(September, 2017) CONSENSUAL and CONFLICTUAL POLITICAL CULTURE in PAKISTAN: a COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS of JAMAAT-I-ISLAMI and JAMIAT ULEMA-I-ISLAM SOCIALIZATION PROCESS

CONSENSUAL AND CONFLICTUAL POLITICAL CULTURE IN PAKISTAN: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF JAMAAT-I-ISLAMI AND JAMIAT ULEMA-I-ISLAM SOCIALIZATION PROCESS

BY WAJID MEHMOOD

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR (September, 2017) CONSENSUAL AND CONFLICTUAL POLITICAL CULTURE IN PAKISTAN: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF JAMAAT-I-ISLAMI AND JAMIAT ULEMA-I-ISLAM SOCIALIZATION PROCESS

Thesis submitted to the Department of Political Science, University of Peshawar, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Award of the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN POLITICAL SCIENCE

(September, 2017)

ABSTRACT

This study reflects on the consensual and conflictual political culture in Pakistan and specifically in two religio-political parties i.e. Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamiat Ulema-i-

Islam. It validates the argument that consensus and conflicts within political parties are because of the socialization process of their workers. It fundamentally tries to investigate the questions of “how a culture of consensus or conflict is developed through the process of socialization”. How JI and JUI socialize their workers? And “how far socialized workers in JI and JUI accommodate people of other political parties and ideologies”? The scarce literature on Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam failed to explain the political behavior of the workers of these two parties. In the political socialization scholarship, socialization is a continuous process and different agents and factors have significant roles during the whole process, which shape specific preferences of the “socialized” workers.

For JI and JUI, socializing and politically educating the future citizens of the polity is the primary duty of the family. Political and social conceptions along with religious ideas and values found among members of JI and JUI are thus transmitted through, especially, parents’ in the family, more than schools, peer groups and mass media. Family transmits the parents political values and disposition to the coming generation, thus provides a continuous ideological commitment and man power to the parties. It also validates the argument that certain aspects of children’s lives, such as civic participation, shaping voting behavior and party identification etc. are in the domain of families and parents in JI and

JUI affiliated families. Educational institutions established by the workers of these parties also socialize and indoctrinate the ideology of JI and JUI in the children. In terms of communicating the curricula contents and messages to the students, the role of teacher is much important. His personal values, likes and dislikes and political affiliation greatly affect the classroom discussion, learning and the intellectual growth of the youth. Student

ii organizations (IJT and JTI) in the education institutions across Pakistan are providing a significant environment to the students and prepare them for their active political roles in the society. They work as nurseries for JI and JUI by providing them man power

(socialized workers) and future leadership. Both the organizations are having regular systematic training and socialization procedures, which are missing in other contemporary student’s organizations in Pakistan. However, both JI and JUI are not much successful in utilizing the modern communication tools as compared to other political parties. The excessive commercial nature of the traditional media caught up both the parties to get maximum advantage of it in terms of propagation of their ideology and political program.

Though JI is trying to fill this gap with the maximum use of social media, JUI affiliates and leadership is neither that familiar with the modern social media and communication tools nor having much involvement in the social media. D. I. Khan and Dir districts were selected for this study primarily on the basis of the parties overwhelming presence, their extensive activities in engaging their workers, their electoral gains as compared to other political parties, and lastly, in addition to belonging of the central leadership of both the parties and their electoral constituencies in these regions.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract...... i

Acknowledgments...... vi

Chapters

1. Introduction...... 1

2. Socialization to Politics: a Theoretical Perspective...... 22

3. Political Culture in Pakistan: An Historical Analysis of Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamiat

Ulema-i-Islam Pakistan...... 59

4. Role of Family in Political Socialization...... 96

5. Role of Educational Institutions in Political Socialization...... 132

6. Political Socialization in the Student’s Organizations...... 165

7. Political Socialization and Media...... 201

Conclusion...... 235

Selected Bibliography...... 256

Appendices ...... 280

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

First of all I am thankful to Almighty Allah for His blessings in completing this thesis. This research work would not have been possible without the help, support and encouragement of numerous people and institutions. Primarily, the gratitude goes to those outstanding institutions that substantially contributed to this project. The Higher Education

Commission of Pakistan (HEC) deserves credit in first place, for granting me an

‘Indigenous PhD Scholarship. I was fortunate enough to get Higher Education Commission

IRSIP scholarship, and spent six months in University of Massachusetts Boston. Jahanzeb

Khan and Rehman Khattak in HEC Islamabad deserve credit and my gratitude for their help and cooperation.

In University of Massachusetts Boston, I am highly obliged to Dr. Sana Haroon my host supervisor. Her cooperation, help and intellectual insights made my stay at Boston more effective and fruitful. The director International Student office Susan Leigh Connors needs special mention for her extended support and cooperation. It would be injustice if I do not mention Kristen L. Halbert (office assistant Asian Studies department). She is a wonderful lady and I am highly obliged to her, for the unconditional love, help and support.

University of Peshawar (Pakistan), being my Alma Mater also deserves appreciation. I am thankful to the staff at Department of Political Science, University of

Peshawar for their support throughout this study. The entire staff deserves special appreciation for facilitating me in my studies. During the entire duration of this study many individuals contributed to this work by providing support, guidance and encouragement.

First and foremost, my gratitude goes to Dr. Abdul Rauf who not only passionately supervised this work by contributing intellectually but also encouraged me in my moments of despondency. He was also extremely helpful in matters indirectly related to this study.

Dr. Muhammad Ayub Jan also needs special mention and appreciation. He helped me a lot

v in understanding my topic and provided me relevant material. I am also thankful to the other faculty members of the Department of political Science University of Peshawar, Dr.

Taj Muharram Khan, Dr. A. Z. Hilali, Dr. Zahid Anwar, Dr. Shahida Aman, Dr. Noreen

Naseer, Dr. Mohammad Zubair and Dr. Sami Raza for their direct and in-direct role in this thesis. Above all Aamer Raza needs special mention and appreciation for his extended help and cooperation during my stay at Boston. My gratitude also goes to Dr. Andrea

Fleshinberg (DAAD long term guest professor at QAU Islamabad), Dr. Sanaa Alimia, Dr.

Jan Peter Hartung, Dr. James Caron (SOAS London) and Dr. Husnul Amin (IIUI).

The clerical staff in the University of Peshawar and specifically at the Department of Political science was extremely supportive. Israr Lala in the account section deserves special appreciation. Among other Murad Khan, Saeed Ullah and Shams ul Amin were very much helpful and cooperative.

My sincere thanks and gratitude goes to four of my close friends Sajjad Hussain

(Bajaur), Syed Wasif Azim (Shabqadar), Hassan Shah (Tangi Charsadda) and Faiz-ul-Ibrar

Khattak (Karak). Their appreciation, encouragement, unconditional love and valuable suggestions helped me a lot in completing this thesis.

Field work was the most challenging aspect of this research project. My sincere thanks and gratitude goes to Usman Khan (Lecturer University of Malakand) for introducing me to his students and other people who proved very helpful during my field work in Dir. My gratitude also goes to Tayyeb Akbari, who introduced me to many people and arranged interviews for me in Dera Ismail Khan. Zahid Hussain (Bajauar), Akbar

Hussain (Monda, Dir), Zia Ullah and Miraj Khan (University of Malakand) also deserve special thanks for their extended help during my field work in Dir.

Sajjad Hussain’s family hosted me for many days during my field work. I won’t forget the love and respect of his father, brothers and other close friends. Afia Sajjad and Asad Ullah provided me solace while away from home and my nephews and niece.

Besides these, a number of other friends have roles in the project in one way or another. My University mates in Peshawar, Tariq Afghan, Hidayat Ullah (Mama), Salman

Khan Khattak, Mohammad Qadar, Arab Gul, Yasir Jan, Faraz Khan, Aliman Shah, Ansar

Ullah Khattak, Umar Zad Khattak, Saeed Ahmad, Iftikhar Ahmad, Ashfaq Ahmad, Asif

Salim, Wali Ullah, Irfan Mehsud, Waqar Ahmad, Shah Nawaz, Hasina Bashir, Sabahat Ijaz and many more were very much instrumental in different stages of the study. They provided me good company and encouraged me during my study. Asim Farooq, Samid

Iqbal, Tariq Jamal, Irfan Ullah, Subhan Mehmood, Nadeem Iqbal, Faisal Iqbal and Ikhlaq

Ahmad also deserve special mention and thanks. There were numerous other individuals who helped directly or in directly in the field whom I cannot name due to the limitation of space. To all of them I extend my gratitude.

My parents Mr. and Mrs. Laiq Din deserve special mention not only for their exceptional love and conviction but also for their assistance throughout this study. They were involved in making sure that I get comfort both in US and Peshawar. Back home they took care of various matters that would have distracted me from my studies. I am also thankful to my elder brothers Qamar Zia, who took responsibility of not only my financial needs but also relieved me from other burdens in the family. He stood by me in every ups and downs in my life. Zahid Qamar not only my elder brother but a friend also took good care of me during my study. He provided me not only moral support but material as well. My niece Hooreain Gulalai Qamar and nephews Muhammad Shahzain Qamar and Muhammad Hasnain Qamar provided me solace during my extreme hour of dejection and discomfort. The unconditional love and care of my two sisters also deserve mention and gratitude. I am thankful to Aqeel Bhai, Faizan Siddique, Khalid Sahib and Mr. & Mrs. Aamer Raza for their help, cooperation and wonderful company in the United States. I am also thankful to Wasif Ullah and Daud Jan for sending me required material to US. Wajid Mehmood

CHAPTER – 1 INTRODUCTION

Culture in social sciences is a broader term with its roots in Anthropology and

Sociology. An anthropologist draws a total picture of life, actions and beliefs of a community from the concept of culture. It was in 1871 that Taylor gave the anthropological definition of culture, and viewed it as “that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morale, law, custom and other capabilities and habits acquired by a man as a member of society”.1 Anthropologically, culture is the man-constructed part of the human life, specified for a group or a community. It depicts what a member of a community or a group do, and what he or she refrains from doing. A group is distinguished from another group with the help of cultural traits. For which members of the group or community are trained in their families, through formal and informal education and in social and traditional institutions for adoption of specific traditions and values which are conventional and compatible with the general understanding and mindset of the community. The element of compatibility in a culture, makes consensus in a society possible and thus leads to positive changes in individual’s behavior and his approach to life. Max Weber opined that, culture is the continuity of history which makes almost all the differences. It is not something transmitted through genes rather it is learnt from within the society.2

Political study of culture refers to the study of people’s attitudes towards politics and their role within the political system. In the words of Almond et al (2006), it is

(political) culture of any society or state which enables a person to be political. So culture is an essential part of one’s political life.3 It was in 1960’s when Almond coined the term

