See James McLauraine, Inventory, 1849-1851, James McLauraine Inventory, VHS. Mosby also was a slaveowner. Throughout the war, slave Aaron Burton accompanied his owner. Burton described Mosby as a "good man" and a "great fighter." Burton also "loved" the partisan. On Burton, see Jordan, Black Confederates and Afro-Yankees in Civil War Virginia, 192-193; Adele H. Mitchell, ed.. The Letters of John S . Mosby, 2d ed. (United States of America: The Stuart-Mosby Historical Society, 1986), 33-34; John Singleton Mosby, to Pauline (Clarke) Mosby, 1 October 1863, Mosby Papers, Section Two, VHS; John Singleton Mosby, Scrapbook, John Singleton Mosby Papers, AL ; Stuart-Mosby Historical Society, "Colonel Mosby's War Slave," Stuart-Mosby Historical Society Papers, VHS. Union soldiers described Mosby's chidhood somewhat differently. He purportedly engaged in numerous duels and ran away from home in "search of pleasure and profit." See Willard Glazier, Three Years in the Federal Cavalry (New York: R.H. Ferguson & Company, Publishers, 1873), 144-147; Louis N. Boudrye, Historic Records of the Fifth New York Cavalry: First Ira Harris Guard (Albany, NY: J. Munsell, 1868), 46-47.

263 Siepel, Rebel, 5, 8-9, 24-30; John Singleton Mosby, "Why I Fought for Virginia," Stuart-Mosby Historical Society Papers. See also Mitchell, The Letters of John 3. Mosby, 68-69, 111-114. O Siepel, Rebel, 31-68; Blackford, War Years With Jeb Stuart, 14; Ulysses S. Grant, Personal Memoirs of U.S. Grant, vol. 2 (New York; Charles L. Webster & Company, 1886), 142. On Mosby's early military career, see Brooks, Stories of the Confederacy, 184-188; Mosby, Scrapbook, 1910, Mosby Papers, VHS; OR, ser. I, vol. 12, pt. 1, 415-417; James F. Breazeale, "Stealing a General," Mosby Papers, VHS. Union soldiers actually captured Mosby on July 19, 1862. He eventually was exchanged. See Glazier, Three Years in the Federal Cavalry, 73-74. Q Mitchell, The Letters of John S . Mosby, 68, 173- 174; Michael Marshall, "The Gray Ghost at the University of Virginia," Southern Cavalry Review 3 (May 1986): 1-3; Siepel, Rebel, 25-29; John Singleton Mosby, Washington, D.C., to Miss Louise, 16 January 1911, Mosby Papers, AL; "Picturesque Leader of Southern Cavalry Dead in Washington," Stuart-Mosby Historical Society Papers. Robert E. Lee paid Mosby more compliments than "any other officer in the Confederate Army." See Mosby, "Tributes to Col. Mosby," Scrapbook, 1910, Mosby Papers, Section One, VHS. Mosby described Turpin as a "notorious bully." Following the incident with Mosby, Turpin moved to Alabama, where he died from poisoning three years later. See Mitchell, The Letters of John S. Mosby, 68, 173-174.

^^John Singleton Mosby, to William Sam Burnley, n.d., Burnley Family Papers, AL.

^^Wert, Mosby's Rangers, 40, 41.

^^Mitchell, The Letters of John S . Mosby, 62-63.

^^Ibid., 96-101. See Charles Wells Russell, ed.. Gray Ghost: The Memoirs of Colonel John S . Mosby (New York: Little, Brown, and Company, 1917; reprint. New York: Bantam Books, 1992); Charles Wells Russell, ed.. The Memoirs of Colonel John S . Mosby (Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1917; reprint, Gaithersburg, MD: Olde Soldier Books, Inc., 1987); Williamson, Mosby's Rangers, 13-27. 14 Fellman, Inside War.

264 Keen and Mewborn, 43rd Battalion Virginia Cavalry; Wert, Mosby's Rangers ; Worsham, "Colonel John S. Mosby ; " Jones, Ranger Mosby; OR, ser. I, vol. 33, 1081-1083, 1252. See also Fishel, The Secret War for the Union. On Lee, see Emory M. Thomas, Robert E . Lee ; A Biography (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1995); Douglas S. Freeman, R_^ Lee: A Biography (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1934-1935). Thomas stated Lee "rejoiced in the successes of guerrilla warriors like John 3. Mosby." See Thomas, Robert E. Lee, 250.

^^Jones, Ranger Mosby, 14-15.

^^Keen and Mewborn, 43rd Battalion Virginia Cavalry; Russell, Gray Ghost, xviii; Worsham, "Colonel John S. Mosby."

^^Siepel, Rebel, 83. 19 Keen and Mewborn, 43rd Battalion Virginia Cavalry, 286-386; Wert, Mosby's Rangers, 328-329; Williamson, Mosby * s Rangers, 475-493; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Eighth Decennial Census of the United States, Virginia, Fauquier County, Free Schedule; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Eighth Decennial Census of the United States, Virginia, Loudoun County, Free Schedule. All statistical conclusions were reached by comparing Keen and Mewborn's, Wert's, and Williamson's rosters with the census schedules, property tax records, notes taken from the various memoirs, manuscript collections, and other published rosters for Mosby's command. Only those rangers residing in Loudoun and Fauquier Counties prior to the war and located in the census for 1860 were included in the analysis.

^^John Singleton Mosby, Mosby's War Reminiscences and Stuart's Cavalry Campaigns (New York: Pageant Book Company, 1958), 44. See Wilfred Buck Yearns, The Confederate Congress (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1960), 75. See also Worsham, "Colonel John S. Mosby." Although sixty-three years old in 1861, Smith rose to the rank of brigadier-general and was present at Chancellorsville and Gettysburg. He was elected governor of Virginia in 1864. Smith advocated the use of slaves in the army during 1865. See Yearns, The Confederate Governors.

^"'Yearns, The Confederate Congress, 75.

265 22 Mitchell, Civil War Soldiers ; Worsham, "Colonel John S. Mosby," 6-7; Yearns, The Confederate Congress, 75, 100. 23 Grant, "Partisan Warfare," 43-44; OR, ser. I, vol. 33, 1081-1082. 24 Eleanor D. McSwain, ed. , Crumbling Defenses or Memoirs and Reminiscences of John Logan Black, Colonel C.S.A. (Macon, GA: Eleanor D. McSwain, 1960), 23; OR ser. I, vol. 33, 1081-1083; OR, ser. I, vol. 29, pt. 2, 652; OR, ser. I, vol. 2, 988-993. 25 Stephen D. Engle, Yankee Dutchman: The Life of Franz Siegel (Fayetteville: The University of Arkansas Press, 1993), 202; David B. Swinfen, Ruggles' Regiment: The 122nd New York Volunteers in the American Civil War (Hanover: University Press of New England, 1982), 91; Hurst, Journal-History of the Seventy-Third Ohio Volunteer Infantry, 79-80; The Syracuse Daily Journal, 21 September 1864; Uriah N. Parmelee, Warrenton Junction, to brother, 2 September 1863, Parmelee Papers. On Union perceptions of Mosby's Rangers, see Arlene Reynolds, ed., The Civil War Memories of Elizabeth Bacon Custer (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1994), 101; E.R. Hagemann, ed.. Fighting Rebels and Redskins : Experiences in Army Life of Colonel George B . Sanford, 1861-1892 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1969), 209-210; Miers, Ride to War, 138-139; OR, ser. I, vol. 25, pt. 2, 472-473; OR, ser. I, vol. 27, pt. 3, 837; OR, ser. I, vol. 37, pt. 1, 162, 358-360, 395, 622; OR, ser. I, vol. 37, pt. 2, 72, 539-540. See also William Marvel, Andersonville: The Last Depot (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1994), 68-71, 143-144; OR, ser. I, vol. 27, pt. 1, 185; OR, ser. I, vol. 27, pt. 3, 72; Joseph Schubert, Memoir, Firsc New Jersey Cavalry, Joseph Schubert Papers, USAMHI.

^^Mosby, Gray Ghost, xviii; Siepel, Rebel, 101-102; Jones, Ranger Mosby, 14; Munson, A Mosby Guerrilla, 5; Aristides Monteiro, War Reminiscences by the Surgeon of Mosby's Command (Richmond: n.p., 1890; reprint, Gaithersburg, MD: Butternut Press, n.d.), 22. 2 7 Mosby, Gray Ghost, xviii; Fleet and Fuller, Green Mount, 252, 298, 309-310, 357-358; Frederick Fillison Bowen, Mosby's Confederacy, to Charlie, 15 October 1864, Frederick Fillison Bowen Papers, VHS; Henry E. Peyton, to John Singleton Mosby, 1 August 1863, Henry E. Peyton

266 Letter, VSLA. It is interesting to note that in the same letter to Mosby, Peyton asks the ranger to provide him with a horse. On other men's views of Mosby's Rangers, see Walbrook D. Swank, ed., Courier for Lee and Jackson; 1861-1865, Memoirs (N.p.: Burd Street Press, 1993); Theodore Hoyt Woodward, Richmond, to father, 12 January 1865, Theodore Hoyt Woodward Papers, ESBL. Mosby himself may have enlisted in the Confederate army partly for economic reasons. Prior to becoming a partisan, Mosby still earned enough money to send his wife financial support. He garnered $350 worth of merchandise in Stuart's first raid around McClellan. See Mitchell, The Letters of John S . Mosby, 3, 5, 9; John Singleton Mosby, to Pauline (Clarke) Mosby, 16 June 1862, Mosby Papers, Section Two, VHS. See also Keen and Mewborn, 43rd Battalion Virginia Cavalry; Wert, Mosby's Rangers ; Siepel, Rebel; Worsham, "Colonel John S. Mosby;" Jones, Ranger Mosby. 28 Mosby, Gray Ghost, xviii; Munson, Reminiscences of a Mosby Guerrilla, 12-14. 2 9 Munson, Reminiscences of a Mosby Guerrilla, 14-16.

^^Wert, Mosby's Rangers, 51-55; Munson, Reminiscences of a^ Mosby Guerrilla, 17-18. For another description of Mosby, see Cooke, Wearing of the Gray, 102-115. Union soldiers mistakenly described the partisan leader as "a tall, powerful, black-bearded, cruel, and remorseless brigand of the Fra Diavolo order, whose chief amusement was to hang up Federal soldiers by their arms, and kindle fires under their feet." See Cooke, Wearing of the Gray, 102.

^^Munson, Reminiscences of ^ Mosby Guerrilla, 17- 18; Monteiro, War Reminiscences, 92; Alexander, Mosby's Men, 27. 32 Munson, Reminiscences of a Mosby Guerrilla, 210-211. In another raid, the partisans, preferring non-military items, seized a watch from a wounded Union soldier. See Warren Wilkinson, Mother May You Never See the Sights ^ Have Seen : The Fifty-Seventh Massachusetts Veteran Volunteers in the Army of the Potomac, 1864-1865 (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1990), 98; John Anderson, History of the 57th Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers (Boston: E.B. Stilling, 1896), 61. Horses were extremely important to the rangers, and many of their raids centered on securing the best possible

267 mounts. These excursions after horses were known as "horse details." For one example of this, see O^, ser. I, vol. 43, pt. 1, 785.

^^Yearns, The Confederate Congress, 75; Adolphus Richards, "Mosby*s Partizan Rangers," in Famous Adventures and Prison Escapes of the Civil War (New York: The Century Co., 1893), 112-113. 34 Monteiro, War Reminiscences, 20-21, 29-30, 32- 33.

^^Ibid.

^^U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Eighth Decennial Census of the United States, Virginia, Fauquier County, Free Schedule; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Eighth Decennial Census of the United States, Virginia, Loudoun County, Free Schedule. The census schedules provide a person's name, age, sex, race, value of personal and real property, mental stability, illiteracy, and whether a person has attended school or been married in the last year. Unfortunately, the census does not give the relationship of members within a household. It also does not give the amount of real estate or the type of personal property a person owns. To determine what and how much a person owns, it is necessary to consult the land books and personal property tax books for each county. The number of slaves a person owns can be determined by using the slave schedules of the census.

^^Munson, Reminiscences of a Mosby Guerrilla, 5; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Eighth Decennial Census of the United States, Virginia, Fauquier County, Free Schedule; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Eighth Decennial Census of the United States, Virginia, Loudoun County, Free Schedule; Wrenn, Tavenner, and Fox, Loudoun County Property Books, 1860; Ashby, Fauquier County Property Book, 1860.

^®Ibid. 39 Fellman, Inside War; Jones, Ranger Mosby, 14-15; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Eighth Decennial Census of the United States, Virginia, Fauquier County, Free Schedule; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Eighth Decennial Census of the United States, Virginia, Loudoun County, Free

268 Schedule; Wrenn, Tavenner, and Fox, Loudoun County Property Books, I860; Ashby, Fauquier County Property Book, 1860. 40 Williamson, Mosby's Rangers, 110-111; OR, ser. I, vol. 29, pt. 1, 652, 658-659, 992; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Eighth Decennial Census of the United States, Virginia, Fairfax County, Free Schedule. 41 J. Marshall Crawford, Mosby and His Men ; A Record of the Adventures of That Renowned Partisan Ranger, John S . Mosby (New York; G.W. Carelton & Co., Publishers, 1867), 172-180; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Eighth Decennial Census of the United States, Virginia, Fauquier County, Free Schedule, 28. On other deserters from Mosby's command, see OR, ser. I, vol. 46, pt. 1, 463; Francis M. Angelo, to Charley, 5 March 1918, Stuart-Mosby Historical Society Papers. 42 Munson, Reminiscences of _a Mosby Guerrilla, 244, 246-247; Ashby, Commissioner, Fauquier County Property Book, 1860.

^^ibid. 44 George Baylor, Bull Run to Bull Run ; or, Four Years in the Army of Northern Virginia (Richmond: B.F. Johnson Publishing Company, 1900), 295; Chappelear, Diary, 2 February 1864, 15 October 1863, Chappelear Papers. To determine the previous military records of Mosby's Rangers, I compared Keen and Mewborn's, Wert's, and Williamson's rosters with published rosters of units comprised predominantly of Loudoun and Fauquier Countians. These sources include Wallace, 17th Virginia Infantry; Glasgow, Northern Virginia's Own; Divine, 35th Battalion Virginia Cavalry; Divine, 8th Virginia Infantry; Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish; McDonald, A History of the Laurel Brigade ; Myers, The Commanches. Not all people benefited from Mosby's presence. See OR, ser. I, vol. 25, pt. 2, 472-473; OR, ser. I, vol. 37, pt. 1, 676; OR, ser. I, vol. 43, pt. 1, 776-777; OR, ser. I, vol. 46, pt. 2, 1282-1283. See also Wert, Mosby's Rangers, 153; Jones, Ranger Mosby, 173; Richards, "Mosby's 'Partizan Rangers;’" OR, ser. I, vol. 29, pt. 2, 653; OR, ser. I, vol. 33, 241. ^^ibid.

269 46 Ibid; OR, ser. I, vol. 29, pt. 2, 24. On Edmonds, see Nancy Chappelear Baird, ed.. Journals of Amanda Virginia Edmonds. 47 Munson, Reminiscences of a Mosby Guerrilla, 21- 22; Monteiro, War Reminiscences, 94-98; Alexander, Mosby's Men, 27. 48 Munson, Reminiscences of a Mosby Guerrilla, 8. 49 Mosby, Mosby's War Reminiscences, 99-100; Munson, A Mosby Guerrilla, 8; Baylor, Bull Run to Bull Run, 317-318.

^^Mosby, Gray Ghost, xviii; Wert, Mosby's Rangers, 55-56; Siepel, Rebel, 101-102; Jones, Ranger Mosby, 14- 15; Alexander, Mosby's Men, 24; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Eighth Decennial Census of the United States, Virginia, Fauquier County, Free Schedule; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Eighth Decennial Census of the United States, Virginia, Loudoun County, Free Schedule. The average age of the rangers was determined by using their age as listed in the census for 1860. Three was then added to each person's age to compute their age in 1863— the first year of existence for Mosby's command. The partisans were overwhelmingly Baptists and Methodists. As many as ten rangers may have once been practicing Quakers. Most of these men left the faith over the issue of slavery. Although a large German population resided in Loudoun County, the partisans were overwhelmingly of English descent.

^^Wert, Mosby's Rangers, 234; Munson, Reminiscences of ^ Mosby Guerrilla, 83. On the Greenback Raid, see Charlie H. Dear, "Reminiscences of the Greenback Raid," Stuart-Mosby Historical Society Papers; John Singleton Mosby, "Memorandum Regarding the Greenback Raid," Mosby Papers, VHS. 52 Williamson, Mosby's Rangers, 22-23.

^^Turner, Diary, 1 May 1863, Turner Family Papers. 54 Munson, Reminiscences of a Mosby Guerrilla, 244, 246-247, 272-273; Baylor, Bull Run to Bull Run, 338-342; Monteiro, War Reminiscences, 130; Crawford, Mosby and His Men, 294-295.

270 CHAPTER 7

WAR ON THE DOORSTEP:

MOSBY AND HIS SUBJECTS, DECEMBER 1862-APRIL 1865

Despite the frigid January evening. Union soldiers surrounded the Martin house, situated on the outskirts of Warrenton, Betty Martin kept a lookout this particular night in 1864, but she failed to give her elder brother Bob and his companion, both members of

John Singleton Mosby's Confederate partisan rangers, sufficient warning for them to make their escape.

Martin ordered his sister to delay the soldiers as long as possible. Confronting the Northern troopers at the door, the young woman stepped in front of a Union officer, who, with his pistol drawn and cocked, tried to push by her. She met him "breast to breast" and refused him admittance to her home. Believing she was hiding

Confederate guerrillas, another soldier fired at her, with the bullet missing her by an inch. Hearing the shot, the Yankees surrounding the house rushed to the front door, allowing Bob Martin to jump from a back window and slip undetected into the night. Although

271 merely in her teens, Betty Martin's love for her brother prompted her to risk her own life to save those of two

Confederate partisans. Bob Martin's comrade failed to act as decisively and, when found during a search of the house, quietly surrendered.^

For the residents of Mosby's Confederacy, such midnight visits by Northern soldiers became commonplace after the guerrilla leader's arrival in December 1862.

Most Confederate-supporting residents welcomed the ranger's presence, with local men flocking to his command to serve the Confederacy while remaining near their homes to defend their loved ones and property from

Union soldiers. Ironically, the guerrillas' proximity to their families magnified the horrors the civilians endured. Family members watched helplessly as Northern troops killed or wounded rangers within sight of their homes or dragged off the menfolk, accusing them of being partisans. Although the men claimed that they protected their families, the women and children actually defended the men, keeping watch as the partisans slept, gathering information from Northern troops, and feeding and clothing the rangers. For the residents of Mosby's

Confederacy, the war became a household affair, as entire families participated in the irregular conflict.

272 Mosby and His Constituents

The bulk of the Army of the Potomac spent the winter of 1862-1863 in Stafford County, Fauquier's southeastern neighbor, although several units remained

in Loudoun and Fauquier Counties. The Federal soldiers yearned for a mild Virginia winter and a comfortable

rest during the next several months. In early January, the men began constructing barracks to protect themselves from the elements; Edwin Weller of the 107th

New York Volunteers erected a log hut that included a

fireplace, a table, and two bunks. The scarcity of building materials prompted soldiers to tear down the

Mount Holly Church near Summerduck in southern Fauquier.

The weather turned particularly nasty in late January, when record snow buffeted the region. Temperatures remained unseasonably cold through early spring, prompting Amanda Edmonds to conclude that the bitter cold and severe weather must have killed many of the soldiers. Ida Dulany described it as the "dreariest, coldest, wettest, saddest winter. . .within the memory of man." Temperatures hovered in the lower thirties on

April 5, when ten inches of snow buried Warrenton.

Despite Jefferson Davis's plea for Southern agriculturalists to devote their fields to grain crops,

273 farmers had not planted any wheat as of May 1. Not even 2 a single leaf had appeared on the trees.

Despite the inclement weather, the bloodshed continued. Most of the action in the Eastern theater took place in neighboring Stafford County, yet

Confederate forces, primarily small bodies of cavalry, operated within Loudoun and Fauquier's borders. On rare occasions, larger Southern units entered the area, as happened on December 26, when J.E.B. Stuart's cavalry forded the Rappahannock to attack Dumfries in Prince

William County. On December 29, Stuart's men passed the night at Oakham, home of Hamilton Rogers, the judge at

Samuel Janney's trial in 1850. While at Oakham, John

Singleton Mosby entreated Stuart's permission to remain behind to terrorize isolated Union outposts. Stuart concurred, leaving Mosby with nine troopers. By

December 31, Stuart's horsemen had traveled through

Fauquier County, crossed the Rappahannock River once again, and established winter quarters at Culpeper Court

House.^

In the first month, Mosby's partisans captured approximately fifty men, largely Northern deserters.

Numerous other Confederate units attained comparable successes, including Elijah White's Thirty-Fifth

Virginia Cavalry Battalion and the Black Horse Cavalry.

274 On January 24, a rumor of an entire division of Union

deserters in southern Fauquier reached Colonel Louis P.

Di Cesnola of the Fourth New York Cavalry, who elected

not to send out his weary troops to apprehend these men.

The Rebels would catch them anyway, he maintained.

Despite Confederates' seizure of Federal troops

wandering away from their camps, most Northern officers

and enlisted men remained unperturbed, allowing the

Confederates to protect the civilians from the

deserters' "horrors," while the main Union force stayed 4 in its warm encampment.

Focusing his initial raids on Colonel Percy

Wyndham's unit, Mosby's ceaseless attacks left Wyndham's

men irritable from loss of sleep. The weary Union

troops soon acknowledged that "this daring midnight

raider" could besiege the Northern army at will. A

frustrated Wyndham lashed out at his "invisible foe,"

calling Mosby a horse thief. Determined to impress upon

Wyndham that the horses he stole "had riders and that

the riders had sabres, carbines, and pistols," the

partisan leader boldly attempted to capture the Union 5 officer.

With his ranks swollen from local enlistments,

Mosby undertook the most daring exploit of his partisan career on the evening of March 8, 1863, when he and his

275 men entered Wyndham's camp at Fairfax, only to find the colonel away at Washington. Undaunted, Mosby sought out

Brigadier General Edwin M. Stoughton, commander of the

Second Vermont Infantry Brigade. Awakening him with a

"spank on his bare back," the ranger informed the general of his status as aprisoner. The partisan and his men fled to the relative safety of his "Confederacy" with Stoughton, two captains, thirty-eight privates, and fifty-eight horses in tow. Mosby and the twenty-nine men he now commanded badly embarrassed the Union army and destroyed any security Northern soldiers once enjoyed.^ 6

The stunning raid at Fairfax convinced the public of Mosby and his rangers' ability to exasperate the

Federal troops. "Public sentiment seems now entirely changed, and I think it is the universal desire for me to remain," Mosby advised General Stuart on March 15.

"It is a comfort," Ida Dulany recorded in her diary, "to have our own soldiers around us and a pleasure to administer to their wants." Amanda Edmonds wrote, "Just the sight of them does me good." Gratified to see

Federal soldiers that the partisans had captured.

276 Edmonds noted how humble they looked. Thanks to Mosby and his rangers, Catherine Cochran no longer resided in

"Yankee land." The Warren-Green Hotel residents ceased using "foolish" to describe the partisans and their operations in northern Virginia.^

Mosby garnered further support from the civilian populace by following up his most daring exploit with his most impressive victory. He spent the next several weeks capturing pickets and intimidating the Union forces in northern Virginia. On the night of March 31,

Mosby and sixty-nine of his men camped at Miskel's Farm.

With his rangers cold and tired from patrolling for

Northern soldiers all day and thinking the enemy would not find his horsemen before morning, the partisan leader chose not to post any sentinels— a critical miscalculation. At dawn, 150 men of the First Vermont

Cavalry attacked the guerrillas. With the horses unsaddled, his men groggy from sleep, a barnyard fence hemming them in, and Union troopers outnumbering the rangers more than two to one, Mosby assumed the offensive. He rushed to the gate, threw it open, and led his men on a death-defying charge into the Northern soldiers. Faced with the almost certain annihilation of his command, the partisan emerged victorious, with just one man dead and three wounded. The guerrillas killed

277 nine of the enemy and captured eighty-two soldiers and

ninety-five horses. Furious that Mosby had escaped.

Union Major General Julius Stahel criticized his

officers for "bad management" and their men for

cowardice. Instead of surrounding the Confederates, the

Union troopers charged straight up the road towards the

partisans, who broke through the fence and invaded the

middle of the Federal column, where they overcame their

numerical disadvantage with their six-shot Colt

pistols.• ^ -1 8

The war having tested their faith severely, local

Confederates desperately needed a champion in whom to

place their confidence. Two years had passed since they

withdrew from the Union, during which the Confederacy

had failed to demonstrate the benefits of living under

its rule. The government they so devotedly supported

had forsaken them by allowing Northern troops to ravage

their counties. Trapped between two giant armies;

surrounded by deserters, bounty jumpers, and "vicious,

unprincipled, and unmitigated scoundrels;" and

frequently left without a "male protector," the women

especially drew comfort from the rangers' presence. The

victories at Fairfax and Miskel's farm convinced many citizens of Mosby's invincibility and reinstilled within

them the belief that the Confederacy would succeed.

