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8364 Licensed Charities As of 3/10/2020 MICS 24404 MICS 52720 T
8364 Licensed Charities as of 3/10/2020 MICS 24404 MICS 52720 T. Rowe Price Program for Charitable Giving, Inc. The David Sheldrick Wildlife Trust USA, Inc. 100 E. Pratt St 25283 Cabot Road, Ste. 101 Baltimore MD 21202 Laguna Hills CA 92653 Phone: (410)345-3457 Phone: (949)305-3785 Expiration Date: 10/31/2020 Expiration Date: 10/31/2020 MICS 52752 MICS 60851 1 For 2 Education Foundation 1 Michigan for the Global Majority 4337 E. Grand River, Ste. 198 1920 Scotten St. Howell MI 48843 Detroit MI 48209 Phone: (425)299-4484 Phone: (313)338-9397 Expiration Date: 07/31/2020 Expiration Date: 07/31/2020 MICS 46501 MICS 60769 1 Voice Can Help 10 Thousand Windows, Inc. 3290 Palm Aire Drive 348 N Canyons Pkwy Rochester Hills MI 48309 Livermore CA 94551 Phone: (248)703-3088 Phone: (571)263-2035 Expiration Date: 07/31/2021 Expiration Date: 03/31/2020 MICS 56240 MICS 10978 10/40 Connections, Inc. 100 Black Men of Greater Detroit, Inc 2120 Northgate Park Lane Suite 400 Attn: Donald Ferguson Chattanooga TN 37415 1432 Oakmont Ct. Phone: (423)468-4871 Lake Orion MI 48362 Expiration Date: 07/31/2020 Phone: (313)874-4811 Expiration Date: 07/31/2020 MICS 25388 MICS 43928 100 Club of Saginaw County 100 Women Strong, Inc. 5195 Hampton Place 2807 S. State Street Saginaw MI 48604 Saint Joseph MI 49085 Phone: (989)790-3900 Phone: (888)982-1400 Expiration Date: 07/31/2020 Expiration Date: 07/31/2020 MICS 58897 MICS 60079 1888 Message Study Committee, Inc. -
The Filibuster and Reconciliation: the Future of Majoritarian Lawmaking in the U.S
The Filibuster and Reconciliation: The Future of Majoritarian Lawmaking in the U.S. Senate Tonja Jacobi†* & Jeff VanDam** “If this precedent is pushed to its logical conclusion, I suspect there will come a day when all legislation will be done through reconciliation.” — Senator Tom Daschle, on the prospect of using budget reconciliation procedures to pass tax cuts in 19961 Passing legislation in the United States Senate has become a de facto super-majoritarian undertaking, due to the gradual institutionalization of the filibuster — the practice of unending debate in the Senate. The filibuster is responsible for stymieing many legislative policies, and was the cause of decades of delay in the development of civil rights protection. Attempts at reforming the filibuster have only exacerbated the problem. However, reconciliation, a once obscure budgetary procedure, has created a mechanism of avoiding filibusters. Consequently, reconciliation is one of the primary means by which significant controversial legislation has been passed in recent years — including the Bush tax cuts and much of Obamacare. This has led to minoritarian attempts to reform reconciliation, particularly through the Byrd Rule, as well as constitutional challenges to proposed filibuster reforms. We argue that the success of the various mechanisms of constraining either the filibuster or reconciliation will rest not with interpretation by † Copyright © 2013 Tonja Jacobi and Jeff VanDam. * Professor of Law, Northwestern University School of Law, t-jacobi@ law.northwestern.edu. Our thanks to John McGinnis, Nancy Harper, Adrienne Stone, and participants of the University of Melbourne School of Law’s Centre for Comparative Constitutional Studies speaker series. ** J.D., Northwestern University School of Law (2013), [email protected]. -
Congressional Overspeech
ARTICLES CONGRESSIONAL OVERSPEECH Josh Chafetz* Political theater. Spectacle. Circus. Reality show. We are constantly told that, whatever good congressional oversight is, it certainly is not those things. Observers and participants across the ideological and partisan spectrums use those descriptions as pejorative attempts to delegitimize oversight conducted by their political opponents or as cautions to their own allies of what is to be avoided. Real oversight, on this consensus view, is about fact-finding, not about performing for an audience. As a result, when oversight is done right, it is both civil and consensus-building. While plenty of oversight activity does indeed involve bipartisan attempts to collect information and use that information to craft policy, this Article seeks to excavate and theorize a different way of using oversight tools, a way that focuses primarily on their use as a mechanism of public communication. I refer to such uses as congressional overspeech. After briefly describing the authority, tools and methods, and consensus understanding of oversight in Part I, this Article turns to an analysis of overspeech in Part II. The three central features of overspeech are its communicativity, its performativity, and its divisiveness, and each of these is analyzed in some detail. Finally, Part III offers two detailed case studies of overspeech: the Senate Munitions Inquiry of the mid-1930s and the McCarthy and Army-McCarthy Hearings of the early 1950s. These case studies not only demonstrate the dynamics of overspeech in action but also illustrate that overspeech is both continuous across and adaptive to different media environments. Moreover, the case studies illustrate that overspeech can be used in the service of normatively good, normatively bad, and * Professor of Law, Georgetown University Law Center. -