‘political culture’ in his writings. This was the first probable entry of this term in the

1 Hans Raj. (1985). Comparative Politics. New Delhi: Surjeet Publications. p. 92 2 David Landes. (2000). Culture Matters. New York: Basic Books Publications. p.2 3 Gabriel A. Almond, Bingham J. Powell, Kaare Strom & Russell J. Dalton. (2006). Comparative Politics Today: A World View. New York: Pearson Longman Publisher. p.46 2 discipline of politics. He wrote that “every political system is embedded in a particular pattern of orientation to political actions”.4

Almond et al. (1966) described political culture as underlying propensities and

“psychological dimension of a political system. It consists of attitudes, beliefs, values and skills which are current in an entire population, as well as those special propensities and patterns which may be found within separate parts of that population”.5 They argued that political culture has several components including Cognitive Orientation, Affective

Orientation and Evaluative Orientation. Cognitive orientation is the concept used for knowledge of the people related to beliefs and objects of politics. It also includes understanding of the people regarding their political system. Affective orientation is used to express the attachments, feelings and judgment of a community or individuals regarding their political system. Evaluative orientation is related to the opinions and evaluations of the political system by the people.6

Political culture of a country, according to Alan R. Ball (1971), can be classified on the basis of the role of the members of a society in the political processes and their expectations from the government.7 For understanding the characterizations of political culture in terms of people’s attitudes and involvement in the political system, Gabriel

Almond and Sydney Verba have given a classification of political cultures. This includes three types i.e. Parochial political culture, Subject political culture and Participant political culture.8 People who are having very little or no knowledge or awareness regarding their political system fall in the category of parochial political culture. They have no tendency towards participation in the political processes i.e. the input and output processes and

4 Lucian W. Pye. & Sidney Verba. (1969). Political Culture and Political Development.(eds.) Princeton University Press. p.7 5 Gabriel A. Almond & Bingham J. Powell. (1966). Comparative Politics: A Development Approach. Boston: Little Brown & Company. p. 23 6 Ibid. p. 50 7 Alan R. Ball. (1971). Modern Politics and Government. London: Macmillan. p.53 8 Gabriel A. Almond, and Sydney Verba. (1972). The Civic Culture, Political Attitudes and Democracy in five Nations. New Jersey: Princeton University Press. pp. 116-17

3 functions of a political system.9 In Michael Curtis’ opinion a parochial orientation is that when individuals are not aware of, nor have opinion about the system as a whole, but only of the local community in parts.10

In subject political culture, people have some level of orientation towards the political system and the output processes, but their orientation towards input objects and active participation are still somehow of low level. In Michael Curtis opinion, a subject orientation is that when individuals are aware of the system, but are essentially passive and accept decisions and directions of others.11 In participant political culture, members of the society are having a higher level of orientation towards the political system and political processes. They are actively involved in the interest articulation processes, which are then aggregated into policy alternatives because they are aware of functional processes of their political systems.

Proponents of “culturist” political explanations of political events and systems are of the view that a political system of a country is based on the broader culture of the inhabitants of different communities within that country. It provides a context for the function of political systems, which includes values, customs and traditions.12 In Marshall's opinion it is the political culture that legitimizes the political power system and structure of a society.13

9 Almond has divided these functions and processes in two broader categories i.e. the input functions and output functions. The input functions are divided in four sub-categories i.e. political socialization and recruitment, interest articulation, interest aggregation and political communication. According to Almond, the input functions can also be called as political functions and are mostly performed by non-governmental structures, relating to society, culture, and others. The out-put functions are divided in three categories i.e. Rule-making, Rule application and Rule adjudication. These functions have also been designated by Almond as governmental functions. Gabriel, A. Almond. (1986). A Developmental Approach to Political Systems. In, Political System and Change: A World Politics Reader, edited by Kabashima Ikuo and White Lynn. T. Princeton University Press. pp. 41-72. 10 Michael Curtis. (1978). Comparative Government and Politics., New York: Harper & Row Publishers. p.27 11 Ibid. 12 Thomas Magstadt, and Peter Schotten. (1993, 3rd edition). Understanding Politics: Ideas, Institutions, and Issues. New York: St. Martin’s Press. p.16 13 Gordon Marshall. (1996). The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Sociology, Oxford University Press. p. 398

However, the exponents of culture theory failed to explain the occurrence of certain changes in attitudes, behavior and political structures in some countries of the world.

Rogowski (1974), a critic of culturalist theory is of the opinion that, political culturalists have been very offhand in dealing with change.14 They have tended to improvise far too much in order to accommodate political changes into their framework. They, no longer have a convincing way to treat political change at all.15

Rational choice theorists in 1960s tried to explain the changes in society in terms of mathematically calculated behavior of social beings. For them, culture has no significant role at all, in the structure and function of a political system. For Robert Bates,16 and David

Laitin17 culture is a “tool set of beliefs and symbols”, used by rational actors for their own material interests. It is believed that the beliefs and symbols have no profound impact on these actors.

Some scholars are of the opinion that, rational choice theory in its manifestations, view culture and attitudes as unproblematic or unimportant in political processes. All that one require in order to explain a social, cultural or political phenomenon is rational man, the short-run, hard-nosed calculator, and the mathematics and statistics that he needs in order to make cost-effective choices.18

According to rationalists, man is self-seeking and selfish. He only believes in maximizing his benefits and minimizing his costs. But here the difficulty is with the choice and with the calculation of man’s nature. How are his choices and nature shaped in a society? On this very point the rationalist and culturalists agreed that socialization is

14 Ronald Rogowski. (1974). Rational Legitimacy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 15 Harry Eckstein.(1988). A Culturalist Theory of Political Change. The American Political Science Review. 82(3). p.1 16 Robert Bates. (1988). Toward a Political Economy of Development: A Rational Choice Perspective (eds). Berkeley: University of California Press. 17 David Laitin. (1986). Hegemony and Culture: The Politics of Religious Change Among the Yoruba. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 18 Thompson Verweij & R. j. Ellis. (2006).Why and How Culture Matters. In Robert E. Goodin & Charles Tilly’s (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Contextual Political Analysis. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 334

5 essential for an individual in a society. In Eckstein opinion, although both culturalists and rationalists agree on the necessity of socialization, yet, differ on the process of re- socialization.19

Socialization is essential for bringing uniformity in values and norms

(culturalization), which is important for smooth functioning and evolution of any socio- political system within a society and state. If the process of socialization (or culturalization) is removed from any society, the system will not function properly. The process of socialization starts at home and family is the first agent or institution which socializes an individual. It is the very first institution of socialization and it is said that first learned is the best learned.20 Family can also shape the future political attitude of an individual. Other socializing institutions include educational and religious institutions/places, peer groups, mass media, political parties etc.

In late socialization or re-socialization of individuals and citizens, political parties play an important role. Political parties are considered to be responsible for production and promotion of consensual and conflictual political culture in a state.

Consensual political culture means the culture of consensus building among the people with different political socialization and ideologies in a polity. Conflictual political culture means the development of disagreements and hostilities/conflicts within the people having same political socialization and ideology. For this study, the working definition of consensual and conflictual political culture is limited only to political parties (JUI and JI) i.e. the consensus building among the party’ workers regarding party’ policies or strategies with respect to any specific issue and their relations with other political parties (and institutions). And the development of disagreements i.e. inter-parties or between JI and

19 Harry Eckstein.(1988). A Culturalist Theory of Political Change. The American Political Science Review. 82(3). p.1 20 Donald Searing, Gerald Wright & George Rabinowitz. (1976). The Primacy Principle: Attitude Change and Political Socialization. British Journal of Political Science. 6(1). pp. 83-115

JUI, and intra-party or within the party workers21 and the leadership regarding party policies on specific issues.

In the political history of Pakistan, religio-political parties have played an important role in promoting consensual and conflictual political culture.22 The two main (stream) of these parties i.e. Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) and Jamiat Ulema-i- Islam (JUI) are more successful in organizing and mobilizing masses than the others. The parliamentary history of Pakistan shows that, although, these two are not much successful in electoral politics, yet, they have very profound influence on the law making and law adjudicating processes of the state.23

Many scholars view both of these parties similar in different aspects, but Haroon

Ullah Khan (2014) argues that “they vary widely in terms of their organization, ideological commitments, strategic objectives, and the methods they use to pursue their goals.24

Though both compete for religious vote, however, the socialization processes of the two are different. JI usually targets modern educated population and thus founds its strongest support in public sector colleges and universities. Islami Jamiat Talba (IJT), the students wing of JI is one of the most active and visible groups in colleges and university campuses across Pakistan.25 JUI On the other hand has a strong support and power base in religious institutions such as madaris and mosques as their early socializing places.26 So both of the parties socialize their workers in different ways and institutions. Competition for the same

21 For the study workers are considered all those who have membership of the party, deposit their monthly membership fee, attend party meetings and involved in electoral campaigns. 22 Religious political parties remained active politically in almost all the important events which are considered to be important determinant of the future fate of the Islamic republic of Pakistan. For example these parties were involved in the constitutional framing process, active for an Islamic constitution, active in agitation against Ayub’s modernization, involved in the solution of East Pakistan problem, launched and participated anti-Ahmadia campaign, started Nizam-i-Mustafa movement, involved in movement for restoration of democracy, participated in Afghan Jihad and made electoral alliances with other political parties like National Awami Party, Pakistan People’s Party, Islami Jamhori Ittihad, Muslim League and Muttahidda Majlis-i-Amal etc. 23 Haroon Ullah Khan. (2014). Vying for Allah’s Vote: Understanding Islamic Political Violence, and Extremism in Pakistan. Washington DC: Georgetown University Press. pp. 85-88 24 Ibid. 25 Sayyed Vali Reza Nasr. (1992). Students Islam and Politics: Islami Jamiat Talba in Pakistan. Middle East Journal. 46(1). pp. 59-76 26 Haroon Ullah Khan. (2014). Vying for Allah’s Vote. p.59

7 kind of votes i.e. religious vote, and differences in the socialization process make the political workers of both the parties, staunch opponents and rivals of each other and of other political parties as well.

The political education of the workers of both the parties are of more radical nature, yet, they still agree on many issues of diverse nature in the state, and hence produce a sphere of consensus. Irrespective of their severe ideological differences with other political parties, they make alliances with them during elections. How far this is possible for a socialized (radical) person to accommodate people from opposite ideologies? How far the party policy or strategy regarding a specific issue is seen by the workers as compatible with their political education and ideology? What are their responses to the “unpopular” party strategies?