278 While the rare presence of Southern troops in this region during the previous year had angered many civilians, their resentment over the past did not preclude them from embracing the supposed protection the 9 rangers afforded them.

Mosby's success depended not only on the residents' positive opinions but on the actual physical support the civilians rendered him. Operating behind enemy lines proved especially dangerous. A ranger band of a few hundred men stood little chance against thousands of

Northern troops without the aid of the civilians.

Residents, regardless of social class, race, gender, or political allegiance, joined in partnership with the rangers. Nearly one-fifth of the guerrillas resided within the confines of Mosby's Confederacy prior to the

Civil War. Their families, whether supportive of the

Confederacy or not, willingly furnished sustenance to their men. The Edmonds family typified the assistance many loved ones gave to the partisans. Elizabeth

Edmonds, widowed in 185 7, provided for three ranger sons. Sydnor, the second eldest, joined the Sixth

Virginia Cavalry but eventually enlisted with Mosby and lived with his mother. Sydnor's younger brother

Clement, whom the family doubted could endure service in the regular army, and his older sibling Jack also fought

279 for Mosby. With the aid of her daughters, Elizabeth

Edmonds housed, fed, and clothed at least two other

rangers during the war. At the approach of a Union patrol, Mrs. Edmonds's five charges quickly fled to temporary shelters in the mountains. By supplying the rangers with numerous comforts and helping them avoid capture, residents ensured Mosby well-nourished and

_ ^ 10 rested men.

Although the partisans roomed with family or

Confederate sympathizers, neither the rangers nor their hosts enjoyed complete safety. Many residences had hiding places for the guerrillas, including spaces under floors and behind walls, but not all homes afforded such protection. One night in early 1863, Union troops searched James H. Hathaway's house. Viewing Mosby as the "soul of honor, a model man, a high-toned, whole-souled gentleman, incapable of encouraging bushwhacking," Hathaway had opened his home to the partisan leader. As the Fédérais searched his bedchamber, Mosby, dressed in his nightclothes, hid in a tree outside a second-floor window. The soldiers departed, unaware that the man they sought clung to a branch just ten feet away.^^

Although the war had changed dramatically traditional gender roles in the South, Mosby's presence

280 further altered these relationships. Women now performed "the coarsest manual labor," including

"staggering through the forest with heavy bundles of fagots on their backs," cooking for soldiers at all hours, and running the farms, mills, and other businesses. With Mosby's arrival, they perched for hours on the roof, with spyglass in hand, looking for

Union forces and ran "through brake and brier, forest and fallow" to warn neighbors entertaining Confederate troops. "They kept watch and ward whilst the tired, overworked soldier slept throughout the livelong night under their roof-tree." Despite all that the women endured, one observer noted that "not a word of 12 complaint or despair fell from their lips."

While tales of female bravery abound, perhaps no one surpassed the devotion of Laura Radcliffe, whom

Mosby nicknamed "the Angel." The partisan commander had led his rangers into Fairfax County to attack a sentry post at Frying-Pan Church. Radcliffe learned from a

"garrulous" lieutenant that Northern authorities had set a trap for the partisan leader. Fully aware of

Radcliffe's history as "a very active and cunning Rebel" and of her friendship with Mosby, the talkative Union soldier believed, without horses and with mud "too deep for women folks to walk," his revelation could go no

281 further. Undaunted, Radcliffe and her sister eluded the

Federal pickets in the dead of night to warn Mosby of the ambush. "But for meeting them," Mosby insisted, "my life as a partisan would have closed that day." In tribute to the valiant women of his Confederacy, Mosby wrote, "This was not the only time I owed my escape to the tact of a Southern woman.

The bold and cunning actions of another woman may have enabled Mosby to capture General Stoughton in March

1863. The Fairfax home of twenty-five-year-old Antonia

Ford served as headquarters for numerous Union generals, including Irvin McDowell, John Pope, and George B.

McClellan. Northern officers' relatives commonly boarded with the young woman and her father, including

Stoughton's mother and sister, therefore Ford had the opportunity to overhear information useful to the

Southern army. She passed intelligence regarding

Northern plans to Confederate leaders, helping the South achieve victory at the Battle of First Bull Run. Ford stood accused of providing Mosby with Stoughton's whereabouts, but the ranger denied that she had any part in the attack and proclaimed her as "innocent as

Abraham Lincoln." The director of the United States

Secret Service, Lafayette C. Baker, dispatched a female agent to win Ford's confidence. Ford eventually came to

282 trust this mole and showed her an honorary commission

General J.E.B Stuart awarded her for service to the

Confederacy. Union authorities incarcerated her in the

Old Capitol Prison, where she stayed until taking the oath of allegiance in late 1863. Whether or not Ford supplied Mosby with information, her devotion to the 14 Confederacy remains unquestionable.

Jennie Chew, "a lovely, fascinating and accomplished girl," who reportedly had more suitors than any woman in Virginia, employed her feminine wiles to entice military intelligence from Union admirers. "All fell beneath the spell of her witching beauty and magnetism— the soldiers in blue as well as those who wore the gray." Throughout the summer of 1864, this

"Rose of the Valley" provided Confederate General Jubal

Early with "more valuable information than all of his picked scouts together." She always knew of General

Philip Sheridan's movements and promptly sent the intelligence to Early via the "'grapevine telegraph.'"

Chew's reports to Mosby allowed him to attack Union wagon trains, greatly frustrating Northern officials with his knowledge as well as his boldness.

J.E.B. Stuart personally chose Warrenton's Arundel sisters, whom he considered the most "patriotic among all the fair women of the Confederacy," to be Southern

283 informants. They entertained Federal troops in their home and "wormed out" every secret from their guests.

Before their callers could return to their saddles,

"Paul Reveres of every age and sex" sped throughout

Mosby's Confederacy. As a result of the information these women obtained, the Northerners might sweep through the area and not witness a "living thing." The

Arundels, along with all the other northern Virginia women who aided the guerrillas, contributed substantially to the partisans' success. The food, shelter, and information they provided allowed the rangers to attack their enemy or to scatter and hide so that the countryside was as "quiet as a churchyard."^®

Women utilized any number of deceptions to protect themselves, their loved ones, their property, and the

Southern cause. Knowing Mosby intended to visit, "Mrs.

Margaret F." worried that her slave Jane would report his presence to Union troops. Margaret ostensibly prepared a bedtime toddy for herself but offered it to

Jane. Unbeknownst to the slave, her mistress had laced the drink with laudanum. Jane slept heavily, allowing the partisan's visit to go unnoticed. The students of

Fauquier's Long Branch Female Seminary, aware that

Federal troops commonly seized the wheat in the barn but in courtesy to the young women generally remained

284 outside of the school, kept their grain in the school's attic. Nanny Margaret Coleman successfully hid a ranger under a mattress, while one of the children lay on top of him and feigned sickness. As Northern troops approached, Jane Cochran put her side-saddle on her brother's horse and mounted the animal, while her brother, Thomas Benton Cochran, a member of Mosby's

Rangers, took refuge in the house. Too discomforted to take the animal from under a woman, the Union soldiers left without the horse or Cochran's brother.

The women's resolve and protective demeanor collided with the Southern males' idealization of the

"belle." Men glorified motherhood and virginity and expected women to remain quiet and docile, unquestioning of male decisions and subservient to masculine authority. Women bore the children and maintained the household; men protected and defended the home and family. War belonged exclusively within the male sphere. Although they violated Southern mores, these females willingly accepted their new responsibilities, actively defending the people and things they held dear.

While established gender roles dictated that males safeguard their families and homes against external threats, the irregular conflict in Mosby's Confederacy

285 forced the men's dependence on their mothers, wives, and 1 A children.

Although the war occurred on their very doorsteps, life continued for the civilians. Numerous rangers found brides from among local women. Walter Williams, the priest at Leesburg's St. James Episcopal Church, happily sanctified a number of marriages but feared

Union imprisonment for presiding over the rites. While not extravagant, like nuptials before the war, residents did their best to make them special. On October 8,

1863, Amanda Edmonds, attired in "drab merino," served as a bridesmaid. Although dressed in "drab poplin" trimmed with blue silk, the bride looked "quite pretty."

Only one incident threatened to mar the festivities; the decrepit horses the Union troops relinquished when they seized the locals' finer mounts could not pull the wagon carrying the bridal party up the hill to the church.

Since owning the finest horses denoted a person's rank in Southern culture, trudging on foot to their wedding must have chagrined the bride and groom, members of two 19 of Virginia's first families.

The partisans, who fought with such reckless abandon, frolicked just as enthusiastically with the women of Mosby's Confederacy, who enjoyed the respites from their cares. Everyone had a "hilarious time,"

286 according to ranger George Baylor, including Amanda

Edmonds, who filled her days with sleigh bells and

"merry maids. . .gayly laughing." Not all citizens, however, joined in the merriment that gripped Baylor and

Edmonds. With the Confederacy still fighting for its existence in late 1864, Mary Dulany refused to hold a party to celebrate her fifteenth birthday. "It is now no time for gaiety and pleasure when our country is daily pouring out the blood of her best and noblest sons," her father, Richard Dulany, wrote in concurrence.

He thought humility and prayer more important and rational during the current turmoil.

Not wanting to interrupt the wedding of ranger Jake

Lavender to Judith Edmonds, Mosby went with one other ranger, on December 21, 1864, to investigate the reported approach of Federal troops. Unable to find the enemy, the two partisans stopped at Ludwell Lake's home for supper, where a Northern detachment gravely wounded the partisan. A Yankee doctor pronounced the injury fatal and left Mosby, who had managed to conceal his identity, to die. The partisans removed their leader to safety, and by late February, after healing from this 21 his third wound, Mosby returned to his command.

Looking back on the last two and one-half years of conflict, Amanda Edmonds guessed that she would remember

287 "happy days full of change, variety and romance."

Although the "terrible war" brought "sorrow and grief," excitement suited Edmonds, and she experienced just that. Several partisans boarded at her home, and

Edmonds liked "eating grapes, peaches, flirting &c" with the men, who brought her their spoils. On numerous occasions. Union soldiers pounded on her door in the middle of the night, hunting for guerrillas, but Edmonds and her mother always succeeded in concealing their guests. Although she enjoyed "some of the happiest moments" of her life, she knew shewas engaged in a most serious business. She welcomed Mosby's Rangers but realized that only with civilian assistance could the

"gallant Mosby" be successful against the Union

. , . ^ 22 military.

A Growing Jealousy; Local Soldiers In the Regular Army

While the rangers enjoyed the comfort of a warm bed, a pretty face, and the spoils from their raids, their military counterparts languished in the regular army, yearning for home and their loved ones. During the winter of 1862-1863, John R. Turner grew despondent because he had not received any letters from Sallie, his betrothed, in recent weeks. He doubted that his

288 intended still loved him and questioned her faithfulness. In winter encampment at Guinea's Depot, he could only write longingly and hope that Sallie would wait for him. Thomas Hunton Foster, meanwhile, passed much of the war incarcerated in the Union's Johnson

Island Prison. Anxious for his release, Foster abhorred the "confinement, hardships, separation from friends etc." He died from "chronic Diarrhea" in August 1864, 23 never again seeing the family he missed so dearly.

The hardships Loudoun and Fauquier soldiers in the regular army endured prompted many of them to seek transfers to Mosby's Rangers. Thomas Turner, formerly of J.E.B Stuart's staff, joined Mosby on March 28, 1863, greatly distressing his father, Edward Carter Turner.

Although the Confederacy had failed to pay his son his

"paltry eleven dollars a month" for the past year.

Turner objected to his son's transfer, because the rangers engaged in a "mercenary" form of war and not a

"patriotic" one. The Forty-Third Virginia included a

"number of adventurous" men, some of them "desperate and doubtful characters." Turner wanted his son to "do his duty as a Christian soldier" but not with men who regarded "genuine patriotism" as a "secondary 24 consideration."

289 While soldiers in the regular army flocked to join

Mosby's command, others expressed anger at their loved

ones for socializing with the guerrillas. The partying

that occurred among the rangers and the women offended

Charles Fenton Mercer, who found it incomprehensible

that his sister danced with Mosby's "holyday soldiers"

while he risked his life in the trenches at Petersburg.

The women's letters, filled with recitations of balls,

weddings, and the like, prompted many soldiers to

desert, Mercer insisted. He entreated his sister to put

"duty before pleasure" and drive all wayward soldiers

back to their posts under the "pressure of public ..25 opinion.

Soldiers, like John Landstreet, rejected pleas to desert and to return home to fight with the partisans.

In September 1864, Landstreet's wife begged her soldier

husband to leave the army and come home to Leesburg. He

called his wife's request foolish; his presence would

not ease her discomfort but would increase it. He would

return even if it meant spending a year in prison, but

it actually would result in his death, as Union soldiers would track him "like hounds" pursuing a "beast." He encouraged his wife to avoid boarding the guerrillas,

because "they are very unreliable, and will get you into more trouble than they can get out of." Landstreet

290 remained with the Army of Northern Virginia for the 2 g war's duration.

Harassing the Unionists

Although most Confederate supporters perceived

Mosby as their protector, Loudoun Unionists found the

guerrilla leader exceedingly grievous. Angered that many Quakers refused to pay taxes to the Confederacy,

the partisan ordered his rangers to seize ten percent of

the Friends' crops. In the Spring of 1865, the guerrillas moved upon the Quaker settlement, impressed wagons, and commonly hauled away more than one-tenth of 27 the Friends' grain and bacon.

The Quakers did not relinquish graciously their stores to Mosby's tax-collecting partisans. The surgeon of Mosby's command, Aristides Monteiro, led a small detachment of rangers to a "fat and robust" Quaker's homestead. The Friend inquired if his visitors belonged to that "infernal band of freebooters, cutthroats and thieves commanded by the rebel highwayman, Mosby." The partisan announced his intention to secure the

Confederate tax, while the man yelled with rage at the idea of Southern horses feeding upon his grain, uttering numerous abusive epithets and proclaiming his

291 willingness to die for his corn. Monteiro, in turn, declared that the rangers would collect the tax even if it meant the Friend’s death. The Quaker reluctantly surrendered his keys, while beseeching God to inflict a plague upon the guerrillas for every ear of corn they took. Having seized the Friend's corn, Monteiro assured the Quaker that it would be "more economical" for him to prepare a meal for the rangers, as the partisans would be "rather extravagant in an impromptu culinary 2 g enterprise."

During the few hours that the partisans spent with this Quaker family, the rangers observed that its female members softened toward the guerrillas. Despite the rangers' demands, the Quaker's wife thanked Monteiro for his kindness to the family and pronounced a blessing upon him. She hoped that God would reward Monteiro's goodness and charity with "plenteous grace." Ranger

John Alexander suggested that the Quaker women's motherly instincts stirred with comfort as they watched the partisans enjoying their pies. True to their peace testimony, these female Quakers expressed concern for men on both sides and prayed that the bloodshed would 29 end soon.

Not all Quaker women offered solicitude for the

Confederate troopers. Since May 1864, Quakers Lizzie

292 Dutton, Lida Dutton, and Sarah Steer had published The

Waterford News, a monthly, pro-Union newspaper. During the winter of 1864-1865, they expressed their pleasure that Northern soldiers once again occupied the area.

The editors declared their weariness at the Confederate soldiers' taunts, having to feed the enemy against their will, and keeping their houses shut up to keep out the

"impure air" the Southern military had created. As

Union soldiers entered the town, the gazette proclaimed that "a cry of thanksgiving" resounded from the citizens' mouths and that the "purified air made happy, smiling faces from the discontented ones of the morning." For these women and their fellow Unionists,

Confederate visits, including Mosby's, thankfully became less frequent as the war drew to a close.

Conclusion ; Hope and Terror Go Hand in Hand

Mosby's presence renewed local secessionists' faith in the Confederacy's prospects and allowed civilians like Amanda Edmonds to enjoy "our soldier's society."

As the partisan's successes multiplied, local

Confederates became even more encouraged, but with each triumph, the Fédérais grew more determined to stop the guerrillas. Mosby realized that his activities enhanced

293 the suffering of the civilian populace but concluded that his tactics engendered more good than harm for the

Confederate-supporting residents. Believing that guarding its supply and communication lines created an army's greatest weakness, Mosby repeatedly attacked these networks, forcing Union authorities to dispatch soldiers to protect them. Although deducted from the

Union's offensive power, these detached troops now operated in Mosby's Confederacy at the civilians' expense.

294 NOTES TO CHAPTER 7

^Hunter, The Women of the Debatable Land, 58-59. 2 Moffett, The Diary of Court House Square, 36; William Walton, ed. , A Civil War Courtship ; The Letters of Edwin Weller From Antietam to Atlanta (Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1980), 17-21; Scheel, The Guide to Fauquier, 45; Dulany, Diary, 1 May 1863, Dulany Diary, VHS; Chappelear, Diary, 4 February 1863, Chappelear Papers.

^Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 50; Thomas J. Evans and James M. Moyer, Mosby's Confederacy: A Guide to the Roads and Sites of Colonel John Singleton Mosby (Shippensburg, PA: White Mane Publishing Company, Inc., 1991), 25. On Samuel Janney's trial, see Chapter 1 . 4 Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 50- 52; OR, ser. I, vol. 21, 756-757.

^Wert, Mosby's Rangers, 47. For a discussion of the raid on Fairfax, see Russell, The Memoirs of Colonel John S . Mosby, 168-200; Williamson, Mosby's Rangers, 28-47. Wyndham also was a favorite target of J.E.B. Stuart, and most Confederates did not describe the Union colonel as a brave soldier. R. Channing Price of Stuart's staff described an encounter with Wyndham's troops on January 2, 1863 at Warrenton thusly: Wyndham "skedaddled so beautifully from Warrenton." See R. Channing Price, near Fredericksburg, to sister, 2 January 1863, Price Papers.

^Russell, Gray Ghost, 134. For Mosby's report on the Fairfax raid, see 0^, ser. I, vol. 25, pt. 1, 1121-1122. See also Mary H. Lancaster and Dallas M. Lancaster, eds.. The Civil War Diary of Anne S . Frobel (McLean, VA: EPM Publications, 1992), 164-165; George Grenville Benedict, Army Life in Virginia: Letters from the Twelfth Vermont Regiment and Personal Experiences of Volunteer Service in the War for the Union, 1862-63 (Burlington: Free Press Association, 1895), 124-125; D.M. Kelsey, Deeds of Daring by Both Blue and Gray: Thrilling Narratives. .During the Great Civil War (Philadelphia: Scammell & Company, Publishers, 1888),

295 271-274; Glazier, Three Years in the Federal Cavalry, 149-151.

^Wert, Mosby's Rangers, 49; Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 70-71; OR, ser. I, vol. 25, 2, 667; Cochran, Diary, 1 April 1863, Cochran Diary; Chappelear, Diary, 18 March 1863, Chappelear Papers. Historian Ella Lonn concludes that, if not for Mosby, Loudoun and Fauquier Countians "would have been at the mercy of the roving bands of deserters, turned bushwhackers, who had been left in the wake of both armies." See Ella Lonn, Desertion During the Civil War (New York: The Century Co., 1928), 119. See also Randall, The Civil War and Reconstruction, 668; John Scott, Partisan Life with Col. John S . Mosby (New York: Harper & Brothers, Publishers, 1867; reprint, Gaithersburg, MD: Butternut Press, n.d.), 43-52. o Evans and Moyer, Mosby's Confederacy, 47, 49; OR, ser. I, yol. 25, pt. 1, 77-79. For Mosby's report, see OR, ser. I.- vol. 25, pt. 1, 71-73. 9 Hunter, The Women of the Debatable Land, 31- 32. On women and their attitudes toward war, see Jean Bethke Elshtain, Women and War (New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers, 1987). Although Hunter stated the women of Mosby's Confederacy were "surrounded by deserters," there is little evidence that this was the case. Residents used terms similar to this to describe Union soldiers, but they did not live in fear of roving bands of thieves. Victoria Bynum presents differing evidence for women in North Carolina. See Bynum, Unruly Women. Among those historians describing Mosby as a military genius are Keen and Mewborn, 43rd Battalion Virginia Cavalry; Wert, Mosby's Rangers ; Siepel, Rebel; Worsham, "Colonel John S. Mosby;" Jones, Ranger Mosby.

^^Wert, Mosby ' s Rangers, 49; OR, ser. I, vol. 25, 2; Dulany, Diary, 1 May 1863, Dulany Diary, TBL; Cochran, Diary, 1 April 1863, Cochran Diary; Chappelear, Diary, 18 March 1863, Chappelear Papers.

^^Evans and Moyer, Mosby's Confederacy, 22-24; Frank Moore, ed.. The Rebellion Record: A Diary of American Events, with Documents, Narratives, Illustrative Incidents, Poetry, etc. (New York: G.P. Putnam, 1862), 280-282. 12 Hunter, The Women of the Debatable Land, 34- 36, 52.

296 Ibid., 54; Glazier, Three Years in the Federal Cavalry, 148-149; Scott, Partisan Life with Col. John S . Mosby, 29-32. See also Blackford, Letters from Lee's Army, 63. 14 Evans and Moyer, Mosby's Confederacy, 5-6; Wert, Mosby's Rangers, 48; Williamson, Mosby's Rangers, 46; Scott, Partisan Life with Col. John S . Mosby, 52; John Singleton Mosby, San Francisco, to Thomas Keith, 20 January 1900, Beverley Mosby Coleman Collection, Section Four, VHS. See also OR, ser. I, vol. 25, pt. 2, 857-858; Boudrye, Historic Records of the Fifth New York Cavalry, 52. On lives of women in Old Capitol Prison, see Ishbel Ross, Rebel Rose ; Life of Rose O 'Neal Greenhow, Confederate Spy (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1954). Rose Greenhow was released a year prior to the arrest of Antonia Ford. On female Union spies, see Lyde Cullen Sizer, "Acting Her Part: Narratives of Union Women Spies," in Divided Houses, eds. Clinton and Silber. On women and their experiences with guerrillas, see Bynum, Unruly Women; Fellman, Inside War; Paludan, Victims.

^^Hunter, The Women of the Debatable Lands, 57- 58. It is possible that women used sex to entice information from Union officers, but there is no solid evidence of this occurring. See Ross, Rebel Rose.

^^Hunter, The Women of the Debatable Land, 112- 113. Other historians claim that Confederate women's lack of support for the South caused its demise. See especially Drew Gilpin Faust, "Altars ofSacrifice: Confederate Women and the Narratives of War," in Divided Houses, eds. Clinton and Silber. On the historiography, see Joan E. Cashin, "Women at War," Reviews In American History 18 (1990): 343-348.

^^Lancaster and Lancaster, The Civil War Diary of Anne S . Frobel, 202-203; John K. Gott, High in Old Virginia's Piedmont: A History of Marshall (formerly Salem), Fauguier County, Virginia (Marshall: Marshall National Bank & Trust Company, 1987), 46; Janney and Janney, The Composition Book, 4; Scheel, The Guide to Fauquier, 34. 18 See Bertram Wyatt-Brown, Southern Honor : Ethics and Behavior in the Old South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982). On women in antebellum Virginia, see Stevenson, Life in Black and White ; Lebsock, Free Women Of Petersburg.

297 19 Lizzie Worsley, Old St. James Episcopal Church/ Leesburg, VA; 1760-1897 (Leesburg: Washingtonian Print/ n.d.)/ 18-19; Chappelear/ Diary/ 8 October 1863/ Chappelear Papers. See also Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 72-73; History of the Third Pennsylvania Cavalry, 387; History of the 118th Pennsylvania Volunteers, 385-386; A.R. Barlow, Company G : A Record of the Services of One Company of the 157th N.Y. Vols. in the War of the Rebellion, from Sept., 1862/ to July 10/ 1865 (Syracuse: A.W. Hall, Publisher, 1899/ 144-145.

^^Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Welbourne, 162; Baylor, Bull Run to Bull Run, 323; Chappelear, Diary, 10 February 1865, Chappelear Papers. 21 Wert, Mosby's Rangers, 265-269; Russell, The Memoirs of Colonel John S . Mosby, 335; OR, ser. I, vol. 37, pt. 1, 475; OR, ser. I, vol. 43, pt. 2, 84 0; Long Branch Baptist Church, Minutes, January 1865, 15 October 1864, Long Branch Baptist Church Records, Gott Papers, Record 4. See also Oranie Virginia (Snead) Hatcher, Memoir, n.d. (March 1865), Oranie Virginia (Snead) Hatcher Memoir, VHS. 22 Baird, Journals of Amanda Virginia Edmonds, 262; Chappelear, Diary, 2 February 1864, 15 October 1863, 13 September 1863, 21 July 1863, Chappelear Papers. 23 Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Welbourne, 67- 70; Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 176-177; John R. Turner, Guinea's Depot, to Sallie, 20 January 1863, JohnR. Turner Papers. See also John R. Turner, Guinea's Depot, to Sallie, 9 December 1862, John R. Turner Papers. By early March Turner and Sallie were engaged. See John R. Turner, to Sallie, 9 March 1863, John R. Turner Papers. 24 Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Welbourne, 84; Turner, Diary, 1 May 1863, 16 January 1863, Turner Family Papers. 25 Charles Fenton Mercer, at Trenches, to Emma, 7 February 1865, 13 February 1865, Charles Fenton Mercer Letters, VHS. 2 6 John Singleton Mosby, San Francisco, to Bob Walker, 12 December 1899, John Singleton Mosby Vertical File, TBL; John Landstreet, to wife, 23 February 1864,

298 Landstreet Letters; John Landstreet, Byderesville, Orange County, to wife, near Leesburg, 17 September 1863, Landstreet Letters. Richard Henry Dulany concurred with Landstreet. See Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Welbourne, 214. Dulany's father, John Peyton Dulany, concluded, "It is strange that when the Yankee army comes in, ours are always on a raid somewhere else." See Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Welbourne, 231. 27 Monteiro, War Reminiscences, 100-108. See also Janney, Memoirs of Samuel M. Janney, 234-235. For another example of Mosby seizing civilian property, see John Singleton Mosby, Report on Aldie and Mr. Cushing's Horse, 11 August 1864, Mosby Papers, VHS.