{PDF EPUB} This Town Two Parties and a Funeral Plus Plenty Of
Read Ebook {PDF EPUB} This Town Two Parties and a Funeral — plus plenty of valet parking! — in America’s Gilded Capital by This Town: Two Parties and a Funeral--plus plenty of valet parking!--in America's Gilded Capital. Mark Leibovich, chief national correspondent for The New York Times Magazine, previously served for six years as a political correspondent in the Washington bureau of the Times. Earlier he worked for nine years at the Washington Post. Leibovich received a National Magazine Award in 2011. The author selected the title from a list including "Suck-up City:" "You'll Always Have Lunch in This Town Again," and "The Club." After working in Washington, D.C., for 15 years, he learned that This Town imposes on its "actors a reflex toward devious and opportunistic behavior, and a tendency to care about public relations more than any other aspect of their professional lives--and maybe even personal lives." This Town as Washingtonians refer to the place, festers "faux disgust and a wry distance--a verbal tic as a secret handshake." A play on the two-word refrain people in This Town frequently use, "This Town" functions as a cliche of "belonging, knowingness, and self-mocking civic disdain" Then there is "The Club" made up of This Town's city fathers, whose "spinning cabal of people in politics and media can be as potent in D.C. as Congress" The club itself has been known by various names: "Permanent Washington;' "The Political Class," "The Chattering Class," "The Usual Suspects," "The Beltway Establishment," "The Chamber," "The Echo-System:' "The Gang of 500," "The Movable Mass,' and others. -
Behind Janus: Documents Reveal Decade-Long Plot to Kill Public-Sector Unions
Behind Janus: Documents Reveal Decade-Long Plot to Kill Public-Sector Unions The Supreme Court case Janus v. AFSCME is poised to decimate public-sector unions—and it’s been made possible by a network of right-wing billionaires, think tanks and corporations. MARY BOTTARI FEBRUARY 22, 2018 | MARCH ISSUE In These Times THE ROMAN GOD JANUS WAS KNOWN FOR HAVING TWO FACES. It is a fitting name for the U.S. Supreme Court case scheduled for oral arguments February 26, Janus v. American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, Council 31, that could deal a devastating blow to public-sector unions and workers nationwide. In the past decade, a small group of people working for deep-pocketed corporate interests, conservative think tanks and right-wing foundations have bankrolled a series of lawsuits to end what they call “forced unionization.” They say they fight in the name of “free speech,” “worker rights” and “workplace freedom.” In briefs before the court, they present their public face: carefully selected and appealing plaintiffs like Illinois child-support worker Mark Janus and California schoolteacher Rebecca Friedrichs. The language they use is relentlessly pro-worker. Behind closed doors, a different face is revealed. Those same people cheer “defunding” and “bankrupting” unions to deal a “mortal blow” to progressive politics in America. A key director of this charade is the State Policy Network (SPN), whose game plan is revealed in a union-busting toolkit uncovered by the Center for Media and Democracy. The first rule of the national network of right-wing think tanks that are pushing to dismantle unions? “Rule #1: Be pro-worker, not anti-union. -
Mark Leibovich Chief National Correspondent New York Times
Inspicio journalism Introduction to Mark Leibovich. 1:14 min. Interview: Raymond Elman. Camera: Lee Skye. Video Editing: Wesley Verdier. Production: Zaida Duvers. Recorded: 11/17/2018, Miami Book Fair. Mark Leibovich Chief National Correspondent for the New York Times Magazine, Author By Elman + Skye + Verdier + Duvers ARK LEIBOVICH (b.1965) is the chief national correspondent for the New York Times Magazine, Mbased in Washington, D.C. He is known for his profiles of political and media figures. He also writes the Times magazine’s “Your Fellow Americans” column about politics, media, and public life. He came to the Times in 2006 after 10 years at the Washington Post and three at the San Jose Mercury News. Leibovich got his start as a journalist writing for Boston’s alternative weekly, The Phoenix, where he worked for four years. In addition to his political writing, Leibovich has also written: The New Imperialists, a collection of profiles of technology pioneers; Citizens of the Green Room, an anthology of Leibovich’s profiles in the New York Times and Washington Post; and Big Game: The NFL in Dangerous Times, a behind- the-scenes look at the owners, and commissioner, of the National Football League. Leibovich also appears frequently as a guest on MSNBC’s Morning Joe, and Deadline: White House, NPR’s On the Media, and other public affairs programs. Mr. Leibovich grew up in the Boston area, and attended the University of Michigan. He lives in Washington, D.C., with his wife and three daughters. We divided our video interview with Mr. Leibovich into two sections: Life & Career NFL Football For the football discussion, we included Stephanie Anderson, who is the partner of a former NFL player suffering from CTE, the concussion-induced brain disease that has afflicted many NFL players. -