JUI had formed electoral alliances and coalition governments with National Awami

Party (NAP) and Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) first in 70s and then in 90s, though both of these parties are “secular” and “socialists” in their ideologies. On one side this has made the party popularize in the common masses, on the other hand it also provided the party affiliates a chance to participate in a ruling coalition and prove their abilities.27 Maulana

Maududi, the founder of Jamaat-i-Islami, had declared socialism of any type as kufr or un-

Islamic.28 So JI leadership found it hard to be a part of the government of “secular” political parties afterword. During Zia-ul-Haq era, JI remained an active coalition partner mainly because of his policy of Islamization, but JUI remained aloof from Zia’s regime.29

Because of the party strategies in the above two occasions, JUI failed to accommodate the will of its socialized workers and many of them parted ways with it and

27 Ibid. pp. 95-97 28 Sayyed Vali Reza Nasr. (2000). The Rise of Sunni Militancy in Pakistan: The Changing Role of Islamism and Ulema in Society and Politics. Modern Asian Studies. 34(1). pp.139-180 29 Ashok Behuria. (2008). Sects within Sects: The Case of Deobandi-Barelvi Encounter in Pakistan. Strategic Analysis. 32(1). pp.57-80

8 the party split into two groups.30 But in the long run, the policy of Fazal faction (JUI-F) regarding Zia, proved to be more reasonable and earned him a name of moderate and democratic Islamist. He was given a good place and space in the Movement for Restoration of Democracy (MRD) in 1980s. JI, on the other hand, is still criticized for making alliance with a military dictator.31

A comparison of both the parties in making alliances and opposition lead to certain other questions which need to be investigated such as "which of the two parties is more democratic in nature? Which one is more successful in influencing and convincing its socialized workers in favor of party policy or strategy? Which of the party’s worker are more accommodating in terms of electoral alliances? What is making the party affiliates of

JI or JUI to accommodate and give space to the other parties programs and (political) ideologies"?

In the early 90s JUI (F) made an alliance and coalition government with PPP, led by

Benazir Bhutto. Many of the party workers were not happy with this alliance as it was led by a woman. Ideologically they were of the opinion that Islam did not permit a woman to lead the affairs of a state. However, the coalition proved to be more advantageous to the party in terms of grabbing certain important government offices such as Moulana Fazl ur-

Rahman, head of JUI, was appointed as Chairman of the Parliamentary Committee on

Foreign Affairs.32

The alliance of six religio-political parties, Muttahidda Majlis Amal (United Action

Front or MMA), in 2002 is a good example of consensual political culture in Pakistan. All the parties successfully convinced their workers for electoral alliance and coalition government (afterword) in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Baluchistan. The alliance proved to

30 Jocelyne Cesari. (2014). The Awakening of Muslim Democracy: Religion, Modernity, and the State. UK: Cambridge University Press. p. 163 31 Robert Bianchi. (2004). Guests of God: Pilgrimage and Politics in the Islamic World. New York: Oxford University Press. p.84 32 Gilles Kepel. (2002). Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam. Translated by, Anthony F. Roberts. UK: I. B. Tauris & Co Ltd. p.227

9 be successful in the shape of coalition government, which in the history of the province, for the first time completed its tenure.

JI workers are more revisionist33 as compared to JUI, who are, by at-large oriented toward the preservation of the status-quo. So the alliance of the religious parties could not remain for long. The 2008 general elections were boycotted by JI, while JUI contested. In

2013, none of the two made pre-election alliances with other parties. However, JI made a coalition government with Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. While

JUI joined hands with Nawaz Sharif's led Pakistan Muslim League in the federal government.

Analyzing the parliamentary history of Pakistan, JUI seems to be more flexible than

JI. Its workers are more accommodative in their nature. Some people consider JUI as opportunist political party, as it can very easily adjust itself in every government. JI, on the other hand, is considered to be the party of principles.34 The different nature and approaches of both the parties towards different events and issues are because of the differences in the socialization processes of the two. How are the socialization processes of the two are different from each other? And how far both these parties and their trained and socialized workers are contributing in the broader political culture, democracy and consensus development in the country?

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Policies, actions and strategies of JUI and JI and the understanding of their workers and their responses to specific situations provide us with good case studies of consensual

33 JI since its inception believes in the revision and modification of accepted norms, long standing views, doctrines and theories not only in the political spheres but the religious as well. Maulana Maududi's ideologization of Islam and his struggle for giving political language to Islam is the base for such a behavior of JI affiliates. 34 Such a perception regarding JUI is common in JI affiliates. In some of the respondents' opinion (in Dir), "when it comes to the formation of coalition government or electoral alliance, JUI always ready for doing so, irrespective of who the coalition partner is. The leadership is least concerned with the ideological commitment of the party." However, this perception of the other parties' affiliates was denied by JUI affiliates. Some of the JUI respondents opined that "the circumstances decide who to make a coalition government or electoral alliance with". JUI has never ever compromised on its ideology. The party is utilizing every political means for its ultimate goal "the sharitiazation of the constitution of Pakistan".

10 and conflictual political culture in Pakistan. Ideologically, both JI and JUI, though, seem on the same political agenda i.e. shariatiazition of Pakistan, but there are very sharp difference between the two on understanding of political issues, their solutions and strategies.

The processes of socialization of their workers are also different and thus both are promoting a different political culture within their parties. The process of socialization is considered to be the most important and significant element in the political process of a country. This study focuses on how political workers in JI and JUI are socialized? How are they indoctrinated the political ideology of the party? And how they respond to a strategy of their party if it is not in-line with their socialization and the broader political culture, promoted by their political parties.

Literature Review

The study is mainly focused on the process of political socialization and consequently the development of consensual and conflictual political culture in the two mainstream religio-political parties in Pakistan. It revolves around the different agents and institutions involved in the socialization process of the workers in JI and JUI.

In Pakistan, researchers and scholars have extensively written on political parties and their role in politics. For example M. Rafique Afzal (1991), 35 has written about the initial turbulent years of Pakistan, and the role and organizational structure of the political parties at that time. His main emphasis is on the role and movement of political parties and the organizational structure of the political parties after independence. In his opinion

Pakistan Muslim League because of its internal organizational weaknesses, could not maintain its dominance and popularity in the masses. Hence, other political parties started to occupy its position. Religious political parties because of their roots in the masses and familiarity with the mobilization tactics started expending their sphere of influence.

35 M. Rafique Afzal. (1991). Political Parties in Pakistan 1958-69. Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research.

Nazir Ahmad (2004),36 emphasized on the role of political parties in the democratization process of the country. In his opinion, the continuous direct and indirect interventions of military in the political affairs, promoted the political culture of factionalization in the political parties. This has caused the emergence of different factions of almost all the main stream political parties in the country.

K. K. Aziz (1989),37 discussed the struggle, strategies and designs of the political parties and understanding their conduct and behavior in the early years of Pakistan. He opined that due to the weak organizational structure and internal rifts within the political parties, the real democratic transition never happened. The rivalry between the parties, their undemocratic and uncompromising culture, invited and allowed the military dictators to rule the country.

Hamid Khan (2005),38 described and narrated the constitutional and political history of Pakistan from its inception. He has given an account of each and every step and development in the constitutional making process. He has also discussed the role, played by different individuals and political parties in the constitution making process. He declared the 1973 constitution as a land mark achievement in terms of consensus building and agreement of all the political forces in the country.

Similarly, Safdar Mahmood (2000),39 analyzes different aspects of political and constitutional history of Pakistan. He also sheds light on the electoral performances of different political parties and their contribution in the promotion of consensus and differences in different issues and events. In his opinion democratic culture needs time to evolve and establish in Pakistan. He consideres democracy a complex combination of

36 Nazeer Ahmad. (2004). Political Parties in Pakistan: A Long War Ahead. Islamabad: Khursheed Printing Company. pp.1-2 37 Khursheed Kamal Aziz. (1989). Party Politics in Pakistan, 1947-1958.Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research. 38 Hamid Khan.(2005). Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan. Karachi: Oxford University Press 39 Safdar Mahmood. (2000). Pakistan: Political Roots and Development 1947-1999. Karachi: Oxford University Press.

12 social, economic, institutional, and cultural factors, which are based on the collective mentality of the people within a community. It starts evolving with the mutual understanding and consensus building among the people. For that purpose political parties are the central forces in any society.

The prominent research works which are mostly cited for JI in research on religious politics in Pakistan is, Nasr (1994),40 which examines different aspects of JI, its origin, ideological base, historical development and political role and strategies. In his opinion the party is inherited a “tension” between the concept and idea of a holy community and the party political agenda of a socio-economic change in Pakistani society. His work on JI is not just the exploration of a religio-political party in Pakistan, rather it examines the diverse politico-social roots of contemporary Islamic revivalism, the impacts of which are visible not only in Indo-Pak sub-continent but in Middle East and Africa as well.

Another work of Nasr (1996) 41 examines the life and thoughts of Maulana Maududi

(the founder of JI). In Nasr opinion Maududi was the first Islamic thinker and ideologue in united India, who has developed a modern politico-Islamic ideology. He has also provided a plan of social action (in the form of holy community under JI supervision) for realization of his vision. Nasr opined that Islamic revivalism envisioned by Maududi was not developed simply because of the rejection of cultural dominance of the West, but the communal politics in India, the formation of new Muslim identity, the concept of power discourse in plural societies and the question of Islam and nationalism contributed significantly in this regard. Maududi’s aim, according to Nasr, was “to put forth a view of

Islam whose revitalized, unspoiled, and uncompromising outlook would galvanize

Muslims into an ideologically uniform and hence politically indivisible community”.

40 Sayyed Vali Reza Nasr. (1994).The Vanguard of Islamic Revolution: the Jama’at Islami of Pakistan. CA, USA: I.B. Tauris and Co Ltd. 41 Sayyed Vali Reza Nasr. (1996). Mawdudi and the Making of Islamic Revivalism. New York: Oxford University Press

Pirzada (2000),42 in his work investigates about the role of JUI, its political strategies and relations and dealings with other political parties especially with the socialist parties in 70s. This work comprehensively describes the accommodative and compromising behavior of the leadership of JUI. In Pirzada's opinion the Ulema on one side made alliance with NAP and on the other side, they kept uphold their Islamic ideology and way of politics. He gave credit to the Ulema and especially to JUI affiliated Ulema for their compromises and flexibility during the process of making the 1973 constitution of

Pakistan.

Zaman (2004),43 has de-stereotyped the Ulema by an in-depth analysis of the tags associated to them. The Ulema are generally perceived to be inflexible, un-accommodating and un-compromising in their attitudes, generally resistant to social changes, and, as a consequence, become redundant. He holds an opinion that, the community of religious clerics and scholars, who have been a part of Muslim society for more than thousand years have witnessed renaissance and have considerably changed with the context of time and space. The transformation that underline the changes in culture and traditions of the Ulema, have provided them new ventures and pattern of political activism in the contemporary modern era. Hence, providing a new foundation for the comparative study in the political

Islam, religio-political movements and parties, and socio-religious changes in the Islamic world.