^®Ibid. 29 Monteiro, War Reminiscences, 100-108; Alexander, Mosby's Men, 155.

^^The Waterford News, 24 August 1864. See also Divine, Souders, and Souders, "To Talk Is Treason", 78- 79; Janney, Memoirs of Samuel M. Janney, 232-235.

^^Hunter, The Women of the Debatable Land, 112- 113; Chappelear, Diary, 17 May 1863, Chappelear Papers.

299 CHAPTER 8

TO DEFEAT THE GRAY GHOST;

UNION SOLDIERS VERSUS MOSBY AND HIS SUBJECTS

DECEMBER 1862-APRIL 1865

As the Army of the Potomac reenterd Virginia following the battle of Gettysburg, many Fédérais chronicled the devastation south of the Potomac River.

Most troops characterized the Loudoun Valley as nearly destitute. The Union "hawk" and the Confederate

"buzzard" had picked it clean. Thomas Ward Osborn portrayed this once beautiful valley as "denuded of everything except a few women." Although residents had planted some crops, Osborn predicted that, without men, a harvest would not occur. Soldiers variously described

Warrenton as a "nice town" and "dismantled," while

Herbert Wells recorded that the conflict had "used it up," forcing stores to close for lack of goods to sell.

At Catlett's Station, the bones of dead horses and trash from army camps surrounded the village's "charred ruins and ghostly looking chimneys." Not a single fence, barn, or tree remained, while citizens subsisted in

300 "almost starving condition." William Baker had no idea how these people would live if the war continued for another year; neither did most locals.^

In spite of the devastation that they had endured, most secessionists championed the Confederacy with as much enthusiasm as initially. Having lost a son and a nephew in the war as well as most of her personal belongings, one Middleburg woman prayed that the

Confederate troops would reap a "just and horrible vengeance" upon the North, taking "ruin and desolation to every hearthstone," to repay the Yankees for their

"wickedness." Confederate soldier Sandie Pendleton, after witnessing the havoc Northern troops inflicted in

Fauquier County, entreated God for "a day of retribution" to annihilate the Union "wretches." In late October 186 3, Catherine Cochran noted in her diary that the "men sometimes say 'if we succeed,'" while the

"women always (say) 'when we succeed.'" If the menever considered surrendering, she proclaimed, the women would 2 not permit them.

Union soldiers bore witness to the Confederates' determination. If Northerners had to bear half as much as the Southerners, one trooper declared, they would abandon the struggle. Not even the Founding Fathers sustained more than the Confederates, who fought for the

301 right to own slaves. Although the Yankee considered slavery a "monstrous absurdity," he conceded it depended on the glasses a person wore. Despite their suffering, the Rebels tenaciously clung to their reasoning.^

As Mosby's threat to Union security intensified, the Fédérais lost all compassion for white Southerners and redoubled their harassment of the civilians. With a new ferocity. Northern soldiers requisitioned civilian property, whether they needed it or not, solely to deny it to Mosby and his rangers. Seeking partisans.

Northerners commonly woke residents in the dead of night. Virginia's womenfolk endured searches of their bedchambers, while female slaves, under a Union officer's direction, conducted personal searches of their mistresses, because the rangers, to elude capture, occasionally disguised themselves as females. The war turned for the worse for all Loudoun and Fauquier

Countians, as Northern soldiers became convinced that to defeat the Confederacy's "Gray Ghost" they must wage war 4 against the civilian populace that supported him.

The "Blood Purge" That Never Occurred

Crucial to any understanding of the interaction between Mosby and the Union troops is a discussion of

302 the Northern position on the rangers. Dr. Francis

Lieber spelled out the official policy regarding

irregular forces in a pamphlet entitled "Guerrilla

Parties Considered with Reference to the Laws and Usages of War." Henry W. Halleck, general-in-chief of the

United States Army, requested Lieber differentiate between partisans and guerrillas. Lieber defined a partisan unit as constituted "according to the law of levy, conscription, or volunteering" and connected "with the army as to its pay, provision, and movements."

Although legally entitled to plunder, the Confederate rangers consisted of volunteers, and the partisans received normal army pay. The North officially recognized these soldiers as members of the Confederate military and viewed them as a legal form of warfare.^

The official position notwithstanding, the Federal army considered the Southern partisans to be guerrillas engaged in the "heinous criminality, of robbery and lust." Lieber acknowledged this contradiction in Union policy by asserting that the rules of warfare could not determine the actual role of behind-the-line fighters.

Each side, based on its prejudices, would make its own judgment on the status of these units. Lieber argued that, while the Confederates described their forces as partisans, the Union would consider them guerrillas.

303 Not surprisingly, in his "Intercourse of States in Peace and War," Halleck declared the interchangeability of the terms partisan and guerrilla. Lieber concluded that the

"assassination, robbery, and devastation" that the rangers engaged in "could have disastrous consequences which might change the very issue of the war," therefore these men could not go unpunished. Loudoun and Fauquier citizens opened themselves to reprisals because of their proximity to and the assistance they provided the

Forty-Third Virginia Cavalry.^

Although numerous Union officers advocated the execution of all Confederate partisans, the wanton bloodshed that marked the guerrilla conflict in other parts of the Confederacy rarely occurred in Loudoun and

Fauquier Counties. Union troops executed several rangers on September 23, 1864, prompting Mosby to condemn a like number of Yankee soldiers. While both sides habitually threatened further retaliatory acts, the violence that arose in the fall of 1864 did not escalate further.^

The bloodletting started when Captain Samuel

Chapman led 120 rangers into the Shenandoah Valley to

304 attack General Philip Sheridan's support network.

Throughout the summer and fall, Sheridan had been

attempting to wrest the Valley from Confederate Jubal

Early’s forces. Outside of Front Royal, the partisans

encountered an ambulance train. Chapman divided his

force, sending Captain Walter E. Frankland, with

forty-five men, to charge the enemy’s front, while

Chapman attacked the rear. Just prior to descending

upon the convoy. Chapman discovered that Union General

Alfred T.A. Torbert’s entire cavalry division followed

the ambulances. Realizing that unless he aborted the mission the outnumbered partisans faced extermination.

Chapman ordered his soldiers to retreat across the Blue

Q Ridge Mountains, while he hurried to warn Frankland.

Chapman reached the caravan’s front too late to stop the ambush. Although Frankland’s rangers drove in the Union’s advance guard, Torbert’s men descended upon the guerrillas "like a flock of birds when a stone is cast into it." The Federal horsemen enveloped the guerrillas, and the partisans immediately "skedaddled," fleeing in all directions to the safety of the woods.

The overwhelmed guerrillas miraculously sustained only two wounded and six captured, while killing upwards of fifteen of their opponents. By once again escaping

305 certain destruction, the partisans extended the list of 9 their celebrated exploits.

In the pandemonium of the rangers' flight. Union

Lieutenant Charles McMaster lost control of his horse,

which charged into the middle of Chapman's partisans.

The guerrillas mortally wounded the lieutenant, but the

rangers and Northern soldiers disagreed on the exact

circumstances of McMaster's death. Absent from his

command while recovering from a wound, Mosby claimed

that Chapman had no time to take prisoners, and if

McMaster did surrender, the guerrillas might have

overlooked it in the confusion. Ranger James Williamson

insisted McMaster never surrendered; the lieutenant, "a

brave, dashing fellow, fell riddled with bullets from

(Mosby's) rough-riders, who rode over him in the fight."

Partisan John Alexander recalled that some rangers shot

at the fallen officer as they passed him. The "delirium

born of tasting blood" had overcome the guerrillas, but

Alexander declared that McMaster did not surrender. If

the Union lieutenant intended to capitulate, ranger John

Scott asserted, he retained his weapons, and Mosby's

soldiers consequently shot him. To a man, the partisans affirmed that they did not execute McMaster.

The Northern troops' interpretation markedly differed from that of the rangers. Henry Chester Parry

306 of the United States' First Cavalry Division assumed

that the guerrillas took McMaster prisoner, stripped him

of his clothing, and mortally wounded him. Parry

erroneously claimed that the rangers dealt likewise with

other men who had surrendered. McMaster recounted,

before he died, how Mosby's partisans, after he had

capitulated, had gunned him down. Amanda Edmonds

validated the Union soldiers' contention, recording that

several guerrillas executed McMaster, despite his pleas

for his life. Edmonds likely received her information

from the guerrillas that stayed in her home. Whether

the lieutenant surrendered or not is a moot point; the

Yankees believed that the partisans had assassinated

McMaster and demanded revenge.

A "vindictive and sanguinary spirit" overcame the

Northerners, and the flow of blood persisted after the

combat ended. Union troops removed the six partisans

they captured to Front Royal, where they exacted

vengeance for McMaster's death. Northern soldiers marched rangers David Jones and Lucien Love, both from

Fredericksburg, behind the Methodist Church, executed

them, and left them where they fell. Another group shot

Fauquier Countian Thomas E. Anderson under an elm tree.

He left behind a wife and two children, prompting Amanda

307 Edmonds to wail, "Oh 1 Will the grief and mourning of our 12 dear ones never be subdued."

The cavalrymen's avenging bullets also slew Henry

Rhodes, a native of Front Royal and an overzealous bystander. As Frankland's men charged the ambulance train, the seventeen-year-old Rhodes jumped on a neighbor's horse and joined the partisans he idolized.

Torbert's men dragged the young man back to town secured between two horses. His widowed mother's pleas for his life so angered a Union soldier that he reportedly lifted his sword and threatened to decapitate both mother and child. The Northerners escorted Rhodes to a field, where a volunteer executioner ordered the prisoner to stand and then gunned him down.^^

Soldiers marched the two remaining captives to a wagon yard, where General Torbert demanded of them the location of Mosby's headquarters. William Thomas Overby and a ranger only identified as Carter stood "proud and defiant," causing Torbert to order the pair's hanging.

Troopers strung nooses from the branch of a walnut tree and affixed the loops around the necks of the partisans, now seated upon two horses. Both men refused for a second time to betray their commander; although Carter wept, Overby looked indifferent. Whips cracked; both men dangled lifeless. Placed on Overby's body, a Union

308 placard vowed, "This will be the fate of Mosby and all ..14 his men.

"Mosby'11 hang ten of you for every one of us,"

Overby proclaimed in his final statement. While the guerrilla leader did not compound the killings, he did attempt to execute one Northern soldier for every man that he lost at Front Royal, plus an additional Yankee for ranger Absalom Willis, the only other surrendered partisan Northerners killed. Yankees captured and hanged Willis a few weeks after the September executions. For the next month and a half, Mosby's guerrillas held every prisoner from General George

Armstrong Custer's brigade, refusing to send them to

Confederate prisons. Believing falsely that Custer had imposed the death sentences on his rangers, Mosby vowed to kill the same number of the general's men. On

November 6, the partisans ordered the twenty-seven soldiers that they had kept confined in an abandoned store at Rectortown outside into a line. A ranger placed twenty-seven scraps of paper in a hat; seven bore an "X." The partisans would kill the captives who drew the marked slips. Mosby immediately pardoned a young drummer boy and commanded the remaining twenty soldiers to draw again to take his place.

309 The guerrillas took the seven condemned to the vicinity of Berryville, in the Shenandoah Valley,

because General Sheridan had established his

headquarters just beyond the town in Winchester. Mosby ordered three men hanged for Overby, Carter, and Willis, and the four remaining prisoners shot for Anderson,

Jones, Love, and Rhodes. The rangers did not prove adept executioners; two prisoners escaped unharmed, and two others, although shot in the head, survived. Only the three captives suspended from the noose died. On one of them, the guerrillas pinned a note: "These men have been hung in retaliation for an equal number of

Colonel Mosby's men hung by order of General Custer, at

Front Royal. Measure for measure.

Northern soldiers justified the Front Royal executions by arguing that Mosby's Rangers did not pursue a legitimate form of warfare. As Francis Lieber maintained in his "Guerrilla Parties Considered with

Reference to the Laws and Usages of War," the side that utilized these irregular forces would perceive them as a legally sanctioned weapon, while their opponents would allege that the rangers engaged in robbery and unlicensed violence. Following the pattern Lieber set forth. Brigadier General E.B. Tyler referred to the

Forty-Third Virginia Cavalry Battalion as "Mosby's gang

310 of outlaws." Union newspapers contributed to this perception of the rangers when they, like one gazette, identified Mosby as a "murderer and petty robber, cruel and lawless." Although Northerner Frederick W. Wild believed neither side countenanced bushwhacking because it equated to murder, he contended that vindictive

Southerners, including Mosby's Rangers, engaged in such tactics. Ranger "Yankee" Ames's death gratified

Northerner Cornelious Raver, because the "sonofabitch" had cut so many Union throats. Men who engaged in such illegal tactics and killed unarmed prisoners should rightfully die.^^

Only the execution of all captured guerrillas would halt the murdering rangers, numerous Federal officers believed. Confident that the partisans would desist their activities if they knew they faced certain death when apprehended. Grant encouraged Sheridan to hang any prisoner from Mosby's command without a trial.

Major General Daniel Butterfield, likewise, authorized his subordinates to "Catch and kill any guerrillas, then try them." Colonel H.M. Lazelle encouraged his superiors to form Northern partisan units that would adopt the rangers' tactics. Mosby's knowledge of the countryside and the support he received from civilians,

Lazelle insisted, prevented Union cavalry from ever

311 annihilating the elusive guerrillas. Lazelle based his recommendation on "plain common sense" and experience in

Indian startegy. As long as Federal cavalrymen wholly relied on the saber, they would continue to fall victim to the guerrillas' pistols and carbines, firing away at 18 them from behind fences and trees.

Sheridan found Lazelle's argument persuasive and equipped one hundred men under Captain Richard Blazer with Spencer carbines, ordering them "to clean out

Mosby's gang." Blazer's Scouts ambushed and routed a seventy-man ranger force near the Shenandoah River on

September 3, 1854. Although a minor partisan defeat.

Blazer's command embarrassed the vaunted guerrillas> who endured a casualty rate over twenty percent. Mosby's partisans reciprocated on November 18, when they surprised Blazer's troops near Myerstown in the

Shenandoah Valley. The Southerners captured or killed more than one-half of the Union force, destroying the

Scouts as an effective military unit. Fauquier Countian

Sydnor Ferguson clubbed Blazer with his pistol, apprehending the officer. Despite Sheridan's repeated attempts, he consistently failed to locate a commander 19 as adept in guerrilla tactics as Mosby.

Like their Northern counterparts, Mosby's Rangers felt obligated to justify to themselves and their enemy

312 their attempted execution of the seven Union prisoners.

While most Yankees, Southerners, and modern historians attribute the brutality to revenge, Mosby denied this, contending that he would have killed four additional prisoners for the men who escaped his executioners if vengeance drove his actions. He ordered the deaths solely to prevent the war from becoming a massacre and followed the executions with a letter to Sheridan, in which he pledged to treat any further prisoners with

"the kindness due to their condition unless some new act of barbarity" should compel him "reluctantly to adopt a course of policy repulsive to humanity." Following the war, Mosby proclaimed his execution of the captives a merciful act that deterred any further atrocities.

Although Northern officers and enlisted men persisted in their calls for the guerrillas' extermination and Mosby threatened to respond in kind, incidents like the Front Royal and Rectortown executions rarely occurred in northern Virginia. Both sides judiciously refrained from the wanton violence that characterized guerrilla warfare in Missouri, where

Unionists and Confederates, historian Michael Fellman argues, maliciously perpetrated bloody deeds because neither faction viewed the other as human. Both groups zealously maintained that God had ordained them to purge

313 the land of heathens. With the first brutal act came retaliation, as the vicious wheel of hate spun out of control. An eye-for-an-eye philosophy overcame

Missouri's predominantly middle-class population,

recasting murder, rape, and pillage as acceptable forms of warfare. Guerrillas and Union soldiers, alike, 21 participated in the bloodbath.

Considering the enmity Mosby and his rangers generated among Union soldiers and the civilian population's divided loyalties, the question arises why

Northern and Southern forces in Loudoun and Fauquier

Counties avoided a "blood purge." The Yankees and

Mosby's Rangers essentially shared a common set of values. General Sheridan characterized war as a duel, in which one man sought the other's life. Wars, like duels, follow prescribed rules. You either kill your opponent or he will take your life, as happened when a

Northern captain, "making all sorts of proper fencing gestures," attacked ranger Harry Hatcher. Unfamiliar with "fancy strokes or patent passes," Hatcher rose up in his saddle and delivered a "cornfield lick" to his opponent, decapitating him. Although brutal. Union and

Confederate forces sanctioned this violence, because it occurred on the battlefield between two armed combatants. In victory, soldiers had to treat the enemy

314 with respect and eschew the assassination of their foes for their political beliefs. Anything less would tarnish their reputation and, more importantly, that of 22 their cause.

In the heat of battle, soldiers occasionally violatetheir ethics, but the Northerners steadfastly defended the moral correctness of their behavior at

Front Royal. Fighting apparitions had vexed the

Yankees, who eagerly sought to avenge the rangers' incursions. After the war, one Federal exaggerated the struggle Union troops endured against Mosby, but his narrative illustrates the frustration the partisans caused. Northern soldiers, he insisted, habitually found their comrades hanging naked in trees, bullet- riddled, with their throats cut. By killing the six guerrillas, the Yankees meant to restore law and order to northern Virginia and to intimidate Mosby into ceasing his activities. Even staunch Confederate Amanda

Edmonds granted that Northern troops rightfully could execute McMaster's killers, but she contended the

Yankees butchered innocents, who suffered for others' crimes. The Federal soldiers unequivocally affirmed that they did not participate in murder but secured 23 justice for McMaster and themselves.

315 Union authorities desisted from perpetrating other vengeful acts, Mosby alleged, because they feared the retribution the guerrillas might inflict if provoked.

The partisan leader maintained that he could execute five hundred Northern soldiers for every one of his men the Yankees killed. The rangers' accomplishments on the battlefield suggest that Mosby hardly exaggerated.

Sheridan, Mosby concluded, eschewed a "game" at which the rangers easily could beat him. The Union general never addressed Mosby's assertion, but the fact remains that Sheridan chose not to implement Grant's recommendation that troopers promptly hang all 24 guerrillas without benefit of a trial.

While most Northern soldiers believed that Mosby, a "veritable devil of a fighter," did "not fight fair," the rangers obviously disagreed. Mosby insisted that he compensated for his limited resources with artifice, surprise, and night attacks. Invaded countries, the partisan argued, historically employed these same tactics to expel aggressors. Mosby did not tolerate actions, especially the execution of defenseless prisoners, that might give his enemy or his

Confederacy's residents grounds upon which to challenge the command. To maintain the unit's legitimacy, the guerrilla leader sought permission from Robert E. Lee

316 before carrying out the executions of Custer's men, with

Lee authorizing the plan and Secretary of War James A.

Seddon approving the order. Mosby determinedly avoided

bringing disgrace upon the rangers or the Confederacy by 2 5 perpetrating such blood-thirsty deeds.

Although most partisans claimed they did not

wantonly execute the seven Northerners, at least one

guerrilla relished the Union captives' deaths. Willie

Mosby, the ranger leader's younger brother, recounted

the event with glee, thoroughly enjoying "the cold­

blooded butchery, by deliberate and barbarous

strangulation." Aristides Monteiro attributed Mosby's delight to his youth, believing "juvenile warriors" could not discriminate between "a dignified and time- honored system of murder and new-fangled methods that reflect no credit upon the operator at all." Like his commanding officer, Monteiro deemed the killing of prisoners unconscionable. Monteiro vowed to do everything in his power to stop this "barbarous precedence," because hanging defenseless captives 2 g equaled murder.

317 Warring Against Civilians

During the uncommonly harsh winter of 1862-1863,

Union troops did little to thwart Mosby's attacks on

their camps and their supply and communication networks.

With the spring thaw, the Northern soldiers began,

however, to campaign against the civilian population,

hoping to persuade residents that supporting Mosby would

lead to their own destruction. Federal officers claimed

Mosby's Rangers disguised themselves as helpless farmers

during the day only to become greedy, blood-thirsty

guerrillas at night. Confident that most Loudoun and

Fauquier men served in the partisan unit and that their

families actively harbored them. Union authorities

believed that to defeat the guerrillas they had to break 27 the civilian population's will.

Northern troops engaged in various actions to

terminate the locals' support of Mosby, including the

arrest of white male citizens. In February 1863, two

hundred Northern troops raided Middleburg, the

partisan's supposed headquarters. With orders to

apprehend every male citizen, the soldiers carried out

their directions to the letter, seizing even "old cripples on crutches." Shortly after the Northerners departed, Mosby and seventeen of his men rode through

318 town in pursuit of the Union troops and their captives.

Overtaking them at Aldie, the eighteen rangers charged pell-mell into the two hundred enemy soldiers, freeing 28 every "graybeard."

Not all citizens enjoyed the good fortune

Middleburg's residents did that February day. Mosby

simply could not be everywhere to defend them. With their menfolk subjected to repeated arrest and Union soldiers threatening to burn their town, Middleburg residents urgently petitioned Mosby on February 4, 1863, begging him to discontinue his operations. Unmoved, the ranger leader sharply rejected their appeal, bluntly stating, "Not being yet prepared for any such degrading compromises with the Yankees, I unhesitatingly refuse to comply." He defended his attacks on Union personnel as

"sanctioned both by the customs of war and the practice of the enemy." Regarding the Northern forces, Mosby added "that no such clamor" would deter him from using legitimate weapons "for their annoyance." Since the residents had not aided him in his endeavors, the

Fédérais, Mosby charged, unjustifiably had threatened

Middleburg's citizens. Apropos two months into his fledgling partisan career, Mosby's observation lost its veracity as the rangers increasingly drew support from 29 the civilian populace.

319 As threats to Northern authority escalated, a growing number of residents found themselves incarcerated in either Union or Confederate prisons, depending on their loyalties. Although more outrageous than those of most Quakers, the experiences of Waterford resident William Williams illustrate the misfortunes

Friends encountered after Mosby's arrival. In retaliation for the Union's imprisonment of two prominent Confederates in August 1863, Southern troops under Elijah Viers White arrested Williams. Jailed in

Richmond's Castle Thunder Prison, the Quaker contracted smallpox. Authorities released him on his guarantee to return if prison officials demanded it. Away from

Waterford four months, Williams reached home in time for

Christmas.

Confederate supporters also faced detention.

Imprisoned for refusing to take the oath of allegiance,

Augustus Williams served time in the Old Capitol Prison in Washington. Upon his release, he traveled to his home, where the first Northern soldiers that he encountered re-arrested him. Federal troops jailed

Williams so frequently that Prison Superintendent Wood considered him a regular visitor. On one occasion. Wood greeted him with a handshake, remarking, "You couldn't stay away from us very long, " to which Williams

320 answered, "No. You fellows treat me so well when I am here.

Mosby, if it suited his purposes, further complicated situations by threatening to make his own arrests. In August 1864, Northern officers released several pro-Union detainees at the behest of Samuel

Janney but refused to free one "Dr. B.," since Janney could not vouch for his loyalty. Further confusing the negotiations, Mosby warned that he would hold other

Unionists, including Janney, responsible if officials did not release the doctor. Like so many other Friends,

Janney faced a precarious situation. On the one hand.

Northern soldiers might arrest him at any time for demurring to take the oath of allegiance; on the other,

Mosby might confine him in retaliation for Union 32 actions.

Despite the Quakers' frequent confinement.

Northern soldiers typically held them for only a few hours and seldom for more than a couple days or weeks.

Mosby's guerrillas, to avoid lengthy incarceration in

Union prisons, often disguised themselves in Quaker clothing, as happened in early 1865. Union troops arrested a handful of Friends along with several partisans who had "ingratiated themselves" with the

321 Quakers. The rangers, dressed as Friends, theed and 33 thoued the Yankees well enough to win a quick release.

Concurrent with their arrest of male civilians.

Union soldiers pillaged the residents with enhanced

ferocity. Although local Unionists expected the

Northern troops to protect them, the soldiers did not

fully accept their role. Fédérais threatened to sack

the predominantly Quaker community of Lovettsville, but

General Charles Griffin stopped the "disgraceful"

plundering in its incipiency. Hoping to forestall

another such occurrence, the regiment's chaplain

delivered a sermon opposing vandalism, but a few

confused souls actually believed the minister advocated

"going for the rebel property." Officers placed guards

throughout Hamilton as well as in Lovettsville, where

some "bummers" tore down a Unionist's barn for firewood.

Despite efforts to repress the marauding Yankees,

Unionists endured the Northerners' wrath because they 34 resided in Mosby's Confederacy.