How People Make Sense of Trump and Why It Matters for Racial Justice
Journal of Contemporary Rhetoric, Vol. 8, No.1/2, 2018, pp. 107-136. How People Make Sense of Trump and Why It Matters for Racial Justice Will Penman Doug Cloud+ Scholars, journalists, pundits and others have criticized the racist, anti-queer, anti-Semitic, Islamophobic, and xeno- phobic rhetoric that pervades the Trump campaign and presidency. At the same time, commentators have expended a vast number of words analyzing Trump’s character: why does he do the things he does? We ask, how do the latter (analyses of Trump’s character) help explain the former (Trump’s racist statements)? Through a close rhetorical analysis of 50 diverse examples of Trump criticism, we reveal four prevailing characterizations or “archetypes” of Trump: Trump the Acclaim-Seeker, Trump the Sick Man, Trump the Authoritarian, and Trump the Idiot. Each arche- type explains Trump’s racism in a different way, with significant consequences for social critique. For example, the Trump the Idiot archetype dismisses his racist statements as a series of terrible gaffes, whereas Trump the Authori- tarian explains them as an actualization of white supremacy. We trace the benefits and tradeoffs of each archetype for resisting white supremacy. Keywords: Donald Trump, white supremacy, identity, rhetoric, archetypes Read enough critiques of Donald Trump—the president and the candidate—and you’re likely to be struck by three things: 1) there are a great many of them, 2) they expend significant effort analyzing Trump’s character as a way of explaining why he does what he does, and 3) they are repetitive—certain characterizations surface over and over and become familiar as explanations (e.g., the idea that Trump does what he does because he is an incompetent idiot). -
Burn Brightly in Search of Those Who Carry the Torch and Those Who Shine Brightest, We Uncover Campus Gems That Comprise a Sparkling Selection of LSA Brilliance
Fall 2013 Burn Brightly IN SEARCH OF THOSE WHO CARRY THE TORCH AND THOSE WHO SHINE BRIGHTEST, WE UNCOVER CAMPUS GEMS THAT COMPRISE A SPARKLING SELECTION OF LSA BRILLIANCE. This rare papercut from China’s Cultural Revolution was almost lost forever, but now is available as part of a stunning collection for researchers worldwide. Turn to p. 16 for more. UPDATE Lighting the Way IT TAKES A LOT OF ENERGY to make something burn brightly. The same is true of an idea or a person. It’s easier to go along as one of crowd. The status quo is comfortable. It takes curiosity, stamina, and that all-important spark to kindle greatness, and it takes a Michigan Victor to keep the spark burning as a flame. Leaders and Vic- tors shine brighter than their counterparts because they have figured out how to burn — even amid shadows. But how do they ignite and feed their individual sparks? The Victors in this issue all exemplify one consistent theme: Their brilliance defies logical, run-of-the-mill thinking. Just as the massive secrets of the universe can be un- locked by the tiniest particles, Victors are brave enough to embrace the contradictory. Victors who help others get ahead. Those who serve others become leaders. Victors who give get the most back. Those who strive for deeper understanding throw out much of what they think they know. Leaders who have found a way to unleash their light didn’t just pull it out from under the bushel. They used the bushel itself to light a thousand other fires. -
No Shortcuts: the Case for Organizing
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 5-2015 No Shortcuts: The Case for Organizing Jane Frances McAlevey Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/1043 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] i No Shortcuts: The Case for Organizing by Jane F. McAlevey A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Sociology in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2015 ii COPYRIGHT © 2015 JANE F. MCALEVEY All Rights Reserved iii APPROVAL PAGE, NO SHORTCUTS: THE CASE FOR ORGANIZING This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Sociology to satisfy the dissertation requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Approved by: Date Chair of Examining Committee ______________________ _________________________________________ Frances Fox Piven, Professor Date Executive Officer, Sociology ______________________ __________________________________________ Philip Kasinitz, Professor Supervisory Committee Members James Jasper, Professor William Kornblum, Professor Dan Clawson, Professor, UMASS Amherst THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iv ABSTRACT Abstract No Shortcuts: The Case for Organizing By Jane McAlevey Advisor: Frances Fox Piven This dissertation will explore how ordinary workers in the new economy create and sustain power from below. In workplace and community movements, individuals acting collectively have been shown to win victories using a variety of different approaches. -