Hussain Haqqani (2005),44 gives an account of Pakistani state policies in the light of the role of military and religion. In his opinion, Pakistan since its inception is facing deteriorated internal political turbulence. Three interlinked problems are responsible for that. First is the state’s deliberative use of religion and religious groups for political reasons

42 Sayyed A. S. Pirzada. (2000). The Politics of the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam Pakistan 1971-1977. USA: Oxford University Press. 43 Mohammad Qasim Zaman. (2002). The Ulema in Contemporary Islam: Custodians of Change. NJ: Princeton University Press 44 Hussain Haqqani. (2005). Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military. Washington DC: Carnegie Endowment for International peace.

14 and gains. Second, the religious zeal of the people (some groups) are raised to a level, where the state itself is unable to leash and control it. Third, though, apparently military dictators (except Zia) showed their commitments to redress the chaotic (religious) situation, yet, practically, instead of digging out the root causes, they have been merely working on the symptoms. In fact they are the one, who are using religion and religious groups for furthering their own institutional interests. Militant wings of several religious groups have been engaged in Jihadist activities in Indian Kashmir and Afghanistan. These religious groups are also being used for putting pressure on civilian governments regarding their policy initiatives in respect to India, USA, Iran or Afghanistan. In Haqqani’s opinion JI is one of the parties which had close association with the military junta during Zia regime. It is still in an indirect relationship with the military by means of its association with different groups (Jihadist and religious). Haqqani narrates the story of different events where such religious groups facilitated the military rulers.

Sana Haroon (2007),45 examines the historical evolution and mobilization of organizations in the North West Frontier tribal area, bordering Afghanistan. She links the influential role of religious clergy in the region with the administrative management of the frontier region in the colonial British India. In her opinion, as the region was having strategic importance for the imperial masters, therefore, it was treated as a buffer zone and was kept outside the judicial and legislative structure of British India. The autonomous tribal structure facilitated mulla (the religious clergy) in enhancing their authority and sphere of influence. The similar administrative structure of the region was maintained after the British left. Then, during the introduction of Jihad in early 80s, the influential social position of mulla was further enhanced. She also gives an account of the concept and practice of the piri muridi in the region, which in her opinion has transformed to a more hard-line Deobandiat. Her work though, is an historical assesment of the tribal belt, yet

45 Sana Haroon. (2007). Frontier of Faith: Islam in the Indo-Afghan Borderland. London: Hurst & Company

15 provides an excellent overview for understanding the techniques of religious clergy for mobilizing the common masses by manipulating different situations.

Humera Iqtidar (2011),46 has picked up the most important and essential contemporary topic, secularism and religion (Islam). She argues that though, the categories

“religion” and “secular” are being regarded as alien to one another, yet, these are dialectically related to each other. In her opinion "secular" generates the religious. She regarded religion as something lacking universally accepted definition. In this regard, not only, the context of time and space play a significant role but also the ideas, attitudes, values, practices and most importantly followers of every religion make it different from the other. The followers of every religion associate and instill different meanings to different politico-religious ideas of their own. Secularism on the other hand is the political adjustment and a state run project. It is in-fact an inspiration and a goal, particularly not associated to specific ideas and practices. In her opinion, JI is a modern organization having three main components for modernity and secularism. First, it is providing the people an “open platform” to associate themselves with it or with its other competitors religio-political organizations and parties in Pakistan. Second, it has gone through the process of “rationalization” and is not confining religion to the private spheres. Third, it has demonstrated the “objectification” of religion by giving meanings and definitions to certain important aspects of individual and societal life. Because of these characteristics Humaira

Iqtidar believes that the Islamist (particularly JI) are “facilitating secularization at a societal level even as they continue to oppose secularism as an official policy.” On the other hand at individual level, they have also changed religious practices into individualized decisions that must be in line with the broader subject and justified.

46 Humaira Iqtidar. (2011). Secularizing Islamists?: Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamaat-ud-Da’wa in Urban Pakistan. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press

Haroon Ullah Khan (2014),47 has given a detailed account of Islamist and right wing Islamic political parties and their role in the state affairs and democratization in

Pakistan. For his study he took three political parties in Pakistan i.e. Pakistan Muslim league Nawaz (PML-N), JI and JUI. He classified these in two broad categories, the

Islamist and the Muslim democrat. JI was defined as the hierarchical’ Islamists and JUI the network Islamists. His categorization is based on the party ideology, its strategies and organizational structure. In his opinion both the Islamist and right wing Muslim democrat are having considerable diversity. The Islamist politics in Pakistan is not of a monolithic and colossal structure. The diversity came from within the organizational structures and social basis of the three. The Muslim democrat in his opinion is consist of a core, formed by economic and social elites. This core is deciding all the rest of organizational activities, plans and strategies. Their focus are more on the economic activities as the party policy.

The hierarchical Islamists are supported by intellectual and religious elites. These religious elites though, are not graduated from traditional Islamic seminaries, yet they have considerable intellectual position in Islam and Islamic teachings. They are mostly graduated from universities and other institution of modern education. The network

Islamists appeal to the underclass and religious leaders. Mostly consist of madrassa graduates and their alumnae. This is more of a rural focusing party, members of which are connected with a network.

All these studies and many others have academic value and described the nature and composition of religious political parties and their role in the political development in

Pakistan. Each of these have their own arguments and theoretical understanding of the religio-political role of JI and JUI.

47 Haroon Ullah Khan. (2014). Vying for Allah’s Vote: Understanding Islamic Political Violence, and Extremism in Pakistan. Washington DC: Georgetown University Press.

The consensus development and the disagreements of the two with each other and

with other political parties in Pakistan with respect to different issues and events, needs a

thorough investigation of the processes of ideologization, political indoctrination and

political socialization of the workers and affiliates. Both the parties are having their strong

social bases in the religiously motivated rural areas in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (Dir and Dera

Ismail Khan, the party strategies and their plans and procedure for the socialization of their

workers can best be studied in these areas). The parties while devising any political

strategy, are very much in pressure of their socialized workers. This study argues that the

political nature and culture of JI and JUI are shaped by the process, they socialize their

workers. This study comparatively analyzes as how do JI and JUI socialize their workers

and what are their contribution in the national politics in Pakistan?

Research Question

The main research question is

1. How a culture of consensus or conflict is developed through the process of socialization?

Secondary Research questions are;

1. How JI and JUI socialize their workers?

2. Howa socialized worker in JI and JUI accommodate people from other political parties and

ideologies?

Methodology

The study is based on qualitative methods for which both primary and secondary

sources were consulted. Maximum space and weightage was given to the personal

interviews with party members, associates, students, activists and other office bearers. Dir

(lower) and Dera Ismail Khan (D. I. Khan) districts were selected on the basis of the parties

significant presence, their extensive activities in engaging their workers, their electoral

18 gains as compared to other political parties, and lastly, because of the presence of the central leadership of both the parties.48

For an in-depth comparative analysis, semi-structured interviews were conducted.

A total of 30 personal interviews and two focused group discussions were conducted both in Dir and D. I. Khan. Snow ball sampling technique was adopted for the selection of the respondents. The respondents were categorized in teachers (both school and Madrassa),

Students (madrassa and university students), Lawyers (affiliated to JI and JUI), executive council members of the both, office bearers (mainly local heads of the party) and other common members and affiliates of both the parties.49 However, it was tried to select similar type of respondents from each area. Interviews in Dir were conducted in four Tehsils i.e.

Adenzai, Balambat, Munda, and Lal Qila Maidan. In D. I. Khan interviews from respondents of three tehsils i.e. D. I. Khan, Kulachi and Pahar Pur (all the interviews were conducted in D. I. Khan city). Few party gatherings of JUI in Peshawar were also attended along with the JUI provincial chief Maulana Gul Naseeb Khan, as a participant observer.

Organization of the Study

This study is consist of seven different chapters along with a separate section on conclusion.

Besides the first chapter as the introduction, the second chapter focuses on what political socialization is? What are the different theoretical positions in the studies on political socialization? What are the agents of political socialization? And how political parties are involved in political socialization of their workers? This chapter gives a general overview of political socialization and the theoretical and methodological issues in political socialization research.

48 JI head Siraj-ul-Haq is from Dir and JUI head Maulana Fazal ur Rehman is from D. I. Khan. 49 The respondents can be divided in two categories i.e. The Socializers and the Socialized. Though there are no such demarcating principles on the basis of which one can say that a particular respondent is a socializer or socialized, yet, we still can consider all the respondents from students’ organizations as "The Socialized” and the rest as "Socializers”. Furthermore, both the socializers and the socialized are at the same time subjected to and perform the duty of being the socializer and the socialized.

The third chapter gives an overview of the politico-social role of JI and JUI in different political and social issues and events in Pakistan. It discusses the ideological foundations of both the parties. It also tries to give an overview of the national events and the consensual and dissensual role of both the parties and their workers. It presents a kind of brief historical analysis of the both.

The fourth Chapter describes what role family and parents are playing in the political socialization and ideological indoctrination of their children in JI and JUI affiliated families? It argues that family is an important and essential element for transmitting the norms and values of dominant culture and thus takes part in preserving the culture and values system of any society and community. For JI and JUI it is the most important institution, as it transmits the parents political values and disposition to the coming generation. Thus provides a continuous ideological commitment and man power to both the parties. This chapter encompasses the Ijtima-i-Ahli khana (gathering of the family) in JI affiliated families, a well established custom, where all the family members gather and discuss verses from holy Quran. It argues that this gathering has significant share in the ideologization of the children. It also discusses that certain aspects of children lives, such as civic participation, shaping voting behavior and party identification etc. are in the domain of families and parents in JI and JUI affiliated families.

The fifth chapter discusses the role of educational institutions in the (political) socialization of the children. This chapter tries to investigate the fundamental question of how the children are socialized and indoctrinated the ideology of JI and JUI in schools and colleges? The chapter discuss that, the role of the teacher is very much important and significant in terms of communicating the curricula contents to the students in his own way and methods. His personal values, likes and dislikes and political affiliation greatly affect the classroom discussion and learning. In Dir and Dera Ismail Khan, the party affiliated members are running their own schools which are also instilling and implanting the parties

20 religious doctrines in the children. In government schools, their main agents of socialization are the Arabic or theology teachers, who, if affiliated to any of the parties are indoctrinating the students the party religious ideology. This indoctrination normally based upon (primarily) the classroom and out of the class discussions.