Secessionists especially bore the Union troops' malicious ire. In late July, Fédérais overran Lucy

Ambler's farm. They killed all but one chicken and

butchered every sheep, taking only what they wanted and

leaving the remainder decaying in the fields. The

"horrid brutes" appropriated all of the horses and most

322 of the cattle and stole one-half of the bacon, all of the milk, and several articles of clothing, along with a small amount of money. Having removed the carriage's wheels, the "miserable wretches" placed them in the road for their wagons to run over and break. Still full of venom, the men cut up the harnesses, removed the leather belts from the wheat machinery, destroyed the other farm implements, and tore down the fences. Although the vegetables had not grown fully, they pulled up the plants and chopped the tops off the cornstalks. The

Northerners, Ambler determined, fully intended to starve the Confederacy into submission.

The Yankees did not simply confiscate livestock and foodstuffs and destroy farm machinery; they also engaged in the wanton ruination of all forms of personal belongings, including those of Isham Keith, a member of the Fauquier County Court. In 1862, Fédérais burned the woolen mill in which Keith made Confederate uniforms.

Hoping to recoup his losses, in the summer of 1863, he sold the land and traveled to Richmond to invest the proceeds in Confederate bonds. Union troops having stolen his horses, Keith walked to Virginia's capital, taking ill from his hard journey. As he lay on his deathbed. Northern soldiers broke up his furniture and ripped open the feather beds, strewing the contents

323 across the parlor floor, then pouring molasses throughout the feathers. Mrs. Keith waved a sheet out of an upstairs window to signal an officer, who found his men's actions disgraceful and chased the troops from the house, but the damage already had occurred. The soldiers had ransacked the home's interior, and gashes from the men's swords remained visible on the bars of the cellar windows until the 1930s.

The malevolent treatment accorded Keith became routine during the war's final two years. Prior to laying waste to Keith's home, the same troopers stole

John M. Forbes's entire library. Northerners tore apart the residence of Leesburg banker William Hill Gray and dug up his cellar, hoping to find the bank's assets.

The dessert china of Lucy Ambler's relatives caught the attention of some Fédérais, who threw it in a bag and flung it over their saddles, exhibiting no intention to cherish it but solely to deprive the owners of its pleasure. As the men rode away, a teacup dangled from one horse's neck like a trophy. No longer did the

Yankees merely want to supplement their diets with food from the Southerners' larders; now they intended to demonstrate that Mosby's Rangers could not safeguard the

Confederates. Unrestrained, Union soldiers intended to

324 enter Southern homes and lay waste to or steal everything Confederates held dear.^^

Although Keith, Ambler, and the others belonged to the local elite and ardently supported the Confederacy,

Union forces did not restrict their pillaging to wealthy secessionists. They also directed their wrath against the working and middle classes as well as the slave population. Northern soldiers. Ambler reported, destroyed the blacksmith's equipment and took every hen

Ambler's slaves owned. They commandeered her bondsmen's clothing and "any little thing belonging" to the African

Americans that the troopers coveted. Ambler deduced that the soldiers neither had compassion for the wealthy nor the "poorest person," taking the last piece of meat 3 8 off of everyone's table.

Union troops excused their marauding with claims that they only pillaged the most ardent secessionists.

They cited Robert Eden Peyton, who lost 2,400 pounds of hay and forty-eight hogs for refusing to take the oath of allegiance. Seeking wood to build decent quarters while encamped at Waterloo, Northern soldiers dismantled the barn and shed of the town's last miller. Private

Wilbur Fisk maintained that the Southern forces'

"uncivilized conduct" during the battle of Gettysburg prompted the theft and that troops did not engage in

325 "lawlessness" nor did they behave like a "roving gang of

thieves and plunderers." He urged his family not to

"harshly condemn" him, as he aimed his fury only at

"secessionists of the rankest kind," those who served in

the "rebel army, murderers" of Northerners' "dearest

friend, . . .father, brother, husband or son." One of

his obligations, Fisk insisted, required him to punish the "secession sinnners." As a Yankee responded when

Mary Cochran begged for protection from the Northern 39 troops, "Your men did so in Pennsylvania."

Fisk's protestations that he only stole from the

"secesh" deluded rather than enlightened. By their own accounts, the Union soldiers never ascertained the political sentiments of the Waterloo miller before they dismantled his buildings. This man committed one transgression— living within the Confederacy's borders— for which he had to stand idly in his doorway, as Fisk and his comrades razed his barn, shed, fences, and garden. Espying the miller's wife and daughter watching in "sorrowful submission," Fisk's "courage failed" him.

He halted his pillaging at once, believing the miller and his family "innocent" of supporting the 40 Confederacy.

Although Union officers threatened to discipline any soldier who engaged in plundering, the troops

326 roguishly fashioned convoluted justifications for their

actions. The enlisted men of the Second Rhode Island

Infantry contended that the pigs they barbecued had

attacked the unit's outposts. A member of the Sixth

Wisconsin Infantry executed a turkey for gobbling at the

soldier with "all the venom and derision of the

miserable rebel that he was." Instead of punishing the

man for roasting the feathered malcontent, his superior

gave "lessons in the art of carving." An officer, ready

to penalize troopers from the Sixth Wisconsin for

appropriating honey from abandoned beehives, condoned

the theft after the bees "furiously attacked" him for

his "Union sentiments." It behooved the Yankees to mete out justice to all partisan swine, "rebellious turkey 41 gobblers," and "traitorous bees" for abetting the war.

Although the Union soldiers' pillaging intensified after Mosby began his attacks, many officers remained true to the conciliation policy and sought to deter their troops' rampages. At Upperville, General Alpheus

Williams provided Mrs. Fitzhugh, owner of a "very dilapidated old Virginia residence," sentries to defend her vegetable patch. Not trusting the guards,

Fitzhugh's grown daughters watched them from the

"ricketty old stoop of the decayed mansion." The general occasionally returned confiscated livestock and

327 foodstuffs to women who begged him for mercy, with most claiming the war had made them widows. When males asked for similar kindnesses, Williams arrested them, surmising they belonged to Mosby's or Elijah White's 42 "roving guerrilla bands."

Despite the kindness officers such as General

Williams exhibited, an increasing number of Union officials abandoned the conciliatory policy. In addition to impressing all horses, many cavalry officers allowed their men, as they patrolled the region, to expropriate the citizens' belongings at will. Contrary to former practice, instead of bequeathing their broken- down horses to the locals whose healthier animals they confiscated, troopers began shooting their mounts, thereby denying the residents their use. Many officers searched out "extenuating circumstances or fine technicalities" to avoid punishing their men. In exchange, the commanders expected a "heave offering," so named because the soldiers would "heave" a "good quarter" of the livestock they stole in front of their officer's tent as a bribe. Lucy Ambler decided that

Union officials condoned such "atrocities" because the enlisted men elected their commanders, who supposedly feared they would lose their rank if they disciplined their troops. She could not understand, however, why

328 officers allowed the enlisted men to "deliberately 43 insult old men, women, and children."

Some troops empathized with the civilian populace

and, in their own humble ways, offered what they could.

While burning the fence rails of a "complete specimen of

a broken hearted woman," Wilbur Fisk overheard the guard

warn this Fauquier resident that constant worry about

her property would kill her. Fisk pondered offering his

"fullest sympathies" but assumed that she was

"notoriously rebel in her inclinations." He,

nevertheless, ceased destroying her fence and hoped the

guard would perform his duty with more faithfulness.

Oftentimes, sentries could do little for the civilian

population. When troops arrived to defend a woman's

fields near Salem, other Union soldiers, like "an army

of locusts," already had "swept away" her crops. One of

her assigned protectors gave the woman five dollars, as

he continued the "dreary and senseless farce of guarding 44 nothing."

Determined to protect their belongings from the

rampaging Northerners, some women chose to defy the

marauders, including one female, who cursed, struck,

kicked, and cuffed the men pillaging her home. The

Yankees fled from the house, some jumping from the windows to escape her fury. Although she rescued her

329 property, she feared God's wrath for swearing at the

"wicked wretches." Another citizen armed herself with

an "ivory handled Colt's six shooter" to defend her

horse whenever she rode, while "Aunt Emily," one of

Richard Dulany's slaves, threatened to carve a Northern

soldier with her knife if he touched the family's ham.

Emily would have "scrumished right long for that ham,"

if an officer had not intervened. Although some women

utilized extreme measures, most simply beseeched God to 45 deliver them from the "barbarous" soldiers.

On occasion, residents deceived Northern officials with their pleas for assistance. Provost Marshal

General Marsena Patrick granted Abraham Lincoln's cousin

leave to search for her horses in a Union camp near

Warrenton. He revoked the permit, having "very little or no doubt" that Lincoln's kinswoman spied for Mosby's guerrillas. On the pretense of securing her home near

New Baltimore, another woman sought and received guards from Colonel Upton, but as the men escorted her home,

"bushwackers" descended upon the troops, capturing them all. The woman returned to Upton's camp, begging more sentries. Certain she aided the partisans, the colonel 46 denied her request.

Because of the pillaging both Northern soldiers and Mosby's Rangers engaged in, local Unionists and

330 Confederates, on occasion, put aside their political differences and actively befriended each other in their times of need. Several Confederate families entrusted the Quakers with property, hoping that Union troops would spare it, along with the Friends' goods. In June

1863, Richard Dulany instructed his father to take a pair of horses to the Quakers for safekeeping. The preferential treatment the Friends received from the

Northern troops must have made the counties' secessionists jealous and angry, yet they readily asked 47 to share in the Quakers' good fortune.

Many secessionists, meanwhile, intervened for the

Quakers with Mosby, as happened in April 1864, when the partisan seized two of James C. Janney's horses.

Nineteen of the Quaker's neighbors, "Southern right men all," wrote Mosby, asking him to return the animals, which Janney used to haul grain and fuel and to plow the fields of "two of his Southern neighbors."

Coincidentally, a pair of horses Janney kept belonged to secessionist neighbors.

In November 1864, Union soldiers took their pillaging and destruction to a new height of oppression.

General Philip Sheridan finally gained control of the

Shenandoah Valley from Jubal Early's forces and could deal unencumbered with the troublesome partisans. He

331 insisted that he had not acted against the rangers, because they prevented straggling and kept Union supply trains closely joined. Early in the month. Grant communicated to Sheridan the urgent need to eliminate this menace, even if it necessitated devastating Loudoun and Fauquier Counties so that the civilian populace could not and would not sustain Mosby's force. Union soldiers must prevent the residents from harvesting another crop. Grant demanded. On November 26, Sheridan informed General Halleck of his readiness to annihilate

Mosby, his rangers, and his supporters. He wrote, "I will soon commence on Loudoun County, and let them know there is a God in Israel," proclaiming that an intense 49 hatred of Mosby would abound throughout the region.

The systematic devastation of Mosby's Confederacy began on November 28, in and around Snickersville, a northwestern Loudoun County hamlet of fewer than one hundred people. Although a sizable and loyal Quaker population resided in the vicinity, Sheridan ordered the destruction of everything but private homes, erroneously declaring this region the center of guerrilla activity.

Placing General Wesley Merritt's First Cavalry Division in charge of the operation, Sheridan commanded the

332 troops to destroy all forage, burn all barns and mills, and run off all livestock.

The "Great Burning Raid" reduced many families to poverty and made it evident that no one could escape the

Union soldiers' wrath. Ranked among the luckier citizens, the Long Branch Female Seminary pupils effectively hid their grain in the attics of the slaves' cabins. Less fortunate, Mrs. Isham Keith, mother of two partisans, described her farm as "bare acres." The

Union soldiers fired John Holland's woolen mill, although he had produced uniforms for the Northern army.

Amanda Edmonds's diary read simply, "The Yankees burned our barn 1" As the Fédérais torched their way across

Loudoun County, Catherine Broun wrote, "The whole heavens are illuminated by the fires." Mosby's

Confederacy had become a blazing inferno.

The Quakers and other Unionists paid dearly for residing in Mosby's Confederacy. Friends Bernard and

Yardley Taylor lost their barns, while Asa Janney, one of the region's most devoted Unionists, lost three hundred barrels of flour and two mills. Samuel Janney estimated the cost to all Unionists at almost two- hundred thousand dollars for burned property and sixty thousand dollars for appropriated livestock, with the

Quakers' losses totaling just over one-hundred thousand

333 dollars. Loyal civilians suffered greatly throughout the war, but ironically. Northern forces inflicted much 52 of their pain.

Despite their misfortunes, the Unionists acknowledged the necessity of the Yankees' actions. The citizens of Waterford greeted the Sixth New York Cavalry with the Stars and Stripes and cheered as they passed through town. On the community's outskirts, the unit stopped to torch a barn, as two young women held aloft the American flag and sang: "Burn away, burn away, if it will prevent Mosby from coming here." Acknowledging that the Northerners had to destroy their barn to quell the rebellion, these women embraced their fate. The war had taken an extraordinary psychological and emotional toll on the residents, making unconscionable acts seem rational.

Although some Quakers condoned the destruction, many Friends implored Merritt's horsemen to spare their property. Caroline Taylor convinced the Yankees that the fire would spread to her home if they ignited the barn, thus saving both edifices, but Northern torches destroyed one-half of her cornfield. The soldiers took with them more than two dozen sheep, four cows, three calves, and a horse, as well as an ax, butcher knives, and a carriage whip. In a letter to her sister from

334 "Our Distressed Home," Taylor judged the family "broken 54 up and as poor as poverty."

Other Friends employed deception to save their possessions. Ruth Hannah Smith, knowing the Fédérais would use the matches they requested to set fire to the barn, covertly held them in the steam from the teakettle. Although the damp matches proved useless, the troopers eventually succeeded in igniting the barn, however, they had to hold Mr. Smith at gunpoint because he twice extinguished the blaze. General Thomas Devin's cavalrymen fired Mr. Mansfield's outbuilding, but with water buckets nearby in case the fire spread to his home, this "fine old loyal Quaker gentleman" doused the flames as the troops rode away. Most residents did not fare as well, including Quilly Meade, who lost his horse-drawn sleigh. He tried to pull it from the blazing stable but quit when a soldier jabbed his gun into Meade's abdomen. Meade pulled out a ruler and measured the sled, declaring to the confused trooper,

"Hunh, too big for one horse, not big enough for two.

Might as well let it burn!"^^

Absolute warfare had engulfed Mosby's Confederacy, with Northern soldiers ravaging Loudoun and much of northern Fauquier Counties. Merritt's troops seized or killed at least five thousand cattle, three thousand

335 sheep, one thousand hogs, and five hundred horses.

Noting that two regiments, in a single day, fired 150 barns, one thousand haystacks, and six flour mills and appropriated fifty horses and three hundred cattle, one

Massachusetts officer declared, "It was a terrible retribution." Colonel Crowninshield ' s brigade single- handedly torched 230 barns, eight mills, one distillery, ten thousand tons of hay, and twenty-five bushels of grain. Ranger J. Marshall Crawford lamented, "If old

Satan himself had thrown open the gates of hell and turned loose all the devils in there, they could not have inflicted greater misery and woe."^^

Union soldiers waged war against the civilian populace for several reasons. Many wanted to punish

Southerners for causing the war and tearing them from their homes and loved ones. Lonely for their families and dispirited from years of fighting and the loss of comrades, other Northerners sought revenge. Most

Yankees believed that the destruction they inflicted upon northern Virginians would lead to the Union's triumph and a speedier conclusion to the war. Sheridan held that the only way to curb Mosby's activities was to destroy the will of the civilian populace that so devotedly supported the guerrillas. Death did not equal the "maximum punishment in war," but "reduction to

336 poverty" certainly did, Sheridan argued. Nothing brought calls for peace more quickly than economic deprivation laid at the enemy's doorstep.

While all of these factors played a role in the

Union troops' decision to war against the civilian population, none satisfactorily address why Northerners so willingly participated in the destruction of Loudoun and Fauquier Counties. Mosby's Rangers primarily incited the Union's adoption of "hard war." The Yankees exhibited the classic signs of paranoia, characterized by delusions of hostile intentions towards themselves.

Often distrusting loyal friends, the paranoid commonly beseige their suspected enemies before these foes can attack them. The Union soldiers' attempt to incarcerate all white males and the devastation they heaped upon the citizens regardless of political belief, race, or social class illustrates the Northerners' sometimes confused and paranoid rationalizations. Even the most devout

Unionist suffered the Yankees' wrath. To stop Mosby's raids. Union authorities contemplated the monumental task of forcibly removing all civilians from northern

Virginia. Believing the counties' entire citizenry abetted Mosby's bushwhackers, the Northerners determined to take the war to the partisan and his subjects before

337 the scoundrels crept into the Union's encampments and slit the soldiers' throats. The Fédérais' retribution grew out of the paranoia that Mosby's Rangers inflicted C g upon the Union troops.

The rangers so alarmed Northern soldiers that they mistrusted their own comrades. Union General H. Judson

Kilpatrick attributed the mass desertions that troubled the Army of the Potomac during the winter of 1863-1864 directly to the guerrillas. They assuredly had infiltrated Federal regiments and actively enticed the soldiers to desert with promises of great wealth.

Kilpatrick credited them with the ability to render the most patriotic Northern soldier a traitor to the Union 59 and to his comrades.

Confederate Morale ; 1863-1865

While Sheridan and the Union military brought destitution to many citizens who understandably yearned for peace, few weakened in their commitment to Southern independence. Even if Union soldiers arrested every ranger's family, as several Northerners proposed, his command would have continued fighting, Mosby insisted, and if the Fédérais "carried off" the guerrilla's spouse, the man could rest assured that his wife would

338 want him to continue killing Yankees. The Great Burning

Raid unmistakably spurred the guerrillas to augment

their efforts to secure freedom for their loved ones and

their country.

To the counties' besieged citizenry, the spring of

1863 brought renewed hope that the Army of Northern

Virginia might confront the Army of the Potomac with the

level of success that Mosby had effected against

isolated Union outposts during the winter. Catherine

Broun anticipated that the South would defeat the

Fédérais in the coming year, preventing the Union's

"abolishion congress," which adjourned in March, from

reconvening. Although the Confederacy's future looked grim, twenty-three-year-old Julia B. Whiting had no doubt of the South's ultimate triumph. The wound her

uncle Richard Henry Dulany sustained, while on a raid

into Maryland to destroy the Baltimore and Ohio

Railroad, distressed his five children, especially nine-year-old John, who commenced sobbing immediately upon hearing the news. Rejecting his sister's attempts to comfort him, Dulany expressed grief not over his father's wound but "because Papa can't fight any more."

Like John Dulany's father. Confederate supporters appreciated that they still had more battles to wage.^^

339 Thanks to Mosby's presence, the Confederates enjoyed, in the words of Amanda Edmonds, "our soldier's society." Although Southern forces acheived no major gains in the Western theater in April and May 1863, in the East, Lee defeated the Army of the Potomac at

Chancellorsville and readied his men to drive the Union forces from the Old Dominion. By the end of June, the

Southern army would liberate the counties of Union 6 ? soldiers and take the war to the North.

Unhappily for the local secessionists, the

Confederacy experienced two of its most worst military setbacks on July 3 and 4, 1863 . While they feared that the losses at Gettysburg and Vicksburg jeopardized their ultimate independence, they trusted in ultimate

Confederate victory. Amanda Edmonds expressed joy that

Lee's army had "thrown" the war upon Northern civilians, encumbering them with the same heartache Loudoun and

Fauquier residents had withstood for the past two years.

She had no desire to capitulate to the Union, but if God ordained it, she would "quietly submit, thinking it right that the South should be down from her high, wicked, lofty, pride." God had humbled the Confederacy,

Edmonds concluded, leaving the South's heart "bleeding with anguish and sorrow while her brave sons" fell by the thousands, but why did he allow Northern soldiers to

340 trample and crush them? She remained confident,

believing in God's justness. When Union soldiers

visited her home in late July, they predicted that the

Army of the Potomac would put down the rebellion by

September, to which this loyal Confederate woman howled,

"Never 1 Neveri"® ^

As had transpired the previous two springs, the

hopes of the Confederates flourished with nature's

rebirth in 1864. Richard Dulany entered the new

campaign season with optimism, determined to greet the

Yankees with a bloody reception. Following the Battle of Spotsylvania Court House, Dulany portrayed Ulysses S.

Grant as "brave, rash and desperate," eager for another

fight. Although Dulany suggested that Grant had burnt his pontoons to keep his army from retreating, the

Confederate remained unconcerned. The religious fervor enveloping the Army of Northern Virginia would sanction

God's intervention on the Confederacy's behalf.

Following the Battle of Cold Harbor on June 3, where

Grant lost seven thousand men to Lee's fifteen hundred,

Dulany joyfully penned that the Confederates had repulsed the "greatest living General and by far the mightiest army ever raised." The Southern cause appeared more vigorous and its "prospects brighter than «64 ever.

341 Following the Great Burning Raid in November 1864,

Northern incursions into Loudoun and Fauquier Counties diminished. Union troops still awakened families in the dead of night, searched homes, and appropriated crops and livestock, but the war's focus moved to Richmond.

Sheridan had devastated both the Shenandoah and Loudoun

Valleys, and Grant's Army of the Potomac had bottled up

Lee's Army of Northern Virginia in Petersburg. Mosby continued to harass Yankee pickets, but while an annoyance to the Fédérais, he no longer jeopardized

Northern victory. Union trooper Solomon Defibaugh believed "Mosby guriles they nothing of any importance."

Captain Henry E. Snow devoted more time to fightirtg his men's alcoholism than hunting the rangers. Northern soldiers had so ravaged Loudoun and Fauquier that Mosby had to dispatch a portion of his command to Virginia's

Northern Neck to gather enough forage to survive the winter. Although Mosby operated until the end of the war, he had made his greatest contribution. Despite his waning importance, local secessionists continued to view

Mosby and his rangers as their protectors. As long as

Mosby contested the Union occupation of northern

Virginia, these residents believed that the Yankee military would never subdue the Confederacy.^^

342 With the dawning of 1865, the Confederates'

spirits emerged with revived optimism. "Girding on her

armour afresh," the South, Charles Fenton Mercer

observed, renewed its commitment to the war. The

Confederacy had "risen superior to adversity" and

"proclaimed to the world that she has a right to be

free." While his thirteen-year-old daughter prayed that

she could be a soldier like her father, Richard Henry

Dulany resolved to fight until the end. Despite the

South's recommitment, on April 2, Union forces wrested

Petersburg from Lee's army, opening the way to Richmond.

The South's capital fell the next day, followed by the

Army of Northern Virginia's surrender on April 9.

"Great and good news the capture of Sherman killing of

Sherdin," Warrentonian Alice Fitzhugh Dixon Payne recorded in her diary on April 10. Payne subsequently crossed out the entry and wrote "Mistake." The

Confederacy's demise evoked Payne to lament, "Virginia gone gone forever.

Although the North had subjugated the Confederate

States of America, Loudoun and Fauquier secessionists remained hopeful that Mosby's Confederacy would flourish. Writing on April 7, Amanda Edmonds sorrowfully noted Richmond's capture, and three days later she bemoaned that Lee had capitulated. Although

343 the South's collapse distressed Edmonds, the thought of

Mosby and his rangers surrendering caused her even greater agitation. "OhI Mosby must we give thee up?" her diary entry cried out on April 18. Two days later she grieved as Mosby, "our President (as we sometimes honor him)," passed by enroute to negotiate a surrender with Union officers. In despair she entreated, "OhI Why has God thus afflicted us?" With opposing emotions tearing at her soul, Edmonds watched as a large detachment of Mosby's command rode toward Union lines to give their parole, concluding, "Oh! Oh! This horrid war has come to an end."^^

Unlike their secessionist neighbors, Loudoun and

Fauquier Unionists joyously greeted the war's conclusion. Samuel Janney killed a turkey and invited his fellow Unionists to a celebratory feast. Friend

William Tate laughed uncontrollably, while Joseph

Nichols stayed at home to get drunk. A few suggested that the Union punish their Confederate neighbors for initiating the war. "The Secesh aught Never to be allowed to vote again," Henry S. Taylor insisted, "and aught to be made to Eate With a Iron Spoon the balance of their life." Buck Bolon had fun gibing slaveowner

Moses Pascal Watson about his bondsmen, asking the former master if he thought the slaves valuable now.

344 Benjamin Birdsall, George Struthers, and others talked of going to Upperville to retrieve the corn that Mosby's 6 8 Rangers had impressed.

Despite the Confederates' sorrow and the

Unionists' jubilation, uncertainty hung, like a storm cloud, over the counties. Most citizens remained optimistic. God, Susan Shacklett reflected, had destroyed slavery, an institution that proved a "curse" to Southerners. She lamented that the war ended without the South attaining its freedom, but she prayed that

"from these ashes" would "arise a greater good." Only time alone would tell what the future held.^^

345 NOTES TO CHAPTER 8

^Herb S.Crum and Katherine Dhalle, eds., No Middle Ground ; Thomas Ward Osborn's Letters from the Field, 1862-1864 (Hamilton, NY: Edmonston Publishing, Inc., 1993), 147-148; Swinfen, Ruqqles' Regiment, 28; Carter, Four Brothers in Blue, 361; W.S. Nye, ed.. The Valiant Hours : By Thomas Francis Galwey, Eighth Ohio Volunteer Infantry (Harrisburg, PA: The Stackpole Company, 1961), 128; Hall, Besley, and Wood, History of the Sixth New York Cavalry, 162; Dawes, Service with the Sixth Wisconsin Volunteers, 191, 218-219; OR, ser. I, vol. 29, pt. 1, 144-145; Tom (Brown?), Washington, D.C., to Brother, 16 August 1863, Civil War Letters Vertical File, TBL; William B. Baker, Amesville, to father, 13 August 1863, Baker Papers; Isaac H. Ressler, Diary, 29 July 1863, Isaac H. Ressler Diary, 16th Pennsylvania Cavalry, The Civil War Times Illustrated Collection USAMHI. See also Silliker, The Rebel Yell _& the Yankee Hurrah, 118-119; De Trobriand, Four Years with the Army of the Potomac, 532-533; Wise, History of the 17th Virginia Infantry C.S.A., 166; Charles M. Smith, to unknown, 4 August 1863, Smith Family Papers. 2 Dawes, Service with the Sixth Wisconsin Volunteers, 189; Cochran, Diary, n.d. (late October 1863), Cochran Diary; Sandie Pendleton, Warrenton, to Kate, 19 October 1863, William Nelson Pendleton Papers, SHC.