Policy Brief Six Common Myths About the Minimum Wage Erin Shannon Director, Center for Small Business and Labor Reform December 2017
Policy Brief Six common myths about the minimum wage Erin Shannon Director, Center for Small Business and Labor Reform December 2017 Key Findings 1. The buying power of the federal minimum wage, and state minimum wages that are higher, have kept pace with inflation. 2. Minimum wage workers are not worse off economically than they were in the past. In 1968 minimum wage workers could buy more with their money, but there were three times as many workers earning minimum wage and they were paying much higher taxes than today’s minimum wage workers. 3. Increasing the minimum wage does not reduce poverty. Low wages are not the cause of poverty; it is lack of a job. Of working age adults living in poverty, nearly two-thirds do not work. Of the close to one-third who do work, only 10 percent work full time. 4. Very few people are “trying to survive” on minimum wage earnings. The majority of minimum wage earners are young and many are still in school. Most minimum wage workers are not poor, are not working full-time, and do not rely on their wages as the sole source of income to support a family. 5. A family that relies solely on minimum wage earnings is rare. The vast majority of adult minimum wage earners, with or without children, are supplementing the income of a higher- earning spouse. 6. The value of the minimum wage has more than kept pace with gains in worker productivity in the jobs that typically pay minimum wage. 7. Economic studies show raising the minimum wage comes with significant harmful effects, making it harder for young people, immigrants and minorities, and workers with less on-the-job experience to find employment. -
The Academy of Political Science 475 Riverside Drive · Suite 1274 · New York, New York 10115-1274
The Academy of Political Science 475 Riverside Drive · Suite 1274 · New York, New York 10115-1274 (212) 870-2500 · FAX: (212) 870-2202 · [email protected] · http://www.psqonline.org POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY Volume 123 · Number 3 · Fall 2008 No part of this article may be copied, downloaded, stored, further transmitted, transferred, distributed, altered, or otherwise used, in any form or by any means, except: one stored electronic and one paper copy of any article solely for your personal, non- commercial use, or with prior written permission of The Academy of Political Science. Political Science Quarterly is published by The Academy of Political Science. Contact the Academy for further permission regarding the use of this work. Political Science Quarterly Copyright © 2008 by The Academy of Political Science. All rights reserved. Psychological Reflections on Barack Obama and John McCain: Assessing the Contours of a New Presidential Administration STANLEY A. RENSHON On 20 January 2009, either Barack Obama or John McCain will place his hand on a bible, swear to uphold and defend the Constitution, and become the forty-fourth president of the United States. The new president will immediately become responsible for the issues on which he campaigned, those that he ignored but for which he will nonetheless be held accountable, and all those unanticipated issues for which he will also be expected to de- vise solutions. Naturally, a new president and administration raise many questions. What will the successful candidate really be like as -
Fall 2015/Winter 2016 Highlights
Highlights Fall 2015—Winter 2016 The 10th Anniversary Celebration In Washington, DC Here is a recipe for an off-campus program. Combine a full load of academic courses with a minimum of four days a week at work in an office in the nation’s capital. Secure the support of the provost, deans, department chairs, faculty and staff on campus and Michigan alumni in Washington, DC. Recruit undergraduate students from all majors. Provide financial aid. Find faculty, staff and graduate student assistants to teach a required research seminar and electives, prepare the students for their time away from campus, and process the paperwork. Find a place for the students to live in Washington. Match students with local alumni mentors. Invite guest speakers. Go on field trips. Throw dinner parties. Rejoice with the students when they are happy, and encourage them when they are stressed out. Send them back to Ann Arbor after 100 days. Debrief them. Put a red, white and blue cord over their black gowns when they graduate. Keep in touch with them forever. Repeat. More precisely, repeat 20 times. That is what the Michigan in Washington Program is celebrating in its 10th Anniversary year. 10th Anniversary, The First Day: Dinner for 150 at the National Press Club, Washington, DC Program Founder and Director Edie Goldenberg presided over a three-course dinner for 150 current students, former students, Washington-area alumni supporters, faculty, staff, current and former graduate student assistants, and well-wishers Friday evening, October 23, 2015 at the National Press Club, one of the largest venues in town.