Chapter six discusses the role of student organizations in colleges, universities and madrassas, and the socialization and education of the students affiliated to these organizations. The chapter argues that the student organizations (IJT and JTI) in the education institutions across Pakistan are providing an enormously significant environment to the students and prepare them for their active political roles in the society. They work as nurseries for JI and JUI by providing them man power (socialized workers) and future leadership. Both the organizations are having systematic training and socialization procedures, which are missing in other contemporary student’s religio-political organizations in Pakistan. It also argues that, the social interaction of the children

(students) and the acquiring of new values and habits from their friends in IJT and JTI, have enormous impacts, and are important determinants of personality development and political implications in their future lives. The socialized members of these organizations are having almost uniform politico-social values and are having same understanding of political happenings and issues.

The seventh chapter discusses the role of media in the political socialization of JI and JUI workers. It specifically focuses on how modern media and communication tools are utilized by JI and JUI. The chapter gives an overview that along with the common tools of communication, both the parties are also competing for the control of loudspeaker of the mosques. Mosque occupies a central position in the propagation and indoctrination of political ideologies of religious parties in Dir and D. I. Khan. So who so ever controls the mosque is controlling the whole muhalla (community). Because of the excessive commercial nature of the traditional media, both the parties are unable to take any

21 significant advantage of it in terms of propagation of their ideology and political program.

Though JI is trying to fill this gap with the maximum use of social media, JUI affiliates and leadership are still not that familiar with the modern social media and communication tools.

CHAPTER – 2

SOCIALIZATION TO POLITICS: A THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE

This chapter focuses on the basic questions of what political socialization is? What are the different theoretical positions in studies regarding political socialization? What are the agents of political socialization? How are political parties involved in political socialization?

Socialization to politics is a confused, disordered and an untied process which is difficult to pin point in a particular phase of an individual life. It is also hard to define it in abstract terms but broadly saying it is the transmission of political culture, attitudes and values to the coming generations, generally accepted by the citizens in a specific society.50

One of the important questions which need to be investigated is “how and why attitudes, values, beliefs and behaviors need to be transmitted to the coming generations?

Almond and Coleman (1960), opined that culture, traditions, values, behaviors and attitudes are not something which can be transmitted through genes. Rather these are requirements and social obligations on an individual who is a member of a community or a society.51 These requirements and obligations are fulfilled through learning processes and one, then acquire his/her role in the society.52 Hahn (1998) termed these processes as political learning processes which include not only the active ways and techniques but the passive as well. In her opinion citizens learn about the generally accepted attitudes, values and behaviors in both formal and informal ways.53 They adopt and develop a kind of behavior and attitudes which help them in identifying and locating themselves within their

50 Gabriel A. Almond , and Sidney Verba. (1963). The Civic Culture. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. 51 Gabriel A. Almond and James Coleman, (1960). The Politics of the Developing Areas. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. p. 27. 52 Pamela Johnston Conover. (1991). Political Socialization: Where’s the Politics? in William Crotty’s (ed.) Political Science: Looking to the Future, (Volume III, Political Behavior). Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press. pp. 125-152. 53 Hahn L. Carole. (1998). Becoming Political. Albany: State University of New York Press.

23 political societies. These developments also help them in understanding the political and social nature of the society and system. Such learning starts from the very childhood of the individuals when they align and identify themselves with political structure of the society, which help them in comprehending the politics and government (starting from the general understanding of authority and position within the family).54 These are normally one-way processes (in the beginning) of learning and gaining attitudes through interactions with other fellow beings and through different mediums. The Greenstein’s model comprehend the entire process of socialization and learning i.e. who (subjects) → learns what (political values, beliefs, attitudes, behaviors) → from whom (agents) → under what circumstances

→ with what effects.55

For the progress and evolution of any system, uniformity in values, attitudes and behaviors is needed, which the process of socialization tries to bring. It is thus a necessary and essential requirement of every society and system. Without uniformity in values and norms of the citizens i.e. socialization, the system may not work and function properly.

Therefore, at the state level, citizens and individuals of society are indoctrinated with the appropriate and adequate norms, values and practices required for the progress of the polity and society.56 Every state and society has its own pattern of thoughts, norms values, laws, traditions and behavior which are transmitted through different agents and agencies such as family, friends circles, educational institutions, political organizations, print, electronic and social media, peer groups, religious organizations and military etc.57

The process of socialization starts at home and family is the first agent or institution which socializes an individual. The role of family is much important because it shapes the

54 Richard Dawson and Kenneth Prewitt. (1969). Political Socialization. Boston: Little Brown and Company. 55 Fred I. Greenstein. (1969). Children and Politics. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. 56 Virginia Sapiro. (2004). Not Your Parents’ Political Socialization: Introduction for a New Generation. Annual Review of Political Science. vol. 7. p.2 (1-23.) 57 Paul Allen Beck. (1977). The Role of Agents in Political Socialization. in Stanley Allen Renshon (ed.), Handbook of Political Socialization Theory and Research. New York: The Free Press. pp. 115-142.; Also see Marshall Gordon. (1998). Political Socialization. in A Dictionary of Sociology. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

24 future political attitudes of an individual. Yet it is not the sole socializing institution. There are other institutions and agents as well, which have roles in indoctrinating values, beliefs and attitudes regarding politics and other social issues in the society.

Different scholars have given weighting to different institutions and groups in term of their role in the socialization process of the citizens. Scholars are also divided on the scope of childhood and adult socialization (early and late socialization). Methods of socialization are also very much debated in the academic circles. Some advocate closed, restricted and state controlled socialization. Other favor open and unrestricted socialization of the individuals. An extensive literature is available on the topic ranging from classical to post-modernist literature.

In classic literature Plato’s Republic is undoubtedly considered as a master work in terms of ‘culturalization’ and ‘socialization’ of citizens. The Republic emphasizes on making the young good citizens through extremely comprehensive state-run instructional program, which we can call ‘affective socialization’.58 Plato argues that “it is the early education of the citizens which strengthen the ‘ideal state’. If a comprehensive system of education is not run by the state, children from their early life will adopt conflicting ideas, values, customs and traditions which will ultimately result changes in their relations with fellow beings and their pattern of collective life in the commonwealth “the ideal state”.59

‘Confucius’ also consideres political socialization to be of crucial importance. He emphasizes on ‘filial piety’ and relates a ‘well regulated’ family life to ‘order’ in political life. However, in his political socialization the family do not, directly indoctrinate

‘political’ values. The family and parents are to indoctrinate and transmit “generalized” values and attitudes which leads to political stability by producing the feelings and “honor

58 Dean Jaros. (1973). Socialization to Politics. New York, Washington: Praeger Publishers. p.9 59 Plato. (1945). Republic, trans. Francis MacDonald Corn ford. New York: Oxford University Press. p.116

25 for the prince”.60 Hence in Confucius program of socialization of the citizens, the state too has no direct significant involvement. He places the whole responsibility of socialization on the shoulders of the family.

Among other philosophers, St. Thomas More and Jean-Jacque Rousseau, both are more vocal for political socialization at the early ages. Yet, Thomas More is having a slightly different opinion, for example he says that ‘cognitive socialization’ is not just enough and citizens cannot be left only with the transmitted values and attitudes. For the defense and maintenance of state and commonwealth, children and youth should also be communicated political beliefs and values i.e. they should also be ‘affectively socialized’.61

More give more weightage to teachers. He opined that whatsoever ideas are put into the heads of children in their early lives, remain dominant for the rest of their lives. But what about the re-socialization or the late socialization of an individual? It can be argued that the process of socialization do not stop at any stage of the individual’s life. It continues throughout his life. In every stage he is communicated, indoctrinated and transmitted new ideas, values and attitudes. However, it is believed that the childhood socialization plays an important role in one’s socio-political behavior in a society.

Rousseau also voices for ‘affective socialization’ and holds an opinion that only an organized and socialized society can operate in complete harmony. He is a great advocate of childhood socialization and political indoctrination. For the indoctrination of political values, the social contract requires the legislators to do it (socialization and indoctrination) continuously.62 Rousseau’s general will is sovereign but all the people cannot legislate for themselves. So logically there must be some institution(s), most probably government,

60 John D. Young. (1983). Confucianism and Christianity: The First Encounter. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. p.19 61 Thomas More. (2003). Utopia. Paul Turner (trans). United Kingdom: Penguin Classics. p.132 62 Jean J. Rousseau. (1947). The Social Contract. Charles Frankel (trans). New York: Mafner Publishing Co. p.35

26 resultant of general will, to manage and regulate the educational and socialization activities so as to instruct the citizens and prepare them for their respective roles in the society.

The role of state or one of its organ/institution is obvious in the indoctrination of citizens especially of the children for making them patriotic and induce in them respect for the existing political order. Thus every regime invest heavily on the system of education and socialization. So in this context it can be argued that all such state-run and sponsored educational and socialization institutions and programs have specific aims, the foremost of which is to maintain status quo. For example in (former) Soviet Union, the state run educational institutions have not just aimed at transmitting technical skills to the citizens, but indoctrinating in them the ideological foundation of the state i.e. the principles of communism as well.63 The education system in a prescribed pattern, not only produced loyal subjects but the future political elites and leaders.64 So the condition of Lenin

“teaching communism”65 was considered to be the base and prerequisite for survival of the system. That is why, the state was much involved in the indoctrination of the values, norms and traditions in the citizens from their childhood.

Similarly in Nazi Germany, socialization of the citizens was greatly focused.

Children and young people were indoctrinated in different ways. In schools and colleges the syllabi was designed in such a way that it projected and propagated the sentiments of heroism and nationalism. A comprehensive program and course of “national political training” was run by state institutions.66 Countering Hitler’s indoctrination, after the collapse of his regime, by means of re-indoctrination is a fantastic supporting evidence in the late or re-socialization of the citizens and individual. The youth were re-indoctrinated

63 DeWitt Nicholas. (1961). Education and the Professional Employment in the USSR. Washington: National Science Foundation. p.120 64 Michael Gehlen. (1969). The Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. pp.92-97 65 Lenin, V. I. (1943). The Role of Youth Leagues. in Selected Works. New York: International Publishers. pp.467 82 66 Kandel Isaac Leon. (1935). The Making of Nazis. New York: Teachers’ College, Columbia University. p.17

27 and socialized in such a way to instill and implant in them new ideals and democratic and political values. This was also done by state run institutions and sponsored programs proposed and design by the “Allied powers”.67

Among the modern scholars, Hyman (1959)68, Dawson & Prewitt (1969)69 and

Beck (1977),70 argue that the family, schools, and peer networks are the main forces that shape a person’s political personality. Likewise Almond and Verba (1963) emphasize on the culturalization and political orientation of the citizens. Sapiro (2004)71 argues that context with respect to time and space is much important in the study of socialization, because the differences in the learning methods, different political institutions, political parties and specific situation socialize citizens differently.