^Silliker, The Rebel Yell ^ the Yankee Hurrah, 116, 4 Hunter, The Women of the Debatable Land, 63. The best source for witnessing the changing treatment of Loudoun and Fauquier Countians is Baird, Journals of Amanda Virginia Edmonds. On total war, see Grimsley, The Hard Hand of War; Royster, The Destructive War.

^OR, ser. Ill, vol. 2, 302.

^Ibid. It is unclear what Lieber meant by "lust." Many guerrilla bands, especially those in Missouri, engaged in rape. There is no evidence of Mosby's partisans raping women. In all likelihood, Lieber meant "lust" for riches.

346 See Wert, Mosby * s Rangers, 211-219; Scott, Partisan Life with Col. John S . Mosby, 315-321. See also Munson, Reminiscences of ^ Mosby Guerrilla, 144. On Mosby's activities and Union movements between April and November 1864, see Civil War Memoirs of Two Rebel Sisters (St. Albans, WV; Pictorial Histories Publishing Co., 1989), 35-39; Swinfen, Ruqqles * Regiment, 91; Cooke, Wearing of the Gray, 524-525; Arthur S. Pier, "Major William Hathaway Forbes and Colonel John Singleton Mosby; A Chapter from the Civil War," Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society 70 (1957 ): 65-75; Arthur S. Pier, Forbes : Telephone Pioneer (New York: Dodd, Mead and Company, 1953); OR, ser. I, vol. 33, 306, 308, 315-316, 847, 875, 894, 911-912, 942, 1274-1278, 1290-1291, 1307; OR, ser. I, vol. 37, pt. 1, 2-5, 92, 167-168, 362, 543, 622, 676; OR, ser. I, vol. 37, pt. 2, 496-498, 539-540, 575; OR, ser. I, vol. 43, pt. 1, 616-617, 633-636, 721-722, 799, 822-823, 831- 833, 856-859, 881, 909, 942-943, 990-991; OR, ser. I, vol. 43, pt. 2, 4-6, 43-44, 64, 69, 90, 132, 178, 298- 299, 314-315, 368-369, 414-415, 475, 538-539, 635, 669; John W. Barnard, Deposition, n.d. (13 August 1864), John W. Barnard Deposition, 1st New York Dragoons, Earl M. Hess Collection, USAMHI; William H.H. Emmons, Affidavit, n.d. (13 August 1864), William H.H. Emmons Affidavit, 1st New York Dragoons, Keith R.Keller Collection, USAMHI; Thomas Washington Edwards, to Henry, 30 April 1864, Thomas Washington Edwards Letter, Civil War Letters Vertical File, TBL; Valorous Dearborn, Diary, 28 April 1864, Valorous Dearborn Diary, Civil War Diaries Vertical File, TBL; John C. Collins, John S . Mosby: Famous Confederate Cavalry Leader, a American Soldier, the Friend of Stuart, Lee and Grant (Gaitherburg, MD : Olde Soldier Books, Inc., n.d.), 13.

®Ibid. 9 Williamson, Mosby's Rangers, 240; Wert, Mosby's Rangers, 211-219; Scott, Partisan Life with Col. John S . Mosby, 315-321.

^^Alexander, Mosby's Men, 141; Williamson, Mosby's Rangers, 240; R.A. Brock, ed.. Southern Historical Society Papers, vol. 27 (Richmond: Southern Historical Society, 1899), 315-316; John S. Mosby, Memoir, Joseph Bryan Family Papers, Section 3, VHS; Scott, Partisan Life with Col. John S . Mosby, 319-320.

347 Henry Chester Parry, near Bridgewater, to father, 30 September 1864, Henry Chester Parry Papers, VHS ; Chappelear, Diary 25 September 1864, Chappelear Papers. See also Hall, Besley, and Wood, History of the Sixth New York Cavalry, 227-228. 12 Wert, Mosby's Rangers, 215-219; Brock, Southern Historical Society Papers, vol. 24, 108-109; Henry Chester Parry, near Bridgewater, to father, 30 September 1864, Parry Papers; Chappelear, Diary, 25 September 1864, Chappelear Papers; Scott, Partisan Life with Col. John S . Mosby, 320.

^^Wert, Mosby's Rangers, 215-219; Brock, Southern Historical Society Papers, vol. 24, 108-109; Scott, Partisan Life with Col. John S . Mosby, 320. Union soldier Charles Henry Veil claimed Rhodes's mother did not attend the execution. See Herman J. Viola, ed.. The Memoirs of Charles Henry Veil; A Soldier's Recollections of the Civil War and the Arizona Territory (New York: Orion Books, 1993), 47-49; Charles Henry Veil, Memoirs, Charles Henry Veil Memoirs, 1st United States Cavalry, The Civil War Miscellaneous Collection, USAMHI. See also Lancaster and Lancaster, The Civil War Diary of Anne S . Probel, 232-233. 14 Wert, Mosby's Rangers, 215-219; Gregory J.W. Urwin, ed., Custer and His Times : Book Three (N.p.: University of Central Arkansas Press and the Little Big Horn Associates, Inc., 1987), 44-46; Williamson, Mosby's Rangers, 242; H.P. Moyer, ed.. History of the Seventeenth Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteer Cavalry or One Hundred and Sixty-Second in the Line of Pennsylvania Volunteer Regiments : War to Suppress the Rebellion, 1861- 1865 (Lebanon, PA: Sowers Printing Company, 1911), 218.

^^Wert, Mosby's Rangers, 244-248; Charles Brewster, "Captured By Mosby's Guerrillas," War Papers and Personal Reminiscences, 1861-1865, vol. 1, Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States : Missouri (St. Louis: Becktold & Co., 1892), 85-86. On Absalom Willis, see Ralph Haas, Dear Esther : The Civil War Letters of Private Aungier Dobbs, Centerville, Pennsylvania (Apollo, PA: Closson Press, 1991), 241; OR, ser. I, vol. 43, pt. 1, 506-511; See Scheel, The Civil War in Fauguier County, 81-82; Mitchell, The Letters of John S . Mosby, 178-180; Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 167-168; OR,ser. I, vol. 43, pt.2, 631; John Singleton Mosby, San Francisco, to Bob Walker, 12 December 1899, Mosby Vertical File; John Singleton

348 Mosby, San Francisco, to Bob Walker, 12 December 1899, Mosby Papers, AL. It is unclear who ordered the executions at Front Royal. Based on civilian reports, Mosby believed it was Custer, but no solid evidence supports his position. In all likelihood. General Torbert ordered the hangings. See Lawrence A. Frost, Custer Legends (Bowling Green, OH; Bowling Green University Popular Press, 1981), 47-56.

3, 35-36; OR, ser. I, vol. 43, pt. 2, 566; The New York Times, 10 November 1864. See Brock, Southern Historical Society Papers, vol. 25, 239-244; Kelsey, Deeds of Daring by Both Blue and Gray, 201-213.

^^Scott R. Schoenfeld, The Fight at Aldie Gap (Washington: n.p., 1992), 48; Edward J. Stackpole, Sheridan in the Shenandoah; Jubal Early's Nemesis, 2d ed., (Harrisburg, PA; Stackpole Books, 1992), 373; Pier, "Major William Hathaway Forbes and Colonel John Singleton Mosby;" Pier, Forbes, 43-50; Frederick W. Wild, Memoirs and History of Capt. F.W. Alexander's Baltimore Battery of Light Artillery U.S.V., 1862-1865 (Baltimore; n.p., 1912), 143; OR, ser. II, vol. 2, 303-309; OR, ser. I, vol. 37, pt. 2, 55; OR, ser. I, vol. 43, pt. 2, 453. See also Brinton, Personal Memoirs of John H. Brinton, 269; Henry Bertrand Boynton, Catlets Ford, to Mary C. Hard, Haverhill, 29 October 1864, in the possession of Kay Reynolds, Portsmouth, Ohio. "Yankee" Ames deserted from the Union army to join Mosby's Rangers. See "James F. 'Big Yankee' Ames," Southern Cavalry Review 4 (January 1988); 5. For Union soldiers and civilians who viewed Mosby and his rangers in a more favorable light, see Schoenfeld, The Fight at Aldie Gap, 48; Collins, John S . Mosby, 13; Curt B. Muller, "Recollections of Colonel John Singleton Mosby," ESBL. 18 George P. Walmsley, Sr., Experiences of £ Civil War Horse-Soldier (Lanham, MD; University Press of America, 1993), 15; OR, ser. I, vol. 27, pt. 3, 194; OR, ser. I, vol. 37, pt. 2, 387-390; OR, ser. I, vol. 43, pt. 1, 811, 860. See also Hagemann, Fighting Rebels and Redskins, 260-261; Richard O'Connor, Sheridan; The Inevitable (Indianapolis; Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., Publishers, 1953), 194; OR, ser. I, vol. 43, pt. 2, 453; Edward Landing, Fort Buffalo, to Joseph Schneider, 24 July 1864, Captain Joseph Scheider Letter, 16th New York Cavalry Regiment, The Harrisburg Civil War Round Table Collection, USAMHI. For examples of how Union soldiers

349 dealt with guerrillas in other parts of the Confederacy, see Michael Fellman, Citizen Sherman; A Life of William Tecumseh Sherman (New York: Random House, 1995), 139-143; Fellman, Inside War.

^^See Wert, Mosby's Rangers, 203-207, 251-257; Williamson, Mosby's Rangers, 217-230, 298-315; OR, ser. I, vol. 43, pt. 2, 648; Scott, Partisan Life with Col. John S. Mosby, 286-292, 364-373.

^^Mitchell, The Letters of John S . Mosby, 178- 180; OR, ser. I, vol. 43, pt. 2, 920; John Singleton Mosby, to Philip H. Sheridan, 11 November 1864, Mosby Papers, VHS; John Singleton Mosby, to Philip H. Sheridan, 11 November 1864, Coleman Collection, Section 3. See also Brock, Southern Historical Society Papers, vol. 27, 316. 21 Fellman, Inside War. For other examples of extreme violence in northern Virginia, see James M. Grenier, Janet L. Coryell, and James R. Smither, eds., A Surgeon's Civil War: The Letters and Diary of Daniel M. Holt, M.D. (Kent, OH: The Kent State University Press, 1994), 261-264; Hagemann, Fighting Rebels and Redskins, 300-304; Edward Younger, ed.. Inside the Confederate Government: The Diary of Robert Garlick Hill Kean (New York: Oxford University Press, 1957), 170; Brooks, Stories of the Confederacy, 387-389; Benedict, Army Life in Virginia, 141-147; Michael Golay, To Gettysburg and Beyond: The Parallel Lives of Joshua Lawrence Chamberlin and Edward Porter Alexander (New York: Crown Publishers, Inc., n.d.), 143-144. 22 Janney and Janney, The Composition Book, 5; Sheridan, Personal Memoirs of P.H. Sheridan, 488. If an enemy fell after putting up a brave fight, he deserved respect, but as Mosby concluded, "It was our custom to let the dead bury the dead. " See John Singleton Mosby, Washington, D.C., to Edward Campbell, Uniontown, PA, 24 April 1905, John S. Russell Papers, WRPL. 23 The National Tribune, 8 October 1903; Chappelear, Diary, 25 September 1864, Chappelear Papers. For an opposing view, see Wert, Mosby's Rangers, 214-215. 24 Brock, Southern Historical Society Association, vol. 27, 274; Mosby, Memoir, 15-16, Bryan Family Papers, Section 3.

350 25 Thomas A. Ashby, The Valley Campaigns ; Being the Reminiscences of ^ Non-Combatant While Between the Lines in the Shenandoah Valley During the War of the States (New York: The Neale Publishing Company, 1914), 294; Munson, Reminiscences of a Mosby Guerrilla, 5; Monteiro, War Reminiscences, 22; OR, ser. I, vol. 43, pt. 2, 909-910, 922-923; Henry Clay Lawson, Richmond, to Robert Edward Lee, 19 November 1864, Mosby Papers, Section 6, VHS; Collins, John S . Mosby, 12-13. Benjamin Franklin Cooling claims "gang-warfare" grew "worse" whenever the "restraining cavalier hand of Mosby" was absent from his command. While Mosby was not present at Front Royal, his men waited for their leader to return before determining their course of retaliation. See Benjamin Franklin Cooling, Symbol, Sword and Shield: Defending Washington During the Civil War (Hamden, CT: Archon Books), 226- 227. See also Mitchell, The Letters of John S . Mosby, 96-101; James A. Rawley, ed.. The American Civil War: An English View (Charlottesville: The University Press of Virginia, 1964), 165; Linus Pierpont Brockett, The Camp, the Battle Field, and the Hospital: Lights and Shadows of the Great Rebellion (Philadelphia: National Publishing Company, 1866), 423-424. 2 g Monteiro, War Reminiscences, 58-59. 27 Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Welbourne, 95- 99;Glazier, Three Years in the Federal Cavalry, 167- 169; Dulany, Diary, 8 May 1863, Dulany Diary, VHS; Broun, Diary, 4 April 1863, Broun Diary; Cochran, Diary, 4 April 1863, Cochran Diary; Solomon Hoge, Property Claim, n.d., Fletcher Papers, VSLA. 2 S Russell, The Memoirs of Colonel John S . Mosby, 156-160. On Union views of Mosby's Rangers dressing as civilians, see OR, ser. I, vol. 25, pt. 1, 1107-1108. 2 9 Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Welbourne, 95- 96; Jones, Ranger Mosby, 78; OR, ser. I, vol. 51, pt. 1, 177; OR, ser. I, vol. 25, pt. 1, 80, 1109; Scott, Partisan Life with Col. John S . Mosby, 24-29; John Singleton Mosby, Fauquier County, to F.W. Powell, S.A. Chancellor, I.G. Gray, W.B. Noland, and others, 4 February 1863, Beverly Mosby Coleman Collection, Section Four; Wise, Memoir, n.d.. Wise Memoir, Civil War Diaries Vertical File, TBL. See Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 165; OR, ser. I, vol. 25, pt. 1, 5. For other descriptions of Mosby's raids. Union reactions, and troop movements in Loudoun and Fauquier Counties in the first few months of 1863, see OR, ser. I, vol. 25, pt.

351 2, 109, 149-150; OR, ser. I, vol. 25, pt. 1, 37-43; OR, ser. I, vol. 21, 1114-1115.

^^Divine, 35th Battalion Virginia Cavalry, 33- 39; William Williams, "A Narrative Written by William Williams of His Capture, Imprisonment, and Absence From Home During the War of the Rebellion, 1863," Civil War Diaries Vertical File, TBL. See also Divine, 35th Battalion Virginia Cavalry, 22.

^^James J. Williamson, Prison Life in the Old Capitol and Reminiscences of the Civil War (West Orange, NJ : n.p., 1911), 37-38. Augustus Williams and William Williams apparently were not related. 32 Janney, Memoirs of Samuel M. Janney, 218-219.

^^Scott, Partisan Life with Col. John S. Mosby, 109- 110. 34 Carter, Four Brothers in Blue, 33 7; Greenleaf, Letters to Eliza from _a Union Soldier, 35; History of the 118th Pennsylvania Volunteers, 285-286.

^^Lucy Johnston Ambler, Diary, 2 August 1863, 28 July 1863, 27 July 1863, Lucy Johnston Ambler Diary, AL.

^^Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 56.

^^Ibid., 56; Gray, Diary, 4 October 1863, Gray Diary; Ambler, Diary, 28 July 1863, Ambler Diary. See also Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Welbourne, 102-103; Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 60-61; Chappelear, Diary, 22 July 1863, Chappelear Papers. Northern soldiers also burned Forbes's home, but he was not the only one to lose his home this winter. Union soldiers also arrested and burned the home of Hartwood Church resident Sarah Monroe. Northern reports provide no evidence for why the soldiers took such drastic action against this woman. See OR, ser. I, vol. 33, 256, 687. 3 8 Ambler, Diary, 2 August 1863, 28 July 1863, 27 July 1863, Ambler Diary. See also Blair, A Politician Goes to War, 103; James C. Mohr, ed. , The Cor many Diaries ; A Northern Family in the Civil War (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1982), 390-391; History of the Third Pennsylvania Cavalry, 384; Nisewarner, Diary, 24 December 1863, 6 November 1863, 3 August 1863, 19 July 1863, Nisewarner Diary; John E. Fletcher, Property Claim, 22 July 1863, Fletcher Papers, VHS.

■ 352 39 Emil Rosenblatt and Ruth Rosenblatt, eds.. Hard Marching Every Day; The Civil War Letters of Private Wilbur Fisk, 1861-1865 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1992), 120-125, 129-132; Scheel, The History of Middleburq, 69; Robert Eden Peyton, Property Claim, 25 July 1863, Peyton Family Papers, Section Nine. See also Mohr, The Cormany Diaries, 350-351; William McVey, Diary, 1 August 1863, William McVey Papers, OHS. 40 Rosenblatt and Rosenblatt, Hard Marching Every Day, 129-132. 41 Robert Hunt Rhodes, ed.. All for the Union: A History of the 2nd Rhode Island Volunteer Infantry (Lincoln, RI: Andrew Mowbray Incorporated, 1985), 128; Dawes, Service with the Sixth Wisconsin Volunteers, 215- 217. 42 Quaife, From the Cannon's Mouth, 240-246.

^^Silliker, The Rebel Yell ^ the Yankee Hurrah, 119; Ambler, Diary, 2 August 1863, 28 July 1863, Ambler Diary; Furst, Diary, 27 July 1863, Furst Diary. On the conduct of officers, see also Carter, Four Brothers in Blue, 342-343. 44 Rosenblatt and Rosenblatt, Hard Marching Every Day, 155-157; Silliker, The Rebel Yell £ the Yankee Hurrah, 117. 45 Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Welbourne, 112; Ambler, Diary, 9 August 1863, 2 August 1863, Ambler Diary; Ellzey, "The Cause We Lost and the Land We Love," 51. See also Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 61- 62. 46 Grenier, Coryell, and Smither, A Surgeon's Civil War, 128-130; Sparks, Inside Lincoln's Army, 276- 277. 47 Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Welbourne, 100.

^^George Rector, et al., to John Singleton Mosby, 9 April 1864, Janney Family Letters, Musick Collection. 49 Wert, Mosby's Rangers, 260; Williamson, Mosby's Rangers, 301; OR, ser. I, vol. 43, pt. 1, 40-57. See also Sheridan, Personal Memoirs of P.H. Sheridan, 99-101. On Sheridan in the Shenandoah Valley, see

353 stackpole, Sheridan in the Shenandoah. In September, Loudoun resident Sallie Powell wrote that Loudoun Countians had "been truly fortunate so far when compared with other counties. We have lost a great deal since the war but nothing in comparison with others." This changed beginning November 28. See Sallie Powell, Leavenworth, to Mary Eliza (McCormick) McDonald, Frankford, 8 September 1864, McDonald Letters.

^^Williamson, Mosby's Rangers, 317-319. See also Divine, Hall, Andrews, and Osburn, Loudoun County and the Civil War, 54-56; O'Connor, Sheridan, 235-237; OR, ser. I, vol. 43, pt. 2, 671-672, 685, 687-690, 701- 703, 712, 719-721; U.S. Congress, House, The Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War, Supplemental Report of the Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War, vol. 2 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1866), 47.

^^Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 83; Wert, Mosby's Rangers, 261-263; Broun, Diary, 29 November 1864, Broun Diary; Chappelear, Diary, 28 November 1864, Chappelear Papers. See also Scheel, The History of Middleburg, 70; Lancaster and Lancaster, The Civil War Diary of Anne S . Frobel, 246; Herbert, Life on a Virginia Farm, 84-85; Divine, Hall, Andrews, and Osburn, Loudoun County and the Civil War, 70; Louise Anderson Patten, War Claim, n.d. (1900?), Patten Papers, Section 3; Nisewarner, Diary, 1 December 1864, 30 November 1864, Nisewarner Diary. 52 Janney, Memoirs of Samuel M. Janney, 229-232; U.S. Congress, House, Committee on War Claims, Certain Loyal Citizens of Loudoun County, VA, 53rd Cong., 2nd sess., 1 May 1894, H.R. 2451.

^^Wert, Mosby's Rangers, 262; Hall, Besley, and Wood, History of the Sixth New York Cavalry, 243, 392-

54 Caroline Taylor, "Our Distressed Home," to Hannah Stabler, 3 December 1864, Civil War Letters Vertical File, TBL.

Janney and Janney, The Composition Book, 3- 4, 30; Hall, Besley, and Wood, History of the Sixth New York Cavalry, 391-392.

354 Wert, Mosby's Rangers, 262; OR, ser. I, vol. 43, pt. 1, 671-673; O^, ser. I, vol. 43, pt. 2, 730; Crawford, Mosby and His Men, 310.

^^Sheridan, Personal Memoirs of P.H. Sheridan, 487- 488. See also Paul Andrew Hutton, Phil Sheridan and His Army (Lincoln; University of Nebraska Press, 1973), 17. 5 8 See Chapter 1, note 12. 59 Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 63; O R , ser. I, vol. 29, pt. 2, 24.

^^John Singleton Mosby, San Francisco, to Bob Walker, 12 December 1899, John Singleton Mosby Vertical File; John Landstreet, to his wife, 23 February 1864, Landstreet Letters. Richard Henry Dulany concurred with Landstreet. See Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Welbourne, 214. Dulany's father, John Peyton Dulany, concluded, "It is strange that when the Yankee army comes in, ours are always on a raid somewhere else." See Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Welbourne, 231.

^^Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Welbourne, 90- 91, 93-94; Broun, Diary, 4 March 1863, Broun Diary. See also Turner, Diary, 1 May 1863, Turner Family Papers. Perhaps Confederate beliefs that they would be victorious prompted Unionist citizens to report that Stonewall Jackson was at Aldie on March 30. Although Jackson was south of the Rappahannock River, Union General Julius Stahel believed he was west of Leesburg. See OR, ser. I, vol. 25, pt. 2, 169-170. 6 2 Chappelear, Diary, 17 May 1863, Chappelear Papers.

^^Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Welbourne, 148, 151- 152, 159-160; McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 734- 735; George Gordon Meade, Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade (New York: n.p., 1913), 201. Confederate soldier James Keith agreed with Dulany, stating that Grant had lost sixty thousand men in the first four months of 1864. Keith believed that the "war must end & that very quickly. The Yankees are whipped everywhere." See James Keith, near Richmond, to Juliet (Chilton) Keith, 19 May 1864, Keith Family Papers, Section 24. 64 McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 738-739.

355 OR, ser. I, vol. 46, pt. 1, 467; OR, ser. I, vol. 46, pt. 2, 1282-1283; Solomon Defibaugh, near Winchester, to Maria L. Defibaugh, 10 December 1864, Solomon Defibaugh Papers, OHS. On Union and Confederate troop movements in Loudoun and Fauquier Counties from November 1864 to April 1865, see Swank, Courier for Lee and Jackson, 67-69; Wert, Mosby's Rangers, 273-286; McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 718-852; Divine, 35th Battalion Virginia Cavalry, 64; Hall, Besley, and Wood, History of the Sixth New York Cavalry, 394-395; Baylor, Bull Run to Bull Run, 311-315; OR, ser. I, vol. 43, pt. 2, 757; OR, ser. I, vol. 46, pt. 1, 461-466, 535-536, 541-542; OR, ser. I, vol. 46, pt. 2, 573, 595, 621-622, 666-667, 853; OR, ser. I, vol. 46, p t . 3, 168-169, 617, 661-662, 675-676, 681, 700-701. For examples of Union soldiers commandeering supplies and destroying property throughout 1864 and early 1865, see Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Welbourne, 242-244, 258, 260-261; Margaretta Barton Colt, Defend the Valley; A Shenandoah Family in the Civil War (New York: Orion Books, 1994), 320; Klitch, Joseph Arthur Jeffries' Fauquier County, 45- 46; Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 89-90; OR ser. I, vol. 43, pt. 1, 35, 776-777, 942-943; OR, ser. I, vol. 43, pt. 2, 198, 581, 593, 618-619, 744-745; John E. Fletcher, List of Seized Property, 11 January 1865, 2 November 1864, Fletcher Papers, VHS; Broun, Diary, 27 December 1864, Broun Diary. On the difficulties Loudoun and Fauquier Countians faced in getting supplies from "Yankeeland," see Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Welbourne, 232, 239, 263; Klitch, Joseph Arthur Jeffries' Fauguier County, 37-38, 40-42; Janney, Memoirs of Samuel M. Janney, 232-234; OR, ser. I, vol. 43, pt. 2, 74-76, 764, 771; OR, ser. I, vol. 46, pt. 2, 911; OR, ser. I, vol. 51, pt. 2, 936; Brigadier General Stevenson, to John E. Fletcher, 20 February 1865, Fletcher Papers, VHS; Joseph Trapnell, Loudoun County, to Frederica Holmes Trapnell, 10 February 1865, Frederica Holmes Trapnell Papers, Section 22, VHS; John W. McKim, to G.P. Sprague, 2 January 1865, Fletcher Papers, VHS; Major General Augur, to John E. Fletcher, 13 June 1864, Fletcher Papers, VHS; W.H. Krantz, Berlin, MD, to John E. Fletcher, 2 June 1864, Fletcher Papers, VHS. Mosby also provided citizens with supplies, see, Chappelear, Diary, 19 January 1865, 13 August 1864, 7 July 1864, Chappelear Papers.