Inglehart and Welzel (2005)72 are of the opinion that values and beliefs are subjected to change with time and environment. So an individual cannot live with the similar (political) norms, values and preferences for his entire life. Dalton (2006)73 wrote about the involvement of citizens in political affairs, the public opinion formation and the role of political parties in advanced democracies.

The diverse nature and concept of political socialization can be categorized in two types. Langton (1969) represents the first type. In his opinion political socialization is a way by means of which political culture is transmitted from generation to generation.74 In other words Langton lays emphasis on the society as a whole. In his opinion it is the

67 Richter Werner. (1945). Re-educating Germany. Chicago: University of Chicago Press 68 Herbert H. Hyman. (1959). Political Socialization: A Study in the Psychology of Political Behavior. Glencoe, Ill: Free Press. 69 Dawson, & Prewitt. (1969). Political Socialization. 70 Paul Allen Beck. (1977). The Role of Agents in Political Socialization, in Stanley Allen Renshon (eds.), Handbook of Political Socialization Theory and Research. New York: The Free Press. 71 Sapiro. (2004). Not Your Parents Socialization. pp.1-23 72 Ronald Inglehart and Christian Welzel. (2005). Modernization, Cultural Change and Democracy. New York: Cambridge University Press. 73 Dalton J. Russell. (2006). Citizen Politics: Public Opinion and Political Parties in Advanced Industrial Democracies. Washington: Chatham House. 74 Kenneth Langton. (1969). Political Socialization. New York: Oxford University Press. p.4

28 society which manage to transmit the adequate norms and values to new members of the society.

The second type is that in which individuals themselves, form their own values and understanding about the norms of the society. Sears (1975) was an active advocate of this concept of political socialization. In his opinion an individual is capable of understanding his environment and surrounding. His understanding makes him an active citizen of the society. He is free to interact with different events (political and social) within the society and show his reaction. The society and different socializing agents may direct him in some direction but at the end it is he who has to decide. For example a child is socialized in his family, but when he is confronted with some situation he may react differently. What is making his different reaction, is his own free will.75 This categorization has made the subject of socialization (political) debatable and multi-disciplinary. Some scholars view it as a sub-branch of sociology but some are of the opinion that it developed from political behavior research.76

The term political socialization first originated in Hyman (1959) work. During that period the political socialization research has gone through specific phases. In the 1950s and 1960s decades the main focus of the political socialization scholarship was ideology and ideological commitment in the transmission of political norms and values to the new generation. Childhood socialization research was having important position in the field. It was believed that parents have colossal effects on their children. Thus parents and family were considered the most important agents of political socialization.

However, the later scholars shifted their attention from (politico-religious) ideology to other elements. The family and parents were found to be not the sole socializing agents.

75 David O. Sears. (1975). Political Socialization. In F. Greenstein & N. W. Polsby (ed.), Handbook of political science. Reading, MA: Addison Wesley. Vol. 4. pp. 93–153. 76 Richard G. Niemi, & Mary A. Hepburn. (1995). The Rebirth of Political Socialization. Perspectives on Political Science. 24(1). pp. 7-16.

Other agents for example media provided another dimension and direction to political socialization scholarship. Similarly the focus of the research also shifted from childhood to adolescence which was considered to be the new phase in the political socialization or citizens' political development.

The most important era of political socialization research was considered to be the decade of 1970s. It is remembered as the golden era of (political) socialization scholarship.

However, some scholars hold an opinion that after the decade of 1970s interest in the political socialization research declined, and it died a pre-mature death.77

In the view of Gordon and Taft (2011), very little work was published on political socialization in the last three decades. It was after 2010 that fresh blood was poured into the field by applying and using new research tools and methods for testing the earlier hypothesis and results. The new statistical methods gave a different dimension to the political socialization scholarship.78

2.1 APPROACHES TO POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION

Socialization to politics focuses two levels i.e. macro and micro. The macro level according to Sapiro focuses on the basic questions of democratic norms and culture in a polity. It investigates the people’s political orientations and practices that how, where and why these are develop and convert the structure and design of the existing norms and values for the creation of real democratic institutions and practices.79

2.1.1 Macro Level

The macro-level framework of political socialization is very clearly and effectively articulated by David Easton in his political theory of political socialization. He has knotted

77 Ibid. 78 Hava R. Gordon & Jessica K. Taft. (2011). Rethinking Youth Political Socialization: Teenage Activists Talk Back. Youth & Society. 43(4). pp.1499-1527. 79 Sapiro. (2004). Not Your Parents’ Political Socialization. p.19.

30 the socialization phenomena with the functions of the political systems.80 Socialization is not only necessary for the maintenance of the system rather it makes the system to persist.

In the view of Almond, political socialization is an input function, which every political system has to perform for its survival. Without this function the culture and structures of a political system could not perpetuate through time. Thus socialization becomes a necessary function and requirement of every political system. He defines political socialization in terms of input function of a system i.e. “the induction into political culture which results in a set of attitudes cognitions, values, standards and feelings about the political system, its various roles and roles incumbents”.81

2.1.2 Micro Level

The Micro level focuses on the individual socialization, his relations and understanding with political processes. It constitutes “the patterns and processes by which individuals are engaged in political development and learning, constructing their particular relationships to the political contexts in which they live”.82 The Greenstein model explicitly explain this approach by didactic questions i.e. (1) who (2) learn what (3) from whom (4) under what circumstances (5) with what effect?83

Thus socialization to politics results in the individual acquisition of political knowledge regarding their society, system and state. They become aware of their political system and its functioning. They acquire what ideology, rituals, value system and practices are acceptable in the society. They identify their required and respective role and hence become actively engaged in civic and political life of the society.

2.2 POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION RESEARCH AND THEORETICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES

80 David Easton. (1957). An Approach to the Analysis of Political System. World Politics. Vol. 9. p.384 (383- 400). 81 Almond and Coleman. (1960). The Politics of the Developing Areas. pp. 27-28 82 Sapiro. (2004). Not Your Parents’ Political Socialization p.3 83 Fred I. Greenstein. (1969). Children and Politics. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Political socialization is widely researched area and enormous scholastic works are available on the topic. However, there are still theoretical and methodological issues at hand while conducting research on political socialization. One of such issues that is narrowing the scope of political socialization scholarship is the assumption and notion that it is “the making of good citizens”.84 Any such citizen who is “a loyal subject to the regime”, a “ jingoist”, in the modern time “a permanent voter” and a person “who is aware of his community and actively participate in affairs related to his people” can be termed as

“a good citizen”.85 This issue gets more confusing while conducting research on people affiliated to religious political parties. Many of such affiliates have different understanding of loyalty to the state and regime and to the responsibilities of a citizen in a state. Jamaat-i-

Islami (JI) and Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (JUI) affiliates are presenting a different concept of a good citizen. The concept of good citizen also varies in different areas in Pakistan in relation to the citizens affiliation with JI and JUI.86

The methodological issues are also under discussion in political socialization scholarship. The survey research methods and the over dependence of political socialization on it, is one of such issues in hand. The tools and indicators of survey method are more or less tied to the voting behavior and hence lead the scholarships to merely substance and measure the citizens’ political engagement. While measuring the level of uniformity in the political knowledge of youth and citizen mysterious questions are asked from the respondents. Which are (totally) insignificant or to say, least significant to the

84 Sherrod Lonnie, Constance Flanagan, and James Youniss. 2002. Dimensions of Citizenship and Opportunities for Youth Development: The What, Why, When, Where, and Who of Citizenship Development. Applied Developmental Science. 6(2). pp. 264-272. 85 Diana Owen. 2004. Citizenship and Civic Education in the United States. paper presented at the Conference on Civic Education and Politics in Democracies: Comparing International Approaches to Educating New Citizens, co-sponsored by the Center for Civic Education and the Bundeszentrale for Politische Bildung, San Diego, CA, September 26-October 1, 2004. 86 For example a good citizen in the eyes of JI and JUI affiliates is the one who is a permanent voter of the religious political parties, strive for an Islamic system in the country and consider all the contemporary laws and regulation as against Islam and Sharia. However, this concept of a good citizen is not uniform in all the affiliates and all areas of Pakistan. So one can say that they (JI and JUI affiliates) are themselves confused in this regard.

32 subject matter of political socialization. For example asking about the names of cabinet members, or inquiring about the members of the National Assembly and Senate in

Pakistan, or identifying the political party to which the President in USA or Prime Minister in UK belongs87 to, have very little role in assessing and measuring the political engagement of the individuals or their understanding of government (its branches), political and civic life in a society and their respective roles and responsibilities.88

Furthermore, the variables (most of the time), used in such researchs are lacking discrete relationships with the empirical data. The findings cannot comprehensively comprehend the dynamic nature of political socialization. The processes of political socialization thus cannot be generalized as it has divergent generational patterns which at the same times are puzzled with delicacies and contradictions.

Every generation has its own pattern of socialization. The time and space differences create changes in the processes, nature, structure and operational pattern of the agents and hence modify the socialization process for every coming generation. For example in the case of JI and JUI, though the agents of socialization and the broader process used to be the same, yet, the different situations and issues in Pakistan has affected

(both positively and negatively) the process of socialization and the implications. The inconsistency in the political strategies with respect to consensus building and disagreements among different political parties on certain political events in Pakistan can be termed as the cause of such contextual changes. Therefore, context is more important in political socialization research. This is one of such issues which has limited the scope of political socialization scholarship and unified and consistent results.

87 Henry Milner. (2007). Political Knowledge Among Young Canadians and Americans. Institute for Research on Public Policy Working Paper Series. No. 2007(01). Quebec: IRPP. 88 Robert Dudley, and Alan Gitelson. (2003). Civic Education, Civic Engagement, and Youth Civic Development. Political Science & Politics. April, 36(2). pp. 263-267.

Individual and system levels of socialization are two different yet interconnected levels of socialization. However, research in the intersection of these two is very rear and very less has been explored on factors associated with system-level, influencing individual preferences and his being “good citizenship”. Majority of the research conducted on the subject revolve around the individual level. Making generalizations while solely focusing individual level of socialization is largely inadequate and inappropriate. Context of time and space and most importantly the system level factors such as institutions, differences in learning and indoctrination methods, political system and political parties, social groups, online communities and internet facilities and interaction and conversation with adults do influence the socialization process and must be taken into account.89 For example socialization of the affiliates in both JI and JUI particularly linked with the system level factors. Their broader perspectives are making a just system based on the universal principles of Islam and sharia. Or in their capacity they try to convince and socialize their affiliates for Islamizing the present politico-social system in Pakistan. This on one hand if involving political parties and personalities on the other hand state institutions and political system provide the required momentum and pace to the whole process of socialization.

Thus provinding us an excellent example of inter-connected individual and system-level approaches to political socialization.

Another debate in the scholarship within political socialization is the distinction and differences between political engagement and civic engagement. Broader view of the two is making them one. However, for convenience and proper understanding of the process, techniques and levels of political socialization, it needs to be divided in different stages. So political engagement and civic engagement are not more than the different approaches to political socialization. In the views of different scholars this is the division in the stages and methods of political socialization.

89 Sapiro. (2004). Not Your Parents’ Political Socialization.

Civic engagement is the first phase of political socialization. It is the response of an individual’s early socialization. It includes but not limited to the wish and enthusiasm of the individuals for “working to make a difference in the social and civic life of the people within their community”.90 It is voluntarily acting for a cause in individual capacity or in organized group. However, these volunteer actions must have legal, moral and ethical grounds.91 In simple words civic engagement is the non-electoral activities of individuals.

Its ends are mutual co-operation, helps and respect within a community.

Engagement of individuals in civic activities, in their early ages are very much helpful in preparing them for acquiring the role of active citizens in their future.92 For example JI affiliates engage their children from very early age in civic activities in Dir by taking part in different community related activities. Youth development scholars are of the opinion that early socialization of the individuals (youth) and their exposure and engagements in civic activities have very positive effects on their pro-social behavior and adulthood.93 Thus making civic engagement as an agent of social change and tries to empower individuals, citizens and communities.94

Political engagement is the later stage of socialization. It is the involvement of the individuals in some sort of political activities. These activities include but not limited to voting, joining any political party or organization, participation in political campaign, contesting for any political office and engagement in political discussions. Dalton argues that political engagement is related to the norms and values of duty based citizenship. It

90 Thomas Ehrlich. (2000). Preface. in Thomas Ehrlich, Civic Responsibility and Higher Education. New York: Oxford University Press: i-xxiv. 91 Russell J. Dalton. (2008). The Good Citizen. Washington, D.C.: CQ Press. 92 Daniel Hart & Robert Atkins. (2002). Civic Competence in Urban Youth. Applied Developmental Science. 6(4). pp. 227-236. See also Miranda Yates & James Youniss. (1999). Roots of civic identity: International perspectives on community service and youth activism. New York: Cambridge University Press. 93 Linda Camino & Shepherd Zeldin. (2002). From Periphery to Center: Pathways for Youth Civic Engagement in the day-to-day life of Communities. Applied Developmental Science. 6(4). pp. 213-220. See also Lonnie R. Sherrod, Constance A. Flanagan, & James Youniss. (2002). Dimensions of citizenship and opportunities for youth development: The What, Why, When, Where, and Who of Citizenship Development. Applied Developmental Science. 6(4). pp. 264-272. 94 Shawn Ginwright, & Taj James. (2002). From Assets to Agents of Change: Social Justice, Organizing, and Youth Development. New Directions for Youth Development. vol. 96. pp. 27-46.

35 defines and aware the citizens of their rights, duties and obligations within a society and polity.95

The relations between political engagement and civic engagement is widely debated in the political socialization scholarships. Putnam,96 McLaren & Baird,97 Schier,98 Easton99 and Shea & Green100 are of the opinion that it is the civic engagement of an individual in a community which shapes his later orientation and socialization to politics. Easton for example argues that there are three objects of political socialization i.e. community, regime and government. Analyzing these three objects, an individual orientations and his understanding towards his community may not be in a true sense a political phenomena or engagement. On the other hand the other two objects involve political orientation.

Although Easton termed a community a kind of political entity or organization, where the inhabitants share the political labor. However, apart from the distribution of political labor a community is also having faces other than political, for example socio- cultural and economic. It can be argued that the socio-cultural and economic faces of a community are having more importance and weightage for a new member of the community. So in the first phase the youth engagement in a community are civic in nature and not political. In the later stages these engagements may produce the feelings of patriotism and nationalism which are political concepts and will lead to the individuals’ political engagement.

The engagement of the individuals in community affairs, shape their behavior towards the understanding of existing system, constitutional order and structure of the

95 Dalton. (2008). The Good Citizen. 96 Robert D. Putnam. (2000). Bowling Alone. New York: Simon and Schuster. 97 Lauren McLaren, and Vanessa Baird. (2003). Growing Trust: The Role of Communal Participation in the Creation of Interpersonal Trust. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Philadelphia, PA. (cited in Daina Owen. (2009). Political Socialization in the 21st Century.) 98 Steven E. Schier. (2000). By Invitation Only. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press. 99 David Easton. (1965). A System of Political Life. New York: John Wiley & Sons. 100 Daniel M. Shea, and John C. Green. (2007). The Turned-Off Generation: Fact and Fiction? in Daniel M. Shea and John C. Green, Fountain of Youth. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield. pp. 3-20.

36 authority. The understanding, recognition, acceptance or rejection of the constitutional order and the locus of the political authority and decision making is the late socialization or re-socialization in an individual life. This level obviously falls in the domain of political engagement. The understanding and orientations of individuals, regarding the government, too fall in the political engagement category.

Connecting the three objects of political socialization of Easton, it can be argued that civic engagement and political engagement are inter-related. Both are the two levels of the broader theme and subject matter of political socialization.

In response to the arguments presented by the scholars above in favor of civic engagement’s importance for political engagement, some scholars are of the view that civic engagement of the citizens do not necessarily lead to their political engagements. Civic engagement and political engagement are two different things and to an extent two contrasting things and processes. Volunteer activities and civic engagement may have some positive impacts on the social setting of the society, but their effects on the democratic values and political engagements are some time unsubstantiated and negative.101 Hibbing and Morse elaborated that citizens participate in civic activities because of the contaminated face of politics. People’s participation in community activities moved them from politics, because some people have very bad experience of politicians.102

2.3 VARIABLES IN POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION RESEARCH AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

Researchers and scholars involved in political socialization research are of the opinion that there are many concepts and variable involved in describing this concept.

Langton (1969) and Massialas (1971) have provided a comprehensive list of those variable and concepts. Some of these are used for this study. As the study focuses more on

101 Elizabeth Morse, and John Hibbing. (2005). Citizenship and Civic Engagement. Annual Review of Political Science. vol. 8. p. 244(227-249) 102 Ibid.

37 individual interviews, therefore, these variable were quantified with specific and related questions. For example Political Interest (Interest associated to political phenomena and affairs) of the workers and other affiliates of both JI and JUI. Whether or not an affiliate attend party meetings? Whether or not he permits his other family members (especially his children and women) to involve in party related affairs? Does he regularly deposit his monthly membership fee? Is he involved in political campaign for the party candidates in elections? Has he himself ever thought of taking part in election?

Political Discourse (debates, discussion and conversation about government policies and political affairs) variable was split into different questions for discussion with the respondents. It consisted of, whether the affiliates discuss and debate the overall political affairs with each other and with the members of other parties? Do their discussion and conversation revolve around the government policies or any other current issues? Do they also involve their family members especially their children in political discussions?

What are their most debated topics in politics?

Political Efficacy variable was coupled with different questions with the broader theme revolving around the belief of the affiliates that they can affect the political outcomes within a political system with the help of their political activism through their parties. The most significant query in this regard was the affiliates’ belief on political processes. A set of questions for this variable were, are you satisfied with the prevailing political system? What can be the right procedure for the implementation of your desire political system? How far in your opinion JI or JUI be successful in their political struggle for an Islamic system? How far you are satisfied and convinced with your affiliation with

JI or JUI?

Civic Tolerance (variable) is a broader concept. It is mainly related to, support and acceptance for the rights of all within an area or polity, due process of law, freedom of

38 speech, recognition of lawful and legitimate diversity with the society and all the basic rights of the citizens.

Regarding media and its impacts on the affiliates Spectator Politicization variable was used. It was to show that how much contents, essentially political, is consumed by an individual in the media i.e. print, electronic and social media? The most striking question in this regard was whether or not the affiliate is attached to media (any kind)? The trend of the use of social media in both the parties affiliates was also focused.

2.4 AGENTS OF SOCIALIZATION

The above discussion tried to debate about the fundamental questions of what political socialization is? and what are the trends and debates in the modern political socialization scholarships? The literature suggests that socialization is a continuous process and is having much importance for the smooth functioning of a polity. Now another set of questions arises that how individuals acquire knowledge (political/civic) regarding their communities and polities? And who (individuals and institutions) are involved in their socialization process?

The modern world and the governance system based on the concept of democracy requires the maximum participation of the citizens in political and civic activities. Citizens are to govern themselves and thus they are required to provide inputs into the electoral and policy matters and processes.103 Greater the involvements of the citizens in the input processes of the system, effective be the output processes and policies. This will ensure improvement in the standard of living of the citizens, more opportunities for education, availability and free flow of information, active participation and involvement of the marginalized groups (women and other ethnic and religious communities) in the state

103 Marc Hooghe. (2004). Political Socialization and the Future of Politics. Acta Politica, vol. 39. pp. 331- 341. See also Inglehart, Ronald, & Christian Welzel. (2005). Modernization, Cultural Change and Democracy. New York: Cambridge University Press.

39 affairs and a prosper and peaceful environment, which will accelerate the transformation of social citizen’s norms and values in a socially diverse community.104

However, as David Held, holds an opinion that “democracy as an idea and political reality is fundamentally contested”.105 It is also not possible to have a unanimous agreement upon understanding of the elements necessary for active and informed citizens in a democratic setting. Therefore, it is very much important and essential to study the process and procedure by means of which an individual acquire generally accepted norms, values and habits. For active engagements in societal affairs these habits and norms must be in accordance with the generally perceived norms of representative democracy. How citizens are prepared for their future roles? And how they participate and develop their respective political (democratic) systems? are the key aspects of the agents of political socialization.

Research shows that political and civic senses are developed in individuals in their late adolescence to their early adulthood.106 However, their attitudes and behavior are subjected to change and re-change in different stages of their life. Exposure to certain environment and the influence of mass media, colleagues, work place and education institutions are playing important roles in the re-socialization or the late-socialization of the individuals.

Hooghe107 and Sapiro108 consider learning in the early adolescence years important and central to the late learning stages, while at the same time they consider schools as the second important agent of socialization. They also give weightage to the use of media in awareness and its involvement in propagation about political socialization and political and civic participation. Apparently it seems that different agents of socialization confront and

104 Dalton. (2008). The Good Citizen. 105 David Held. (1996). Models of Democracy. Stanford: Stanford University Press. p. xi 106 Richard Dawson and Kenneth Prewitt.(1969). Political Socialization. Boston: Little Brown and Company. Also see James, A. & James, A. L. (2004). Constructing Childhood. New York: Palgrave Macmillan 107 Hooghe. (2004). Political Socialization and the Future of Politics. p. 337. 108 Sapiro. (2004). Not Your Parents’ Political Socialization. p. 17.