^^Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Welbourne, 259, 276; Alice Fitzhugh (Dixon) Payne, Diary, 18 April 1865, 15 2^pril 1865, 10 April 1865, 9 April 1865, 2 April 1865, Payne Family Papers, Section 2; Charles Fenton Mercer, at Trenches, to Emma, 7 February 1865, Mercer Letters.

356 Not all soldiers remained committed as these. After barely escaping death in early 1865, one ranger told his aunt that he would "never answer another call from Mosby." See Janney and Janney, The Composition Book, 27.

^^Chappelear, Diary, 21 April 1865, 20 April 1865, 18 April 1865, 9 April 1865, 7 April 1865, Chappelear Papers. Mosby's command never officially surrendered. He "disbanded" his unit in "preference to surrendering it to our enemies." See OR, ser. I, vol. 46, pt. 3, 1396. On the surrender negotiations between Mosby and Union authorities, see OR, ser. I, vol. 46, pt. 1, 524- 527; OR, ser. I, vol. 46, pt. 3, 685, 699, 714-715, 725, 774, 799-805, 830-831, 839, 868-870, 897, 1003, 1080- 1083, 1173. Elijah Viers White of the Thirty-Fifth Virginia Cavalry gave a similar speech to his men, telling them to "pursue what course your judgement dictates as right and honorable under existing circumstances." See Divine, 35th Battalion Virginia Cavalry, 12. 6 8 Janney and Janney, The Composition Book, 27- 28. See also Janney, Memoirs of Samuel M. Janney, 235.

^^Susan Shacklett, to Mrs. Ashby, n.d., Ashby Family Papers, Section 1. Whether Shacklett meant slavery or the Confederacy is not clear.

357 CHAPTER 9

"TO GOD KNOWS WHERE":

RECONSTRUCTION, APRIL 1865-1880

Franklin Myers returned home ashamed that the

Confederate military had failed to obtain Southern

independence. The Loudoun Countian took solace in having performed his duty, but this weary cavalryman thought death preferable to a life subjugated under the

Yankees. Myers received his commission as a major in the Thirty-Fifth Virginia Cavalry Battalion the day after Lee surrendered. He returned the promotion, sorry he had linked his fate to that of the Confederacy. Not knowing how the Union victors would treat the defeated

Southerners enhanced his fears; he felt certain that he had never been in "so much trouble." On April 12, he reached Charlottesville, which he had visited following the Battle of Brandy Station in June 1863. He lamented,

"Then we were going to Pennsylvania, now we are going to

God knows where.

Reconstruction provoked fewer concerns among

Loudoun Unionists. With Old Glory flying above

358 Waterford, Quaker Rebecca Williams and several hundred of her neighbors gathered, on May 7, to celebrate the war's conclusion and the nation's reunification. The sight of paroled Confederates mingling with Federal soldiers reminded her of "the Lion and the Lamb lying down together." She prayed that the amity of these former combatants would endure. Stores opened and exiled men, living in Maryland, came back home. She concluded that life had returned to the "good old times 2 before the war."

Williams's suggestion that pre-war normalcy overspread the counties greatly exaggerated the truth.

The war had ended, but the previous four years had altered the residents' lives. Soldiers returned home to a devastated land. Most fields remained untilled.

Charred outbuildings stood in ruins, and chimneys, devoid of houses, looked "like grim old sentries on guard until the last." Mills, which Union and

Confederate troops had not burnt, lay idle. Once known for their excellent horse flesh, citizens relied on broken-down horses neither army wanted. Relationships between the sexes also felt the strain, as women, who assumed numerous traditionally masculine roles during the war, fought to retain their newly acquired power, while the men expected the females to return to the

359 pre-war status quo. Many former soldiers had difficulty

adjusting to civilian life after four years of warfare.

Fear and uncertainty proved the only constants.^

Reconstructing Their Economic Lives

With few horses and oxen strong enough to till the

fields, the immediate challenge of a new planting season

consumed most residents' waking hours. Stripped of

their bondsmen, former slaveowners found the task even

more troublesome, while most yeomen farmers performed

the work themselves. Mr. Hirst, who kept his seed from

the Union troops by hiding it under his staircase,

numbered among the lucky ones. Using his old horse and

a neighbor's aged ox. Hirst planted his wheat crop with 4 relative ease.

A comparison of the censuses for 1860 and 1870

illustrates the war's dramatic toll on livestock.

Loudoun Countians owned 7,503 horses before the war and

5,572 after; their one hundred mules dwindled to eighty, while the number of oxen actually rose by 150; swine

totals plummeted by ten thousand. In all likelihood,

the number and quality of Loudoun's farm animals in 1865

stood well below the accounting for 1870. Similar

declines occurred in Fauquier County, which had fourteen

360 percent fewer horses and a nearly fifty percent decline in sheep, pigs, and cattle. Down three percent, only dairy cows approached pre-war levels.^

Adding to the farmers' plight. Northern soldiers ordered citizens to return all government horses and mules in their possession. Although the animals had a distinct "U.S." brand. Union troops seized other animals, including John Fletcher's roan horse, valued at

$160. The editor of Warrenton's True Index urged

Federal officials to rescind the directive. With the horses, the civilians could raise a crop, while providing the animals with "paternal care." The Union military, the paper insisted, had an abundance of horseflesh.^

To alleviate the cattle shortage, Robert Beverley hired former Mosby Ranger Rufus Tyler and a dozen other men to ride to Texas for longhorn cattle. To make their purchase, he gave them a nail keg filled with ten thousand dollars in gold, the only currency the Texans would accept. Beverley's scheme brought additional hardship upon residents, as the acquired cattle bore

Texas tick fever. Most of the animals died but not before infecting many of the cows that had survived the war in the two counties. Beverley, one of Fauquier's wealthiest citizens, lost his entire investment. In

361 August 1870, six hundred more diseased animals died at

The Plains. Texas tick fever hindered the American

cattle industry until the late nineteenth century. As

early as 1870, Dr. Robert Peyton of The Plains discovered a way to stem the outbreak, but herders did not try his solution nationally until 1906. Peyton advocated banning the grazing of cattle for at least one year in fields where diseased animals had fed. Having starved the ticks to death, farmers could again utilize the pastures. For many northern Virginians the solution arrived too late.^

With slavery's demise, farm laborers commanded exorbitant wages. Larger farmers usually employed poor whites and former slaves to care for their fields.

Catherine Barbara Broun devoted every Sunday evening to paying her laborers their wages instead of reading her slaves the Bible, as she had done before the war.

Established in May 1865 to provide white and black refugees with assistance, the Freedmen's Bureau regulated the black field hands' pay. In addition to room and board, a male worker received twelve to fifteen dollars per month; otherwise, he earned twenty to twenty-three dollars. Women' made eight dollars with g board or sixteen dollars without.

362 Although white residents obtained African-American

cooks and field hands with minimal difficulty, most

former slaves, according to the True Index, preferred a

vagrant's life. Even though workers could find

employment, many landowners could not afford the

specified wages. By 1877, pay for males fell to seven dollars per month with room and board. Unwilling to accept so little, most white and black laborers became

sharecroppers or tenant farmers, paying the landowners one-third to one-half of their crop. While African

Americans had cast off slavery's yoke, they commonly worked their former owners' land for a meager 9 subsistence.

Despite the obstacles they endured, most farmers, in 1865, harvested their first crop in several years.

"Although terribly scarred and devastated by the movement of large armies backwards and forwards for four years of unparalleled war," the long fallow period, one

journalist reported, enriched the soil. Between 1860 and 1870 Loudoun's wheat crop increased thirty-six percent, while its farm acreage declined seven percent.

Although Fauquier's wheat output dropped three percent, the corn harvest swelled fifteen percent, with oat production unchanged. An eight percent hike in

Fauquier's cultivated land accounted partly for its

363 enhanced productivity, but the lengthy rest the soil enjoyed during the war principally contributed to the 10 increase.

Along with the expanded yields, farmers benefited from markedly higher crop prices. A bushel of wheat that sold for $1.40 in 1850 brought $2.15 in 1865, while a bushel of corn increased thirteen cents. Livestock also commanded substantially higher prices, with one hundred pounds of beef jumping from $4.50 to $8.25, and an equal quantity of pork climbing from seven to fifteen dollars. By 1872, prices dropped to pre-war levels, with the exception of beef, which hovered between six and seven dollars, due primarily to the

Texas-tick-fever-induced shortage.

Just as commodity prices skyrocketed, post-war land values burgeoned, precluding anyone but the wealthy from acquiring property. Fauquier County, where land brought

$16.50 per acre on average, outstretched its two southern neighbors, Culpeper and Stafford Counties, by

$3.50 and $7.50 respectively. With land selling as much as three times the assessed value, real estate became the major determinator of wealth in the counties.

Well into the 1870s, inflated land costs prevailed, ranging from thirty dollars per acre for the finest soil to five dollars for the rockiest. Through various

364 skillful real estate transactions, Richard Henry Dulany maintained his status among Loudoun's elite. Bankrupt

by 1866, Middleburg resident Asa Rogers sold all of his

land and moved to Richmond, where the legislature

appointed him the second auditor of Virginia. Although he forfeited his sizable landholdings, Rogers maintained

his social position through his government 12 appointment.

Former slaves, desirous of remaining in Loudoun and

Fauquier Counties, suffered the most from inflated land prices. Occasionally former slaveowners granted real estate to their bondsmen, but most did not. John Fox, who died in 1858, bequeathed 335 acres to his 193 slaves. A protracted legal battle delayed the actual transfer until after the war. Numerous black communities sprung up on the poorest acreage in the counties. Names, such as Good Hope and Pilgrim's Rest, symbolized the African Americans' optimism, but more often the black residents named the towns for their former owners or the people who sold them the land, including Morgantown, Ashville, Raytown, Rosstown,

Hurleytown, and Shepherdstown. Whites assigned their own names to these black communities, thus Cherry Hill also became known as Little Africa.

365 Adding to the residents' difficulties, in the fall of 1865, Federal tax collectors demanded twenty-seven cents for every one hundred acres a person owned in

1860. William H. Gaines, Fauquier County's court justice, petitioned President Andrew Johnson to relieve citizens of the assessment. Gaines insisted that the war had impoverished his constituents. With few horses and oxen to till the soil, the current harvest proved insufficient to cover the tax. Additionally, animals kept for slaugnter had nearly vanished during the war.

Gaines believed that the levy equalled more cash than

Fauquier's entire population had on hand. Johnson did 14 not respond, leaving the residents to pay the tax.

Numerous mercantiles opened in the counties in

April and May, offering citizens manufactured goods unavailable during the previous four years. Leesburg women flooded the store of Elijah Viers White, former commander of Loudoun's Thirty-Fifth Virginia Cavalry.

"LADIES' DRESS AND MOURNING GOODS" made from any material the widows might want, including "Grenadines,

Organdies, Lawns, Mohairs, Challies, Bareges,

Mousilines, Alpacas, Australian Crape, Silks," and more, attracted the throng. White also carried wedding dresses for the profusion of summer brides. In Loudoun

County alone, thirty-nine more couples wed in the eight

366 post-war months of 1865 than in the previous three years combined. In September 186 5, Quaker Samuel A. Cover, a

Waterford proprietor, sued White for three thousand dollars, because his Confederate unit had ransacked

Cover's merchandise during the war, seizing fifty-five pounds of candy and thirty hats. Convinced that he would not prevail against the Southern war hero and current Loudoun sheriff. Cover withdrew his suit in July

1866.1^

While general stores prospered following the war, so too did agricultural-based enterprises. Citizens rebuilt the mills Union and Confederate troops had destroyed. At least thirty-three mills operated in

Loudoun County in 1877, while another fifteen served

Fauquier County. Other businessmen produced farm machinery, designed to replace slave labor. In 1877, all ten manufacturers of agricultural implements and fertilizer resided in Loudoun County— eighty percent of them in the Quaker district. Despite emancipation, many farmers still relied on physical labor, but just as they had done throughout the antebellum period, Loudoun's

Cerman and Quaker populations continually sought new ways to improve farm production.

Local merchants and artisans, like the Texans who insisted on gold for their cattle, required payment in

367 official United States tender. With its creditors demanding greenbacks for supplies, Leesburg's only newspaper. The Democratic Mirror, appealed to its subscribers to "do onto" them as they had "to do onto others." Butcher John Grimes advertised that an abundance of meat and a shortage of capital forced him to accept cash only. In 1861, Leesburg issued thirty thousand dollars in paper notes. Symbolic of Loudoun's fox hunting tradition, a hunting dog's picture adorned the center of the bills. One post-war customer tendered this "dog money," prompting the merchant to respond, "Oh no, that dog's deadI

The return home of maimed veterans and a post-war baby boom kept northern Virginia's doctors occupied.

Fauquier County clerks did not record a single delivery from 1861 through 1864, but thirty-three births took place during the first four months of 1865. Deliveries undoubtedly occurred during the previous four years, but parents did not record them due to the tumult surrounding them. Why they did not register wartime births after the hostilities remains unknown. While doctors tended numerous ailing soldiers, they could not help some. Charles T. Chamblin, who received a head wound at the Battle of Seven Pines on June 1, 1862, expected to carry the bullet for the remainder of his

368 days. Fearing for their patient's life, the doctors refused to extract it, but four years after sustaining his wound, Chamblin coughed the minie ball out, experiencing only a sore throat and temporary ^ . 18 dizziness.

With the courts suspended during the war and damage claims outstanding against the United States government, lawyers also enjoyed a full schedule. From early 1862 until July 10, 1865, the Loudoun County judiciary did not meet. The Fauquier County Court assembled fifteen times between February 1862 and March 1865, but the justices usually postponed the few cases that came before them "until after a ratification of a treaty of peace between the United States and Confederate States of America." Lawyers filed numerous property claims against the Federal government for items Union soldiers had commandeered. Leesburg attorneys William B. Downey and John M. Orr encouraged citizens to talk with them regarding these claims. Even former partisan leader

John S. Mosby, smitten with the local countryside, 19 opened a law office in Warrenton in 1865.

Administrators found the disposition of estates particulary slow--especially those of affluent citizens like John Quincy Marr, the first Fauquier Countian and

Southern officer to die in the war. His property

369 remained in limbo for at least a dozen years after his death on June 1, 1861. Walker Peyton Conway, administrator for another estate, made little headway in concluding his duties because of the "much deranged" condition of Fauquier's legal system during the war.

Although beneficiaries sued him in late 1866 to settle the estate quickly, Conway refused to continue, as

Virginia's post-war stay law prevented him from collecting debts owed to the estate and the depreciation of Virginia's stocks made their redemption improper.

Secessionists and Unionists

Although most citizens swiftly reconstructed their economic lives, it took them much longer to establish political stability. The Unionists quickly perceived an opportunity to displace the slaveholding regime that dominated county government throughout the antebellum period. On April 30, 1865, Rebecca Williams noted that three hundred of "the Loyal Men of Loudoun" gathered in the Fairfax Monthly Meeting House to form a system of civil law for the community. Samuel Janney avowed that

"the prospect of deliverance from rebel oppression and anticipated restoration of National authority" delighted the Unionists. For Janney and his loyal neighbors, the

370 fight to exclude the secessionists proved difficult and 21 unsuccessful.

On June 14, 1865, Benjamin F. Sheetz published the first edition of The Democratic Mirror since 1861. In his editorial, he encouraged Loudoun Countians, as law-abiding citizens, to accept the war's outcome.

Lycurgus W. Caldwell, editor of Fauquier's True Index, likewise, argued that residents should embrace

"universal freedom and a restored Union" as fact and their "inevitable destiny." Scheetz encouraged his readers to place their trust in President Andrew

Johnson's wisdom, maintaining faith that, as a

Southerner, he would avert the "wild schemes" of Radical

Republicans from destroying the "spirit of union, harmony and good feeling which so conspicuously set in throughout the 'late Confederacy.'" Sheetz and his fellow Confederates had grounds to believe Johnson would restore Virginia's statehood quickly. Lincoln's reconstruction policy only necessitated ten percent of the eligible voters in 1860 to proclaim their allegiance to the United States for a state to rejoin the Union.

Most local secessionists considered this plan benevolent and extraordinarily lenient. They had no reason to expect Lincoln's successor and a fellow Southerner would 22 implement a harsher policy.

371 The first post-war election, held on June 1, bolstered former secessionists' confidence in Johnson and the future. All adult male Unionists and any former

Confederates who had taken the oath of allegiance could vote. To the Unionists' dismay, Loudoun residents elected many former secessionists to county offices, among them William H. Gray, who Union authorities had incarcerated for several months in 1864 for disloyalty.

Gray's success aside. Unionists won most of the county's justiceships. Benjamin Sheetz welcomed the establishment of civil law and hoped that a "pugilistic exhibition," such as occurred the day before the first post-war court session, between a "party of freedmen of both sexes," would never again disturb the town's 23 peace.

The Confederates' optimism quickly evaporated. In

June 1865, Federal provost marshals threatened to jail anyone wearing Confederate buttons or insignia. Many former troopers, like Franklin Myers, took pride in their military service and continued to wear their uniforms. Afraid Fédérais would break into his home and steal his guns and buttons, Myers refused to leave his house unprotected to attend church, although his self-imposed confinement made him feel like a slave. In

August, all former Confederate soldiers had to appear

372 before the nearest provost marshal, who forbade them to leave their home county without permission. These Union constraints so exasperated Myers that he readied himself 24 for another war.

On the first anniversary of Lee's surrender at

Appomattox, dressed in his Confederate uniform, John

Singleton Mosby blatantly infuriated Northern officials in Leesburg. As Union soldiers approached him, the ranger spewed forth a volley of insults, while threatening to "create a force that would massacre every damned Yankee in the town," if they tried to arrest him.

Before Captain John T. Macauley could arrive, Mosby had changed into a civilian suit, thereby escaping incarceration. Two hours later, once again clad in his uniform, Mosby paraded in front of Macauley's office.

To the captain's demand that he remove his uniform buttons, Mosby replied, "You have not got enough men to make me take them off." Undaunted, the captain sent for a guard, but the ex-ranger fled from town "at an extremely rapid rate," with Northern troops firing after him. Mosby and Myers, like many other Confederate soldiers, remained proud of their military service and 25 bristled at having to conceal it.

Although never a large contingent, several hundred

Northern soldiers occupied both counties throughout 1865

373 and 1866. They essentially protected former slaves from

angry whites and maintained law and order. By 186 7, the

troops generally entered the counties only when

residents threatened Freedmen's Bureau workers. For the

most part, the soldiers' presence deterred

troublemakers, but occasionally violence erupted.

During the war. Wash Fletcher led Federal troops through

Upperville, capturing members of Mosby's command,

including Thomas Hunton. During Fauquier County's first

post-war election, Hunton's brother spied Fletcher at

the polls, approached him, and demanded, "Aren't you the grand rascal who led the Yankees" into Upperville?

Fletcher drew his gun and "wantonly assassinated"

Hunton. Although the murderer claimed his victim also had a gun, Fletcher had shot an unarmed man. Weary from the many years of bloodshed, Hunton's father petitioned 2 g for Fletcher's release from jail.

On occasion, the residents and the soldiers physically clashed. Warrentonians and the occupying troops celebrated Christmas together on December 25,

1865. Both sides "freely imbibed," and the scene turned ugly. Several gun-carrying townsmen and the Fédérais entered into a "free fight." Gunfire occurred, wounding two soldiers. Cooler heads quickly prevailed, ending the confrontation. Viewing this incident as a drunken

374 brawl and not a civilian attempt to challenge Union authority. Northern officials removed the soldiers from the town three weeks later. A similar incident occurred in Leesburg in March 1866. While John Head unloaded a wagon of fish, several drunken troopers began commandeering the seafood for their own dinner. Head objected, and the soldiers pummeled him, breaking his nose. Butcher John Grimes tried to intervene, but outnumbered, he retreated to his store. Moments later, he emerged with a meat cleaver and a butcher knife, 27 ready for battle. An officer quelled the disturbance.

Whites and blacks engaged in violence but only rarely. On February 10, 1866, John Martin confronted a black man hunting on his property. A fight ensued, however, both men escaped serious injury. Lieutenant

William McNulty, the Freedmen's Bureau agent for

Warrenton, only arrested Martin, further heightening tensions between white residents and the occupying troops. No evidence has surfaced indicating that the Ku

Klux Klan operated in the two counties following the war. The idea that African Americans would one day vote and attain political office remained unfathomable and.

375 hence, of no concern to most white residents. Although

Unionists controlled local politics in 1865, the former secessionists regained power in 1866, reestablishing the antebellum elite in a leadership role. The black population never threatened the former slaveowners' 28 hegemony.

Although racist, most white locals hesitated to stain their thresholds with more blood by engaging in wanton violence against the black populace. Instead, they embraced the counsel of Benjamin Sheetz, The

Democratic Mirror editor, who maintained that the sword had failed Southerners and now they should repudiate terrorism and utilize statutory and political means to achieve their goals. On July 11, 1879, county authorities executed two African-American males in

Warrenton. The Richmond State declared that the bullets mangled one man's body, leaving the heart dangling from the "reeking carcass by a few fibres of flesh." Perched in the trees to better witness the deaths, boys sang excerpts from H.M.S. Pinafore. The Richmond paper likened the scene to a carnival. J.V. Chilton and

William C. Marshall, editors of Warrenton's The Solid

South, attacked the State's depiction of the events.

"None of the sensational features usual at negro executions" took place, they insisted. Officials

376 executed these men according to the law and in a manner that conformed totheir "sense of public decency."

Fauquier officials, Warrenton's editors maintained, conducted the "painful spectacle" in a quiet fashion, as 29 morality and law demanded.

Although citizens generally refrained from the white-against-black violence witnessed in other parts of the South, the counties' African Americans certainly did not receive equal treatment under the law. While blacks accounted for twenty-five percent of Loudoun's population in 1875,they made up eighty-one percent of the county jail's inmates. William Carter, a twenty-one-year-old black man, began a twelve-year sentence for horse stealing in 1871, while five years earlier, Landon T. Lovett, a white man, received a fourteen-year term for the same offense but only an additional year for shooting a freedman. In 1876, the court sentenced a black man to eighteen years in prison for the attempted rape of a white woman, while a judge issued a one-year term for assault with the intent to kill to a Caucasian man. A double standard, based on a person's skin color, definitely existed.

Although citizens rarely practiced violence against

African Americans, whites commonly intimidated blacks and any whites that befriended them. Having reopened

377 his Blooming Dale Woolen Factory after the war, John R.

Holland rented a spare room in the mill to a black man.

A female neighbor threatened to burn the mill if Holland

did not evict his tenant, thereby driving the mill owner

to Brigadier General Oliver Howard, Virginia's

Freedmen's Bureau commissioner, begging for protection.

Holland reported that his Upperville neighbors had

torched the homes of several whites who rented to

blacks. The former Confederates accepted live-in black servants, Holland maintained, but people could not rent houses to African Americans. Howard denied Holland's petition, but his neighbors left his property alone.

Inspiring a great deal of trepidation among

landowners. The Democratic Mirror reported, on August

31, 1865, that the Freedmen's Bureau intended to seize eighty-one land parcels, amounting to more than fifteen thousand acres. Bureau officials claimed that the owners had abandoned the property and that the government intended to disburse it to "loyal refugees and freedmen." Both large and small property holders faced seizure, as parcels ranged from one to over one thousand acres. Although the Bureau maintained that all of the people involved had quit their land, none actually had, and many currently lived on the property 32 to be confiscated.

378 Benjamin Scheetz responded to the order with an angry and melodramatic editorial. The Freedmen's

Bureau, he declared, intended to trample Virginia in the dust. Bureau officials, apparently, had no qualms about seeing thousands of Virginia's "helpless women and

innocent children turned homeless and penniless upon the world for the benefit of 'loyal refugees' and

'freedom.'" Sheetz asked Union soldiers if they had risked their health and lives on the war's battlefields to subjugate the Confederacy and its residents in such a manner. Editors of Fauquier County's Virginia Sentinel, likewise, castigated the Bureau's plan, querying whether forty acres of land would sufficiently guarantee the freedmen's "ascendancy in the Southern State

Government." Perhaps the Freedmen's Bureau should give the former slaves money to go with the food, clothing, and houses. "Where are these exactions, made in the name of freedom, to end?" the Sentinel questioned. The threatened land seizure never occurred, as President 33 Johnson halted the plan in September 1865.

In one of its most successful endeavors, the

Freedmen's Bureau instituted an extensive system of schools for blacks, including at least nine in Loudoun and six in Fauquier. Less than one month after Lee's surrender, Catherine Broun noted in her diary: "See the

379 colored people going about with their school books Yanks teaching them." At least sixty black children attended the Freedmen's Bureau school at Middleburg, while

Warrenton's boasted fifty-five pupils during the day and over one hundred at night. In July 1867, Lieutenant

W.S. Chase, Warrenton's Bureau agent, reported

Fauquier's black population eagerly sought an education.

Wishing to assist in this process, John A. Carter, one of Loudoun County's two representatives to the Virginia secession convention, donated land for a schoolhouse 34 intended for the exclusive use of African Americans.

Although Carter, who before the war proudly declared his ties to "an old Virginia family who had always been distinguished for their devotion to land and niggers," obviously experienced a change of heart, most white residents adamantly opposed educating the black populace. Lyttleton A. Jackson, the teacher at Clift

Mills, reported that the whites barely tolerated the schools. In March 1867, Brigadier General Orlando

Brown, Virginia's Assistant Freedmen's Bureau

Commissioner, asked Lieutenant Chase for the names of individuals who could assume responsibility for the schools. Eleven people made the list, including woolen manufacturer John Holland and six African Americans.

None of the whites resided in Chase's district, because

380 he found Warrenton's citizens "bitterly opposed to anything that looks like reconstruction or true loyalty.

Local whites helped formulate Chase's conclusion the previous year, when at least seven men from the town put a letter from "Negroeville Va" under the door of

Fannie Wood's schoolhouse. The note called Wood a

"disgrace to decent society" and warned that harm would befall her if she did not leave town within two weeks.

White residents serenaded the teacher and her pupils with "songs and expressions not intended for ears polite." Hoping to prevent the return of Union soldiers, Warrenton's mayor condemned these activities and offered Wood a guard. Thanking the mayor, the teacher astutely indicated, "My mission is of a character which may be somewhat at variance with your views." Troops sojourned in Warrenton for two weeks.

While most white citizens disliked the Freedmen's Bureau school, they abhorred occupation.

The troops' presence and the Freedmen's Bureau's actions convinced former secessionists of the necessity to regain control of local and state politics.

381 Virginia's readmittance to the Union advanced fairly quickly and easily, with the state avoiding the physical violence, the influx of carpetbaggers, and the political tensions that distinguished the other Confederate states. Francis Pierpont, governor from 1865 to 1868 and a native Virginian, insisted that the war had punished the Old Dominion enough and sought to restore the state to the Union as quickly as possible. Northern authorities disliked Pierpont's conservatism and replaced him with New Yorker Henry Wells, who vehemently supported the United States Congress's push for black equality and suffrage, a platform most white Virginians, including many Republicans, considered objectionable.

The Republican Party split over African-American rights, allowing the Conservative Party, which opposed

Congressional Reconstruction, to gain control of

Virginia's legislature in 1869.^^

A Republican and a carpetbagger from New York,

Virginia's next governor, Gilbert C. Walker, redeemed the state from the Union military and the Republican

Party. Although Wells had garnered support from the

Radical Republicans, Walker attained favor among the conservative wing and among Virginia's Conservative and

Democratic Parties. On July 6, 1869, Virginians elected him to office and ratified the Underwood Constitution,

382 which permitted all former secessionists to vote and most high-ranking Confederate leaders to hold political office. In late 1869, Virginians ratified the

Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, guaranteeing black

Americans civil rights and suffrage, a precondition for a state to reenter the Union. Although Walker officially pledged to defend African-American suffrage, he did nothing to stop Virginia Conservatives from gerrymandering districts to guarantee white dominance.

In 1869 when Walker assumed office, twenty-seven blacks served in the legislature; two years later, their numbers had declined to seventeen. Carpetbagger Walker and Virginia's Conservative Party had redeemed the state.38

Tne first step in Loudoun and Fauquier Counties' march to redemption occurred on October 12, 1865.

Fauquier residents overwhelmingly elected the

Conservative nominee to the House of Representatives, while Loudoun Conservatives, in an uphill struggle, also prevailed. Both counties approved the drafting of a new state constitution to replace the one the Unionists had endorsed in 1864. The former constitution disenfranchised anyone who held a Confederate political office above the county level. Loudoun and Fauquier

Confederates had sought and attained their return to

383 power. Most of Virginia's other counties followed suit, purging the state legislature of Republicans and 39 electing a Conservative majority to their seats.

Certain that the election would determine

Virginia's future, in a get-out-the-vote editorial,

Benjamin Sheetz urged Loudoun Countians to cast their ballots, yet the total number of voters declined substantially in Loudoun, as well as in Fauquier, compared to the election of 1860. In Loudoun County alone, participation dropped by more than fifty percent.

Several historians credit this decline to apathy.

Sheetz attributed the low turnout to the Congress having

"fore-ordained" the nominees. Many citizens favored the state government's redemption from the Republicans but determined that, if they could not vote for anyone who served the Confederacy, balloting satisfied no 40 purpose.

While apathy undoubtedly attributed to the low turnout, the unwillingness of many to forsake the

Confederacy by swearing their loyalty to the United

States kept others from the polls. Franklin Myers believed it his duty to vote for the candidates that would defend the rights of Southerners, but he could not bring himself to take the oath of allegiance. On election day, Myers prayed that God would allow the

384 "radicals of the north and elsewhere and the conservatives everywhere" to settle their differences with the sword. Instead of voting, he made a gate latch and fixed his plow. Myers refused to swear his allegiance until June 26, 1867, and although he hated doing it, he had concluded that, to "fight the devils," he must vote. He went before Justice of the Peace John

Dutton, a Quaker, for whom, five years earlier, Myers had secured a prison release from Confederate authorities. Now he described his neighbor as "the grand high priest of the devil in Loudoun." The oath tasted "awful bitter," and although he thought he would choke, he successfully repeated the pledge. The

Confederate also resisted the temptation to strangle 41 Dutton.

Barred from holding state offices. Confederate military and government officials still could hold local positions. Excluding the Unionist and black populations, most voters cast their ballots for former

Confederates. In 1866, Loudoun Countians elected Elijah

Viers White, commander of Virginia's Thirty-Fifth

Cavalry Battalion, sheriff. Ed Bennett, also of Loudoun

County, served as a tax collector. Wounded in his eye, whenever Bennett campaigned, tears streamed down his face, winning him many sympathy votes. A candidate in

385 1866 for Fauquier County sheriff, James Marshall pointedly referred to his service as a lieutenant in the

Army of Northern Virginia. Although he humbly professed a desire to enjoy the duties of civilian life, if residents called him into the public sphere once again, he gladly would accept. Who better to represent the citizens, he claimed, than a man who had proven his devotion to his neighbors in the "disastrous struggle" 42 that was the Civil War.

Overjoyed with the local Conservative victory, whites faced uncertainty again in early 1866, when the

Radical-Republican-dominated Congress, opposed to Andrew

Johnson's comparatively lenient reconstruction policy, implemented its own plan. Johnson had announced

Reconstruction's end in December 1865. Unhappy with the political violence that characterized many regions of the South, the return of Confederates to public office, and Southerners' denial of black equality and suffrage, 43 Congress legislated several corrective measures.

The Radical Republicans immediately sought to protect the rights of AfricanAmericans. On March 16,

1866, Congress passed the Civil Rights Bill and later that year drafted the Fourteenth Amendment, both of which afforded black citizens equal protection under the law. Once again championing white Virginians, Benjamin

386 Sheetz rebuked Congress for going too far. Former secessionists had done everything the Federal government had asked of them, including repudiating the state's war debt; taking the oath of allegiance; adopting the

Thirteenth Amendment abolishing slavery; and modifying state laws to allow blacks to sue and testify in court, marry, and own property, but whites, the editor proclaimed, would never declare African Americans equal to them. Citizens uttered their disbelief that Congress would empower blacks at the expense of the white 44 population.

Virginians rejoiced when Johnson vetoed the Civil

Rights Bill and a second act prolonging the Freedmen's

Bureau, commending the president for thwarting the

"vilest despotism" that "mongrel imbecility" ever had governed. Congress pushed on, overriding Johnson's veto of the Civil Rights Bill and passing another measure extending the Freedmen's Bureau. In July 1866, Congress also submitted the Fourteenth Amendment for ratification. Local Conservatives prayed the states would band together and reject the "bastard 45 amendment."

Having instituted legal rights for African

Americans, Congress recognized the need to protect

Southern blacks so that they might enjoy the legal

387 guarantees afforded them. Toward this aim. Congress passed, in March 1866, the Reconstruction Act, which

implemented martial law throughout the South. The measure placed Virginia in the First Military District

under the command of General John Schofield, who replaced Governor Francis Pierpont with Radical

Republican Henry Wells. Sheetz pronounced the

Reconstruction Act a "tub of garbage" but encouraged 46 Loudoun Countians to endure it.

While the Conservatives opposed the Reconstruction

Act, the counties' Republicans welcomed martial law. In testimony before the Congressional Reconstruction

Committee on February 1, 1866, Lovettsville resident

J.J. Henshaw claimed secessionists remained as "hostile to the Government of the United States and to the loyal people. . .as they ever were." If Congress removed

Federal troops from the state, former slaveowners, the

Unionist predicted, would not hesitate to reduce the freedmen to slaves. Based on Henshaw's testimony and that of other Unionists, Congress implemented martial law.47

In July 1868, Loudoun Republicans petitioned

General Schofield and Governor Wells to remove all county officials opposed to Congressional

Reconstruction. Quaker John B. Dutton, the justice of

388 the peace Franklin Myers labeled the devil's high

priest, initiated the document. The Republicans

primarily targeted Sheriff Elijah Viers White, who they accused of terrorizing Unionists. The sheriff, these men contended, used his office to defeat the

constitution that Governor Wells supported, under which

Confederates would lose their right to vote and serve in office. The Democratic Mirror rose to White's defense, proclaiming the sheriff and his deputies, including

Franklin Myers, men of "faithfulness, efficiency and

impartiality." Colonel S. P. Lee investigated the 48 charges and pronounced them without foundation.

Although the Republican Party carried Loudoun

County for Ulysses S. Grant in the presidential elections of 1868 and 1872, Unionists never seriously threatened to undermine Conservative dominance. On July

6, 1869, residents of both counties overwhelmingly chose

Gibert Walker governor. They ratified Virginia's new constitution, except for the articles that prohibited

Confederates from voting or serving in office. In the presidential election of 1876, Democrat Samuel Tilden defeated Republican Rutherford B. Hayes in Loudoun

County by almost one thousand votes, winning all but the districts in the Quaker region. Tilden captured

389 Fauquier County with an even wider majority, beating the 49 Republican candidate in every voting district.

Declaring "The War Is Ended," Sheetz's post-balloting editorial concluded that the election of

1876 had fractured the Republican Party's backbone.

"Home rule and the equality of the States" had triumphed over the "'bloody shirt.'" The South had emerged as a

"component of the Union, not a vassal of the North." To the Conservatives' dismay, Hayes won the election, while losing the popular vote. Robert C. Newby called the

Republican's victory a "gross fraud" and a "disgrace upon the country," but despite Hayes's triumph, the

South prevailed. Reconstruction ended; the troops withdrew; and Virginia's Conservatives governed the state.50

While Unionist and African-American opposition to

Conservative rule surprised no one, John Singleton

Mosby's endorsement of Grant for president in 1868 and

1872 astounded both Southerners and Northerners.

Insisting he never favored "negro party" control of

Virginia, Mosby argued that, if more Virginians had supported Grant and the Republican Party nationally, the

North would have expedited the country's reunification.

Northerners, Mosby insisted, would have opened their arms had Southerners recognized African-American civil

390 rights and acknowledged secession's illegality. Voters, the partisan leader maintained, would have elected a

Confederate soldier president by 1890 and empowered him to grant military pensions to his fellow Southern troops. By adopting a confrontational program, the

Conservatives allowed the North to bully the Southern states.

Having accessed the president's ear, Mosby convinced Grant that patronage would win Southerners to the Republican Party. Mosby secured government offices for numerous local residents. This tradition continued through the administration of Hayes, who appointed Mosby as United States consul to Hong Kong. Southerners accused Mosby of deserting the South, but the once popular ranger, confident his actions helped reunite the 52 nation, proclaimed his undying loyalty to Virginia.

Mosby's politics drained his finances. In 1877, the ranger sold his home in Warrenton and many of his personal belongings, claiming his support for Grant and the Republican Party had cost him more than thirty thousand dollars. Whether his indebtedness resulted from monetary contributions to the Republican Party, a loss of clients owing to his Republican endorsement, or a combination of the two remains unknown. Political dissidence also hammered a wedge between Mosby and the

391 veterans of his command. While some of the former

rangers joined their leader in supporting the

Republicans, most did not. Mosby attended only one of

the command's many reunions; he loathed these meetings

and described them as "political conventions in the

guise of social gatherings." At war's end. Northerners

reportedly hated him more than any other Confederate

soldier, but Mosby's subsequent political views

engendered equally hostile feelings amongst his fellow

Southerners.

Social Divisions

Most citizens gradually rebuilt their economic and

political lives, but their interpersonal relationships

healed more slowly. Neighbors like Franklin Myers and

John Dutton acrimoniously struggled over politics, as did Mosby and his command. Rivalries between Unionists and Confederates still flourished after the war's

cessation. Tensions also erupted within religious organizations. Congregations of all faiths rebuilt the churches troops on both sides had destroyed, but the

Methodists, the largest denomination in Loudoun and

Fauquier Counties, faced persecution at the hands of

Union troops. The Southern Methodist pastors' alliance

392 with slavery and the Confederacy prompted Fédérais to replace them with Northern ministers, as happened in

February 1866, when Union soldiers barred Reverend Waugh from preaching at his Harmony Church in Hamilton and substituted Reverend Ross in his place. Four angry parishioners stole the church's Bible and hymnals, but

Northern troops arrested them and allowed Ross to 54 continue using the building.

While Southern and Northern Methodists fought for control of the pulpits, Loudoun's two Quaker meetings pondered how to deal with brethren who violated their peace testimony, but they failed to institute a formal policy. Nationally, the elders urged leniency; if

Quaker soldiers voluntarily acknowledged the immorality of their service, the meetings refrained from disowning them and from recording their military duty in the minutes. Loudoun Quakers acted with even greater leniency, disciplining only those soldiers who violated 55 another aspect of the Quaker faith.

The Hough brothers' experiences typified those of

Loudoun's Quaker soldiers. Henry enlisted in the

Loudoun Rangers in 1862, and Isaac joined the unit in

1864. In 1866, each brother married outside of the faith, thereby violating Quaker doctrine. Isaac petitioned the Fairfax Meeting in 1866 and had his

393 marriage acknowledged, upon which the meeting returned him to good standing. Henry refused to ask forgiveness for marrying a non-Quaker, causing the elders to disown him for his marriage, intemperance, and joining the 56 army.

While the Civil War resulted in the disownment of some Quakers, the war generally helped to unify the sect. In 1865, local Hicksite and Orthodox Friends put aside the quarrels that had divided them since the 1830s and reunited. Quaker membership, however, declined. In

1860, nearly six thousand Friends resided in Virginia, but by 1870, their numbers had dropped to under five thousand. Several factors contributed to this phenomenon. A few Quakers refused to condemn their military service and underwent disownment, but out-migration claimed almost ninety percent of the

Friends who left Virginia's meetings. Nearly all of these Quakers resettled to the Midwest. Although the

Fairfax Meeting did not disown Isaac Hough for enlisting, he quit the meeting and, in 1879, emigrated to Prairie Grove, Iowa, because he could not provide for his family in Loudoun. The number of Friends declined so significantly in the half century following the war that the Goose Creek and Fairfax Monthly Meetings consolidated.

394 Affecting individuals on a level even more personal than their faith, the war impacted all aspects of a

family's interrelationships. In those homes where the male head died or returned home from the war crippled, wives assumed economic responsibility for the family.

Women toiled in a variety of occupations, not all of which men approved. While males still dominated the teaching profession, Julia, Mary, and Virginia Lomax opened the Warrenton Seminary in 1875. Other women found employment that utilized their homemaking skills, ventures males considered socially acceptable because they embodied traditional female duties. This group included Mary A. Burke, a confectioner; M. Salem, Mary

Evard, and M.E. Waters, milliners; and Catherine Broun, a Middleburg innkeeper. Other women violated traditional gender roles by working in unsuitable trades, including the Misses Haines and Mrs. R.

McClernahan who owned two of Fauquier County's thirteen mills. The reaction of the male community to these women escaped documentation, but the females must have prospered, considering the small number of mills serving 5 8 the agriculturally-based economy.

Upon their return, absentee husbands expected to reassume their positions as heads of their families.

Their wives, they anticipated, would eagerly relinquish

395 the additional duties the war forced upon them and

gladly readopt their antebellum subservient demeanor.

The transition did not prove as smooth as the men

envisioned and generated some interesting exchanges. On

March 1, 1866, Upperville residents debated "'Which

contributes most to the formation of the national

character: Man or Woman?'" Amanda Edmonds appallingly

recorded in her diary that the verdict favored "man of

course." By reiterating man's superiority, the debate's

participants ignored the gigantic role women had played

in the Confederate war effort and angered the numerous

women present who had risked their lives helping and

protecting Mosby's Rangers, caring for sick and wounded

soldiers, producing needed supplies and crops for the 59 regular Confederate army, and spying on Union forces.

They may have lost the debate, but Loudoun and

Fauquier women set about caring for the war's victims,

honoring its dead, and ensuring that future generations

understood what transpired during the four agonizing

years of civil war. In November 1865, all but two

Warrenton females signed a petition beseeching President

Johnson to pardon Jefferson Davis. These same women

raised five hundred dollars for the widow of Stonewall

Jackson, "the only world-renowned chieftain who died in our defence." Troubled that the graves of the six

396 hundred Confederate soldiers buried in the town cemetery remained unmarked after Union troops pulled up the crossesfor firewood the winter of 1862-1863, the women collected money for a stone monument. Leesburg's females erected a similar memorial to their fallen heroes. Reaching beyond Fauquier County, Janet Weaver helped found the Museum of the Confederacy. Women determinedly preserved their own and their menfolk's contributions to the Southern war effort.

Despite the pain and hard work of rebuilding their economic, political, and social lives, citizens allowed time out for fun and relaxation. In 1865, residents enjoyed dances and had a "splendid time at the "Leesburg hop." John Singleton Mosby reported that the summer following the war had been "quite gay," with tournaments

"the order of the day." Hoping to capture some of the grandeur of the antebellum period, investors rebuilt the

Fauquier White Sulphur Springs, which cannon shells had destroyed in 1862. Although it did not rival its predecessor in beauty, the resort, once again, attracted

Washington politicians and Virginians seeking a quiet vacation. While residents had no desire to forget the

Civil War, even if they could, most strove to recapture the pre-war status quo.^^

397 By 1877, most Loudoun and Fauquier Countians had much to savor; they had emerged from the war with nothing and successfully reconstructed their lives.

Although they would mourn forever their dead loved ones, they had overcome the post-war uncertainty. Life and politics in general conformed to the antebellum status quo, but lingering questions remained. If the Unionists had maintained their brief grasp of local government or the Confederates succeeded in attaining their independence, how would their lives have differed? In the final analysis, each resident had to satisfy for himself the right course.

398 NOTES TO CHAPTER 9

^Franklin McIntosh Myers, Diary, 12 April 1865, 11 April 1865, 10 April 1865, 9 April 1865, Franklin McIntosh Myers Diary, TBL. Not all Loudoun and Fauquier soldiers so lamented the demise of the Confederacy. Fauquier Countian Captain Tulloss, a quartermaster in the Army of Northern Virginia, abandoned his wagons at Lynchburg and headed home. Lynchburg residents, "both white and black," plundered the wagons. See Monroe F . Cockrell, ed. , Gunner with Stonewall: Reminiscences of William Thomas Poaque (Jackson, TN: McCowat-Mercer Press, Inc., 1957), 127-128. Catherine Broun reported that some of Mosby's men "said they would rather be shot than take" a parole. See Broun, Diary, 25 May 1865, Broun Diary. On Reconstruction, see Foner, Reconstruction, 1863-1877. 2 Divine, Souders, and Souders, "To Talk Is Treason", 98.

^Ibid.; The Republic, 23 June 1865. On changes that the war caused in Loudoun and Fauquier Counties, see earlier chapters. 4 Divine, Hall, Andrews, and Osburn, Loudoun County and the Civil War, 68-69; U.S. Department of Commerce, Population Statistics for the Census of 1870 ; U.S. Department of Commerce, Population Statistics for the Census of 1860. On economic conditions in Loudoun and Fauquier Counties, see Thomas Taylor, Letters from Warrenton, 1867-1878, Thomas Taylor Papers, WRPL; Mary Long Gordon, Letters, 1874-1877, George Loyall Gordon Papers, SHC. See also Mitchell, The Letters of John S . Mosby, 253-255; Frank Leslie's Illustrated Weekly, March 1901; Agent's Record Book for the Mutual Fire Insurance Company of Loudoun County, Virginia, Marshall Family Papers, Section 61, VHS; The Democratic Mirror, 17 April 1872, 22 August 1866, 9 August 1865, 15 September 1858.

^Ibid.

^Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 89; John E. Fletcher, Property Claim, 6 August 1865, Fletcher Papers, VHS.

399 D 'Anne Evans, Train Whistles and Hunting Horns : The History of The Plains, Virginia (Warrenton: Piedmont Press, 1993), 38. Texas tick fever was also known as Splenetic Fever and Southern cattle fever. g Scheel, The Civil War in Fauguier County, 90; Broun, Diary, 25 December 1865, Broun Diary. 9 Scheel, The Civil War in Fauguier County, 90. On the Freedmen's Bureau, see William S. McFeely, Yankee Stepfather: General 0.0. Howard and the Freedmen (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1994); Foner, Reconstruction ; McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 710, 842, 859. On wages in Loudoun and Fauquier Counties in 1877, see Alfred L.B. Zerega, Diary, Alfred L.B. Zerega Diary, VHS.

^^U.S. Department of Commerce, Population Statistics for the Census of 1870; U.S. Department of Commerce, Population Statistics for the Census of 1860 ; The Republic, 23 June 1865; Robert Dabney Minor, Commonplace Book, Minor Family Papers, VHS.

^^The Democratic Mirror, 28 August 1872, 26 July 1865, 24 November, 1858. 12 Vogtsberger, The Dulanys of Melbourne, 279; Scheel, The Civil War in Fauguier County, 91-92; Scheel, The History of Middleburg, 71; Zerega, Diary, Zerega Diary.

^^Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 91; Scheel, The Guide to Fauquier, 3, 13, 15-16, 18, 23, 36, 47. 14 Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 89.

^^Divine, 35th Battalion Virginia Cavalry, 13; Aurelia M. Jewell, ed., Loudoun County, Virginia Marriage Records to 1881 (Berryville, VA: Virginia BookCompany, 1975), 201-207; Loudoun County Court Minute Books, 30 July 1866; The Democratic Mirror, 19 July 1865.

^ ^Virginia Business Directory and Gazetteer and Richmond City Directory: 1877-1878 (Richmond: Chataigne & Gillis, 1877), 462-468, 516-518. See also Patrick H. Delaplane Papers, WRPL. Delaplane owned the Kinsley Mill in Fauquier County. There were 103 general stores in Loudoun County and 101 in Fauquier County in 1877.

400 Janney and Janney, The Composition Book, 3; The Democratic Mirror, 26 July 1865, 14 June 1865. See Poland, From Frontier to Suburbia, 232. 18 Joan W. Peters, ed. , Abstracts of Fauquier County, Virginia Birth Records ; 1853-1896 (Bowie, MD: Heritage Books, Inc., 1989; The Democratic Mirror, 20 June 1866. See John E. Fletcher, License as Collector of the Third District of Virginia, 16 February 1866, Fletcher Papers, VHS; William N. Bispham, License to Practice Dentistry, 15 December 1865, William N. Bispham Papers, VHS; Thomas Lee Settle, License to Practice Medicine, 1 July 1865 (?), Settle Papers. Fauquier County clerks continued to record births, deaths, and other legal matters throughout the war, but most residents had more pressing matters on their minds. Only three people filed child guardian bonds during the war, while from April 1865 through 1866, citizens filed twenty-six. See John K. Gott, ed., Fauquier County, Virginia Guardian Bonds ; 1791-1871 (Bowie, MD: Heritage Books, Inc., 1990), 106-113. 19 The Virginia Sentinel, 23 December 1865; The Democratic Mirror, 26 July 1865; Fauquier County Court Minute Books. For biographical information on Fauquier County's most prominent lawyers, see Joseph Arthur Jeffries, "Sketch of Warrenton Bar," Joseph Arthur Jeffries Manuscript. On citizens utilizing lawyers for claims against the Federal government, see John S. Fowler, Alexandria, to John E. Fletcher, 20 May 1878, Fletcher Papers, VHS.

^^Silas B. Hunton, Broad Run, to William L. Childs, 4 January 1873, Childs Family Papers, Section 2, VHS; Walker Peyton Conway, Answer, 28 August 1866, Walker Peyton Conway Answer, VHS; The Democratic Mirror, 26 July 1865; Fauquier County Court Minute Books, 25 July 1864. See also Walden vs. Beverley : Argument of Counsel in the Circuit Court of Fauquier (Warrenton, VA: True Index Office, 1868). 21 Divine, Souders, and Souders, "To Talk Is Treason", 98; Janney, Memoirs of Samuel M. Janney, 235. 22 Divine, Hall, Andrews, and Osburn, Loudoun County and the Civil War, 61-64; Janney, Memoirs of Samuel M. Janney, 235; The True Index, 11 November 1865; The Democratic Mirror, 12 July 1865, 14 June 1865.

401 24 The Democratic Mirror, 7 February 1866, 9 August 1865; Myers, Diary, 13 June 1865, 11 June 1865, 9 June 1865. For another example of former Confederates wearing their uniforms and buttons, see Janney and Janney, The Composition Book. 25 John T. Macauley, Leesburg, to E.W.H. Reed, 9 April 1866, Civil War Letters Vertical File. While this encounter may have occurred, it does not sound like Mosby. He did take pride in his military service, but sought to reunite the North and South as quickly as possible. Mosby left no account of this incident. See also, Stuart Charles McConnell, Glorious Contentment ; The Grand Army of the Republic, 1865-1900 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1992); Arthur J. Amchan, Heroes, Martyrs, and Survivors of the Civil War : The Generation that Fought the War and Its Legacy (Alexandria, VA: Amchan Publications, 1991); Mitchell, The Letters of John S . Mosby, 43. 2 6 Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 198- 199. Wash Fletcher was from Prince William County. See also Scheel, The Civil War in Fauguier County, 88- 99; Divine, Hall, Andrews, and Osburn, Loudoun County and the Civil War, 57-74. 27 Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 93; The Democratic Mirror, 14 March 1866. 2 g Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 95. 29 The Solid South, 17 July 1879; The Democratic Mirror, 14 June 186 5. The men's crimes are unknown.

^^The Democratic Mirror, 21 December 1876, 20 July 1876, 10 February 1876, 13 December 1871. For other examples, see Poland, From Frontier to Suburbia, 240- 242.

^^Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 91. 32 The Democratic Mirror, 31 August 1865. See also Scheel, The History of Middleburg, 71; Poland, From Frontier to Suburbia, 229-230; Divine, Hall, Andrews, and Osburn, Loudoun County and the Civil War, 64-66. 33 The Virginia Sentinel, 20 February 1868; The Democratic Mirror, 14 September 1865, 31 August 1865.

402 34 Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 95- 99; Scheel, The History of Middleburg, 72; Broun, Diary, 2 May 1865, Broun Diary.

^^Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 98. Jackson was an African American.

^^Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 94- 95. Miss Wood was from Middleboro, Massachusetts. Many Freedmen's Bureau teachers came from the North, but a sizable number of Loudoun and Fauquier Countians also taught African-American residents. See Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 94. 37 Younger and Moore, The Governors of Virginia, 35- 56. On Virginia, Reconstruction, and Redemption, see Foner, Reconstruction ; W.H.T. Squires, Unleashed at Long Last; Reconstruction in Virginia, April 9, 1865-January 26, 1870 (New York: Negro Universities Press, 1970; reprint, n.p.: Printcraft Press, Inc., 1939); W.H.T. Squires, The Days of Yester-Year in Colony and Commonwealth : A Sketch Book of Virginia (Portsmouth, VA; Printcraft Press, Inc., 1928); Edward McPherson, The Political History of the United States of America During the Period of Reconstruction; From April 15, 1865, to July 15, 1870 (New York; Negro Universities Press, 1969; reprint, n.p.; Solomons & Chapman, 1875). 3 8 Younger and Moore, The Governors of Virginia, 57-

39 Jack P. Maddex, Jr., The Virginia Conservatives (Chapel Hill; The University of North Carolina Press, 1970), 38-39; Hamilton J. Eckenrode, The Political History of Virginia During the Reconstruction (Gloucester, MA; Peter Smith, 1966), 21; The Democratic Mirror, 19 October 1865. Loudoun and Fauquier Countians did not organize the Conservative Party in their counties until 1867, but many residents voted for candidates based on their "conservatism." See The Democratic Mirror, 8 January 1868. 4 0 The Democratic Mirror, 19 October 1865, 5 October 1865. On voter apathy, see Poland, From Frontier to Suburbia, 264.

^^Myers, Diary, 26 June 1867, 6 June 1867, 12 October 1865, Myers Diary. Prior to 1867, Myers believed taking the oath of allegiance would make him a traitor.

403 In May 1865, he voluntarily surrendered, and his commander, Elijah Viers White, labeled him a traitor. Myers replied, "Well its hard to bear indeed." See Myers, Diary, 3 May 1865, 25 April 1865, 24 April 1865, Myers Diary. White ironically took the oath of allegiance on May 29, 1865, two full years before Myers. See Elijah Viers White, Amnesty Oath, 29 May 1865, Elijah Viers White Vertical File, TBL; Elijah Viers White, to Andrew Johnson, 25 May 1865, White Vertical File. 42 Divine, 35th Battalion Virginia Cavalry, 73- 74; Janney and Janney, The Composition Book, 13; The Virginia Sentinel, 12 April 1866. 43 See Foner, Reconstruction. 44 The Democratic Mirror, 21 March 1866, 14 March 1866. 45 Ibid., 20 June 1866, 4 April 1866. Both Loudoun and Fauquier Counties' state legislators voted against the Fourteenth Amendment. See McPherson, The Political History of the United States of America, 194. 46 The Democratic Mirror, 13 June 1867. For another Loudoun Countian's view of Congressional Reconstruction, see The Democratic Mirror, 20 March 1867. 47 The Democratic Mirror, 12 September 1866. 48 Ibid., 22 July 1868. 49 Robert C. Newby, Diary, 5 March 1877, Robert C. Newby Diary, SHC; The Democratic Mirror, 16 November 1876. Grant won the election of 1872 in Loudoun County by thirty-three votes. See The Democratic Mirror, 13 November 1872. Fauquier Countians overwhelmingly supported Horace Greeley. Since Virginia had not reentered the Union by 1868, its residents could not vote in that year's presidential election. See McPherson, The Political History of the United States of America, 374. For an example of the Conservatives' dominance of politics, see The Democratic Mirror, 15 November 1871. On the election of 6 July 1869, see United States Army First Military District, Election Returns for Loudoun County, United States Army First Military District Papers, VHS; The Democratic Mirror, 23 June 1869.

404 ^°Ibid.

^^Mitchell, The Letters of John S. Mosby, 64- 65, 114-115, 128-130. 52 Mitchell, The Letters of John S . Mosby, 48- 50, 64-65, 129-130. See also Mitchell, The Letters of John S . Mosby, 52-53; John E. Fletcher, to John William Mason, 28 June 1892, Fletcher Papers, VHS; John Singleton Mosby, Hong Kong, to A.S. Payne, 30 September 1880, VHS; John Singleton Mosby, at Richmond, to, the Secretary of State, 13 March 1877, Mosby Papers, WRPL; Janet Henderson (Weaver) Randolph, to John Summerfield Lindsay, Warrenton, 20 December 1876, Randolph Family Papers, VHS; Janet Henderson (Weaver) Randolph, to John Singleton Mosby, n.d., Randolph Papers; John Singleton Mosby, to J.B. Work, n.d., Wellford Papers, VHS.

^^Mitchell, The Letters of John S . Mosby, 129- 130; John Singleton Mosby, to H.C. Jordan, 23 August 1909, Mosby Papers, WRPL; John Singleton Mosby, San Francisco, to Aristides Monteiro, 5 June 1890, Aristides Monteiro File, ESBL; Newby, Diary, 25 March 1877, Newby Diary. 54 The Democratic Mirror, 7 February 1866. For other examples of Union soldiers intervening in Methodist services, see Poland, From Frontier to Suburbia, 261. For information on other churches, see Scheel, The Guide to Fauquier, 12, 14, 32, 38-39, 47; William A. Pattie, Warrenton, to J.H. Davis, 21 October 1871, Poulton Family Papers, VHS; Nisewarner, Diary, 29 July 1866, Nisewarner Diary.

^^Wriqht, Conscientious Obiectors in the Civil War, 713-757.

^^Fairfax Monthly Meeting Minutes, 12 September 1866, 16 May 1866.

^^Ibid., 16 April 1879. See Janney and Janney, Ye Meetq Hous Smal. 58 Scheel, The Guide to Fauquier, 10; Virginia Business Directory and Gazetteer, 466-470; 515-521. 59 Chappelear, Diary, 1 March 1866, Chappelear Papers.

405 Scheel, The Civil War in Fauquier County, 94- 95; Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 198; The True Index, 21 November 1865. See also P.A.L Smith, Boyhood Memories of Fauquier (Richmond: The Old Dominion Press, 1926). On Janet Weaver, see Edward D.C. Campbell, Jr., and Kym S. Rice, A Woman' s War: Southern Women, Civil War, and the Confederate Legacy (Charlottesville: The University Press of Virginia, 1996), 142-163. Some Loudoun and Fauquier women also sought the right to vote, including a "dashing young female of the fifteenth amendment persuasion." See The Democratic Mirror, 25 January 1871. Women also assumed more power in the churches, including the Warrenton Baptist Church, which allowed female members to attend all official meetings. See Edna M. Stephenson, A History of the Warrenton Baptist Church: 1848-1988 (Warrenton: Piedmont Press, 1988), 20. See also Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, Righteous Discontent: The Women's Movement in the Black Baptist Church, 1880-1920 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993); Laura F. Edwards, "Sexual Violence, Gender, Reconstruction, and the Extension of Patriarchy in Granville County, North Carolina," The North Carolina Historical Review 68 (July 1991): 237-260.

^^Perceval Reiners, The Springs of Virginia: Life, Love, and Death at the Waters, 1775-1900 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1941), 230- 249; Edward Carter Turner, Washington, D.C., to Nathan Loughborough Turner, 6 September 1874, Turner Family Papers; John Singleton Mosby, Fauquier County, to Aristides Monteiro, 19 September 1865, Monteiro File.

406 CONCLUSION

DREAMS UNFULFILLED

The Civil War brought immense change to Loudoun and

Fauquier Counties. Transpiring on the residents' very

doorsteps, it left families bereft of their property and

loved ones. Grappling socially and politically before

the war, locals played out their discord in front of the

national conflict's backdrop. As the country struggled with reunification, members of every social class, race, gender, and political belief fought to establish their own perfect world. They all failed, to varying degrees,

to create their respective utopias.

The experiences of Edward Carter Turner epitomize those of local slaveowners. Like most of his peers.

Turner did not support the nation's dissolution until

Abraham Lincoln called, in April 1861, for seventy-five- thousand volunteers to reunite the country. His son

Thomas died fighting for Southern independence alongside

John Singleton Mosby. In the diary entry that recorded his son's death, the grief-stricken father labeled the conflict a "most unholy, unnecessary war" that the

407 ardent secessionists had made into a "humiliating” reality. "Unhappy, victimized, ruined Virginia" had endured the "destruction of the cream and essence" of its population. Turner questioned why he and his neighbors allowed the secessionists to lead Virginia into a war from which her citizens could expect only

"ruin, thy people butchered, thy property squandered, thy territory wasted, (and) thy altars profaned?"

Despite his loss. Turner continued to support the glorious cause for which his son had died. The South could not and would not succumb to the Yankee aggressors.^

Financially, the war cost Turner a great deal, but he regained his wealth in the conflict's aftermath.

Laborers and tenant farmers replaced his slaves, and the property he owned made him one of Fauquier County's wealthiest residents. As he had done throughout the antebellum period. Turner maintained an active role in local politics. A member of the elite before the war, he retained his status, despite the efforts of local 2 Unionists to seize power.

While Turner supported the Confederacy to maintain his economic and political status, Newton Jasper

Kidwell, born into poverty, could only fantasize about the life of a man like Turner. Since he enlisted five

408 months before his fifteenth birthday in 1863, Kidwell, like many boys his age, may have envisioned a grand adventure rather than the bloodbath he experienced.

More likely he volunteered to help his poverty-stricken family. With only his tools to his name, Kidwell's bootmaker father supported his wife, five children, and sister. While many scholars have attributed Confederate defeat to a loss of will, especially among the working class, Kidwell's devotion cannot be questioned. Serving in the Eighth Virginia Infantry as a substitute for

Fauquier resident Samuel E. Hicks, Union soldiers captured him at Gettysburg. Exchanged in December 1863, he returned to his unit in April 1864.^

Like so many other Loudoun and Fauquier residents who vainly struggled to rebuild their lives in northern

Virginia, Kidwell moved to Columbus, Ohio. He met and wed a Loudoun County woman, who also had pursued a better life in the North. Although he resided in

"Yankeeland," his devotion to the South never wavered.

In 1917, Ohio's Grand Army of the Republic chapters held their state encampment in Columbus. The sight of thousands of Union veterans inspired this former

Confederate to don his gray uniform and march through the center of town. The survivors of the Seventy-Sixth

Ohio Volunteer Infantry took him prisoner and then

409 conferred upon him an honorary membership in their unit.

Kidwell had made his peace with the North. Many of his

fellow whites who remained in Loudoun and Fauqier

Counties never did, although in 1869, they redeemed

their beloved state from the carpetbaggers and 4 scalawags.

A mere teen-ager when the conflict began, Amanda

Virginia Edmonds, like Turner and Kidwell, gave her all

to the Confederacy throughout the war’s four tiring

years. She helped raise funds to equip local units,

cooked for the throng of hungry troops that knocked at

her door, and made bandages for the hundreds of wounded

soldiers. During the latter half of the war, she collected information for Mosby's partisans and stood guard while they rested in the safety of her home. In recent years, numerous historians have argued that

Southern women entreated their men to desert and return home, provoking the Confederacy's eventual demise.

Although Loudoun and Fauquier women prayed for an end to the hostilities, most never forsook the Southern cause.

While Edmonds worried about her brothers as they served with Mosby, she fostered their loyalty rather than their unfaithfulness. All this she performed as Union soldiers commandeered the family's provisions and ransacked its belongings.^

410 Following the war, Edmonds venerated the

Confederate soldiers and chastised her neighbors if they

defiled Southern honor. In July 1866, she praised local

choirs for hosting a "singing picnic" in observance of

the South's victory at First Manassas, but two months

later she denounced the choruses for performing "with

Yankee negro band." Her neighbors had "disgraced" her,

and she regretted ever having "mingled with such a

crowd." Nearly two years after the war, Edmonds

delightedly received a gilt-framed photograph of

Confederate martyr Turner Ashby. She, along with many

of her female neighbors, staunchly revered the

Confederate warriors.^

Although the records do not indicate whether

Edmonds participated in any of the organizations

memorializing the war effort. Southern women actively

supported these groups. While several historians have

suggested that Confederate females found their wartime

roles disturbing and welcomed a return to antebellum

gender relationships, this did not occur among all

Loudoun and Fauquier women. Like females across the

South, these women joined the Daughters of the

Confederacy; assisted those the war maimed, orphaned, and widowed; raised funds to build monuments to the

Confederate soldiers; but they also intended to

411 commemorate their own service. By creating a moral

country, they believed that they would enhance their own might and prestige, just as Northern women had done

following the American Revolution.^

The Dutton's family commitment to the Union equaled

Turner, Kidwell, and Edmonds's passion for the

Confederacy. His Confederate-supporting neighbors having forced him from his home, John Dutton spent most of the war in exile in Maryland. Although Union soldiers occupied Loudoun County in 1862 and remained there for the bulk of the war, he never deemed it safe enough to return to his family. If his Quaker faith did not preclude him from retaliating for the actions of his

Confederate neighbors, the Northern soldiers' tenuous hold over the counties certainly did. Rendered impotent, Dutton could only pray that the war would end

Q quickly so that he could return to his family.

The Quaker's daughter, Lida, enthusiastically assisted Northern troops while buoying the spirits of her Unionist neighbors. She joyfully sang as Northern troops fired her barn, convinced the destruction they visited upon her family would keep Mosby and his guerrillas from returning to their community. With her father absent in Maryland, Dutton cared for her home, and operated the farm. To encourage her neighbors to

412 remain constant, she produced a Unionist newspaper.

Four grueling years of war never lessened her commitment 9 to the United States.

John Dutton insisted that slavery alone kept the

United States from reaching "a pinnacle of greatness never attained by a nation since the creation of the world." With education and hard work, Virginia could

"rise from the bondage that. . .enshrined her," and given her productive soil, she could single-handedly feed the United States, "a nation of free men." For the most part, Dutton's vision went unfulfilled. While the slaves gained their freedom, his dream that poorer

Virginians would become educated and no longer be the

"poor contemptible tools of ambitious & bad men" came to naught as Loudoun and Fauquier Countians returned to power those who opposed education and justice for all.^^

Confederate-supporter Judith McGuire proclaimed that the Civil War would leave northern Virginia forever

"scarred" and "furrowed." Although the counties' residents faced tremendous hardships, most succeeded in rebuilding their lives. Like Turner and Edmonds, some would accomplish their goals in Loudoun and Fauquier

Counties. Others, like Kidwell, had to start again elsewhere. Most Unionists, including the Dutton family, unsuccessfully challenged the slaveowners' dominance.

413 With the Union victory came freedom for the blacks, but

former slaveholders retained their mastery over society at large. The war's scars had not healed by 1877,

leaving the same deep furrows for residents to contend with that had dominated their lives throughout the

antebellum period. The debates still raged in John

Esten Cooke's "Debatable Land."^^

414 NOTES TO CONCLUSION

^On Edward Carter Turner, see Ramey and Gott, The Years of Anguish, 15-44; Turner Diary, 1 May 1863, Turner Family Papers; Turner, Diary, Turner Family Papers, VHS; Edward Carter Turner Papers, WRPL.

^Ibid.

^On Newton Jasper Kidwell, see Divine, 8th Virginia Infantry, 70; Bureau of the Census, Eighth Decennial Census of the United States, Fauquier County, Free Schedule, 29; Newton Jasper Kidwell Papers, ESEL.

^Ibid.

^On Amanda Edmonds, see Baird, Journals of Amanda Virginia Edmonds ; Chappelear, Diary, Chappelear Papers. On women and the loss of will, see especially Faust, "Altars of Sacrifice."

^Chappelear, Diary, 17 February 1867, 30 September 1866, 21 July 1866, Chappelear Papers.

^See Campbell and Rice, A Woman's War; Baird, Journals of Amanda Virginia Edmonds ; Chappelear, Diary, Chappelear Papers. g On the Duttons, see Divine, Souders, and Souders, "To Talk is Treason". 9 Ibid.

^°Ibid., 88-89.

^^Cooke, Wearing of the Gray ; Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee During the War (New York; E.J. Hale & Son, 1867).

415 WORKS CITED

I.Manuscript Collections

Thomas Balch Library (TBL); Black History Vertical File; Jody Hutchings, Lori Dardar, Patricia Calhoun, and Andy Mayo Manuscript Mars Lucas Letter Kate Powell Carter Diary Civil War Diaries Vertical File: Valorous Dearborn Diary Virginia J. Miller Diary William Williams Narrative Gabrilla Van Devanier Wise Memoir Civil War Letters Vertical File: Amanda H. Donohoe Letter Thomas Washington Edwards Letter Letter of August 16, 1863 from "Tom" John T. Macauley Letter Carrie Taylor Letter Civil War Lists and Registers Vertical File Civil War Loudoun County Vertical File Ida Dulany Diary John Janney Vertical File Samuel M. Janney Vertical File Mary E. Lack Diary John W. Mobberly Vertical File John Singleton Mosby Vertical File Franklin McIntosh Myers Diary Christian Nisewarner Diary Elijah Viers White Vertical File

The College of William and Mary, The Earl Gregg Swem Library: Laura Lee, "A History of Our Captivity"

Duke University, William R. Perkins Library (WRPL): Patrick H. Delaplane Papers John Singleton Mosby Papers Susan C. Noland Letters

416 Uriah N. Parmelee Papers Edward Poland Account Book John S. Russell Papers Thomas Lee Settle Papers Thomas Taylor Papers Edward Carter Turner Papers John R. Turner Papers George Newton Wise Papers

The Fauquier County Library: Fauquier County Court Minute Books

The Loudoun County Courthouse: Loudoun County Court Minute Books

The Maryland State Archives: Fairfax Monthly Meeting Records Goose Creek Monthly Meeting Records

The Museum of the Confederacy, Eleanor S. Brockenbrough Library (ESBL): Newton Jasper Kidwell File Aristides Monteiro File Curt B. Muller Recollection Theodore Hoyt Woodward Papers

The National Archives: Record Group 393, Records of the U.S. Army Continental Commands: Descriptions of Refugees, Deserters, and Contrabands.

The Ohio Historical Society (OHS): Solomon Defibaugh Papers R.C. Hovey Papers Janney Family Papers William McVey Papers Nathaniel L. Parmeter Papers Samuel Sexton Papers

Kay Reynolds, Portsmouth, OH: Henry Bertrand Boynton Papers

The United States Army Military History Institute (USAMHI): The Civil War Miscellaneous Collection; 35th Virginia Cavalry Battalion, White's Battalion Papers John H. Bevan Letters (1st Pennsylvania) Armistead Burt Diary (18th Mississippi Infantry Regiment)

417 Smith Family Papers: Charles M. Smith Letters (1st Massachusetts Cavalry Regiment) Charles H. Veil Memoirs (1st United States Cavalry) The Civil War Times Illustrated Collection: John Berry Diary (16th Michigan Infantry Regiment) Jasper B. Cheney Diary (8th New York Cavalry) William Mcllhenny Diary (1st Maryland Cavalry Battalion) Isaac H. Ressler Diary (16th Pennsylvania Cavalry) The Harrisburg Civil War Round Table Collection Luther C. Furst Diary (39th Pennsylvania Infantry Regiment, Signal Corps Detachment) Captain Joseph Schneider Letter (16th New York Cavalry Regiment) Earl M. Hess Collection: John W. Barnard Deposition (1st New York Dragoons) Keith R. Keller Collection: William H.H. Emmons Affidavit (1st New York Dragoons) Lewis Lehigh Collection: 5th New York Cavalry Regiment Movements and Report of Action Michael P. Musick Collection: Janney Family Letters Joseph Schubert Papers (1st New Jersey Cavalry Regiment) Michael J. Winey Collection: Isaac R. Dunkelberger Memoir (1st United States Cavalry Regiment)

The University of North Carolina, Southern Historical Collection (SHC): William B. Baker Papers George Loyall Gordon Papers Edward Hitchcock McDonald Diary John Singleton Mosby Papers Robert C. Newby Diary William Nelson Pendleton Papers R. Channing Price Papers

The University of Virginia, Alderman Library (AL): Lucy Johnston Ambler Diary Catherine Barbara Broun Diary Burnley Family Papers John Singleton Mosby Papers Nourse Family Papers

418 The Virginia Historical Society (VHS): Sally Armstrong Diary Ashby Family Papers Bagby Family Papers Beverley Family Papers William N. Bispham Papers Frederick Fillison Bowen Papers Charles Bragg Account Book Benjamin Brand Papers Broadsides Collection Joseph Bryan Family Papers Caperton Family Papers Carter Family Papers Amanda Virginia (Edmonds) Chappelear Papers Childs Family Papers Claiborne Family Papers Catherine Mary Powell (Noland) Cochran Diary Beverly Mosby Coleman Collection Holmes Conrad Papers Walker Peyton Conway Answer DeButts Family Papers Joseph T. Devine Commonplace Book Mary Eliza (Powell) Dulany Diary Mason Graham Ellzey "The Cause We Lost and the Land We Love" Benjamin Lyons Farinholt Diary Fauquier County Court Commissioner Account Book Fauquier County Register of Free Negroes John E. Fletcher Papers John K. Gott Papers William Hill Gray Diary Wilbur C. Hall Address Harrison Family Papers Oranie Virginia (Snead) Hatcher Memoir James Montgomery Holloway Papers Alfred Byrne Horner Papers Joseph Horner Affidavit Joseph Arthur Jeffries Manuscript Joseph Arthur Jeffries Memorandum Keith Family Papers John Landstreet Letters Richard Lewis Account Book Manassas Gap Railroad Company Papers Marshall Family Papers John Vanlew McCreery Diary Mary Eliza (McCormick) McDonald Letters James McLauraine Inventory Charles Fenton Mercer Letters Meredith Family Papers

419 Minor Family Papers Moore Family Papers John Singleton Mosby Papers New Baltimore Academy Records Charles Joseph Nourse Memoir Margaret Tilloston (Kemble) Nourse Diary Palmer Family Papers Henry Chester Parry Papers Louise (Anderson) Patten Papers Payne Family Papers Peyton Family Papers Phelps Family Papers Poulton Family Papers Randolph Family Papers Richmond Howitzers Order Book Shipp Family Papers Stuart-Mosby Historical Society Papers William Henry Tatum Papers Frederica Holmes Trapnell Papers Turner Family Papers United States Army First Military District Papers Alvin Coe Voris Papers John Augustine Washington Letter Wellford Papers H.A. White & Co. Account Books Alfred L.B. Zerega Diary

The Virginia Military Institute; Andrew C.L. Gatewood Letters

The Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University (VPISÜ): Archibald Atkinson Memoirs Lincoln-Look Family Papers The Orange and Alexandria Railroad Papers

The Virginia State Library and Archives (VSLA): John Turner Ashby Geneological Notes Board of Public Works Records: Alexandria, Loudoun and Hampshire Railroad Company Records Leeds Manor Turnpike Company Records Sperryville and Rappahannock Turnpike Company Records Upperville and Manassas Gap Plank Road Company Records John E. Fletcher Papers Samuel M. Janney Papers Legislative Petitions for Fauquier County Legislative Petitions for Loudoun County

420 William H. Payne Papers Henry E. Peyton Letter Mary Cary Ambler Stribling Diary

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