40 dilute the effects and importance of one another at different stages of an individual life.

However, each agent has its own sphere of influence at a specific stage. What need to be done is the adoption of an integrated approach for studying these agents.

As described in the first section, the concept of political socialization denotes and describe that how individuals find their place in the political community and how they develop their individual norms, values, attitudes and behavior towards political objects, actors, events, symbols and processes. In this respect childhood socialization is potentially a challenging task in political socialization scholarship.

Hyman (1959) claims that political attitudes and understanding have already formed in the pre-adolescent years.109 However, Almond and Verba are of the opinion that there are many sources for changing and re-changing the political attitude of an individual from his early childhood to his adulthood.

Political socialization is broadly a learning process in which individuals in a society and social setting learn political attitude and behavior from generation to generation. These learning and the transmission of attitudes are based on different socialization agents.

Dawson and Prewitt (1969) termed such transmission of attitudes and values as cultural transmission. In their opinion an individual acquire political knowledge both at individual level and community level.110

Political socialization basically stimulate a psychological process which combines and relates several aspects of an individual involvement and attachment to his social life and environment. This psychological process consists of attitudes, behavior and the desire and intention of an individual to participate in a social and political system. The desire, intention and motivation for political engagement, enhance the confidence level of an individual on the effectiveness of participation and the outcome in his own personal

109 Herbert H. Hyman. (1959). Political Socialization. Glencoe, Illinois: Free Press 110 Dawson, & Prewitt. (1969). Political Socialization. p. 13

41 capacity. This leads to more political and civic engagements and participation. Therefore, it can be drawn that willingness, motivation and awareness are prior to political and civic participation. Thus social cognitive theory can best describe the political socialization process. This theory emphasize that in learning process the learners themselves direct and control their learning.

However, the whole process of socialization is not that simple and coherent. Many factors have significant roles in the learning of individuals. The most important factor is the physical environment which influence the learning of an individual to a great extent. In the physical environment there are four major dimensions which drive the individual political engagements in a political system. These are the family, peer groups, media and the institutions which provide them the knowledge and awareness about the political and social system.

The physical environment makes the socialization of an individual two folded, namely the early socialization or pre-adulthood socialization and the later socialization or post adulthood socialization. For some scholars early socialization is having much importance. Such a concept of socialization is best described by the crystallization hypothesis of socialization. The crystallization hypothesis as Schwarzer (2011) opined, describes that the early developed attitudes and competencies are having much importance and lasting effects than those acquired and developed later.111

On the other hand hypothesis of persistence describes the socialization process differently. According to this concept the late socialization, the knowledge of different objects, events and issues, the competencies and orientation of an individual in the post adolescence stage is much important for the political life in the coming days.112

111https://www.exeter.ac.uk/media/universityofexeter/elecdem/pdfs/amsterdamwksp/Steve_Schwarzer_Politic al_socialization.pdf (Retrieved on 27/07/2016) p.3 112 Ibid.

However, as the socialization is a continuous process, therefore, neither of the two hypothesis is deterministic. People are exposed to different situations and environments and hence adopt or reject some values and norms. For example the social environment of

Dir is different from D. I. Khan. Individuals in these two different social sittings will have different understanding of the events and issues until a similar process and procedure is adopted for their socialization. It can also be stated that every stage of individual life is important in terms of socialization and adoption of new norms and values.

Berger and Luckmann (1967) on the other hand are of the opinion that political socialization of an individual is pre-arranged in two harmonizing stages. In the first stage the individual in his childhood understand, recognizes and assumes his position and respective role in his family and society. In the second phase the individual as he grows older, gets acquainted with the society, and internalize institutions, norms, values, habits and rules from the socio-political context and environment.113 These two harmonizing stages are more visible in those areas and political parties where the political socialization of the individual are specifically focused. They are indoctrinated specific norms, values and political ideologies. JI and JUI both presenting a significant examples in this regard.

However, during the early childhood, not only personality of an individual develops but some political attitudes also appear in his personality. Some scholars are of the opinion that these attitudes are hierarchically organized in a systematic way to accommodate the

(later) coming and acquiring attitudes. In other words the earlier attitudes are conditioned to the later attitudes. This way socialization has become a continuous and connected process. However, all the earliest acquired attitudes are not harmonious to the later attitudes and behavior. Sometimes, these are very much resistant to late acquiring

113 Berger P. & Luckmann T. (1967). Die Gesellschaftliche Konstruktion der Wirklichkeit. Eine Theories der Wissenssoziologie. Fischer Verlag, Frankfurt a. M. (cited in https://www.exeter.ac.uk/media/universityofexeter/elecdem/pdfs/amsterdamwksp/Steve_Schwarzer_Politi cal_socialization.pdf (Retrieved on 27/07/2016) p.3.

43 attitudes.114 For example family, which is considered as the main socializing agent in the socialization and personality development of an individual, along with the personality development of the children, also instill and foster some civic attitudes in them.115 In the case of JI the children are encouraged to participate in community related issues in Dir. So such encouragement in civic activities are having far most impacts on the political personality development of the children. On the other hand peer groups whose role is more relevant in the development and formation of civic attitudes and behavior have some limitations and checks from the earlier adopted and acquired attitudes.116 Islami Jamiat

Talba (IJT) in this regard is a significant example.

The basic question is whether all the people’s earlier acquired attitudes conditioned the late political orientations and behavior? Perhaps not. Individuals who are more exposed to political environment and political discussion from their childhood, are more prone to adopt political attitudes in their later socialization. In such cases their early socialization may not resist the adoption of political values, norms and behavior. In fact the later socialization used to be the continuity of the earlier one or in other words it is the progression of the earlier socialization. In addition to it some people who are very less exposed to political discussion and environment in their childhood may also extensively acquire political attitudes. In their cases though the family and parental socialization is less of a political nature but the school and peer groups socialization have great impacts on the political personality development and orientations. In schools and in peer groups, some political stimuli or for most of the times political discussion strive the attitudes formation of an individual. Individuals in these political discussion give up some acquired values and

114 Markus G. B. (1979). The Political Environment and the Dynamics of Public Attitudes. American Journal of Political Science. 42, pp. 461-487:, Searing D., Schwartz, J., & Lind, A. (1973). The Structuring Principle: Political Socialization and Belief System. American Political Science Review. 67, pp.415-432 115 J. J. Mondak, & Halperin K. (2008). A Framework for the Study of Personality and Political Behavior. British Journal of Political Science. pp.335-363 116 Kent Tedin, (1980). Assessing Peer and Parental Influence on Political Attitudes. American Journal of Political Science. pp.13-54.

44 adopt some new ones. Dalton (2006) is of the opinion that political discussions involve processes of attitude learning.117 Individuals while being involved in debates and discussions, are exposed to rational arguments. New information is generated and infused about political issues and events, which eventually generate, evaluate and re-evaluate their political behavior and attitude.

Galston (2003) argues that citizens in today’s world are aware enough to differentiate between different political arguments and discussions. Every political discussion improves the individual’s perception of being a political actor, which obviously leads to the development of new attitudes that are necessarily political in nature.118

However, the parental and family socialization is not that simple as it is perceived and common sense understand it. Some social scientists believe that the intra-family attitudes formation can be a result of three or more distinct casual mechanism.119

The first one is the “induction” effects and mechanism, where the head of the family (normally called Baba i.e. grandfather or Kaka i.e. uncle, in Pakhtun society) also called “opinion leader” induces and transmits the same political values and attitudes he had himself, to the other members of the family. The best example of the induction effects according to Katz and Lazarsfeld (1955), is the persuasion of the parents and elders for vote in favor of a specific political group or party during elections.120

The second is the “homophile” effects, which denotes the concept of like minded people living together with similar political orientations, values and attitudes in a same political environment. Children in such an environment are exposed to continuous political

117 Russell J. Dalton. (2006). Citizens Politics: Public Opinion and Political Parties in Advanced Industrial Democracies. Washington: Chatham House 118 William A. Galston. (2003). Civic Education and Political Participation. Phi Delta Kappan. 85, pp. 29-33. 119 Nicholas A. Christakis, & James H. Fowler. (2009). Connected: the Surprising Power of our Social Networks and How they Shape our Lives. New York: Little, Brown and Co. 120 Elihu Katz, & Paul Felix Lazarsfeld. (1955). Personal Influence: the Part Played by People in the Flow of Mass Communications. New York: Free Press.

45 discussion and political stimuli, leading to the intra-family consistency.121 The Ijtima-i-

Ihle-i-Khana within the JI affiliated families is a significant example in terms of indoctrinating similar political attitudes and behavior.

The third one is the confounding effects. These effects within the family environment are contextual and the impacts are different on different individual. The basic political stimulus lays in the community, where political and civic participation and engagement is at peak. Huckfeldt and Sprague (1995) are of the opinion that in such environment the effects of friends and neighbors are more on the individuals compared to the family and parental influence.122

Media is also having considerable confounding effects. In fact the media impacts are more dominant if the individuals are exposed to specific contents for a long time.

However, its impacts are not the same for all the individual if exposed to the same contents.

Children and those people who have less political knowhow, may get greater influence from media contents as compared to adults and those who have some knowledge of politics.

Schools are considered to be the second important agent of socialization. Along with other essential and important features and environment, individuals (children) experience two type of agents in schools i.e. teachers and peer groups. The basic responsibilities of the teachers are the transmission of knowledge to the students and the development of their personality and cognitive skills. Teachers also have the role in introducing politics to their students by initiating political discussions and debates over the issues in their societies. However, it is not essential that those students who are educated by the teachers may become politically active and engaged citizens in their adulthood.

121 Gregory A. Huber, & Neil Malhotra. (2013). Dimensions of Political Homophily: Isolating Choice Homophily along Political Characteristics. Yale University: Institution for Social and Policy Studies 122 Robert Huckfeldt, John Sprague. (1995). Citizens, Politics, and Social Communication: Information and Influence in an Election Campaign. New York: Cambridge University Press

All the teachers may not have the required skills, capacities, motivation power and means to make their students active political actors. In some cases the apolitical nature of the students also make them apolitical or passive political actors in their adulthood.

Jennings and Niemi (1968), are of the opinion that schools have an enormous impacts on the lives of the children. In their opinion schools play a distinctive role in the re- socialization of the children by inducing in them some new values. The earlier acquired values (transmitted from families and parents) are replaced by some new ones. Thus schools become the first place where family and parental socialization is challenged.123

Some other scholars are of the opinion that curricula is occupying a central position in school socialization. In their opinion political knowledge and behavior of the students are developed and controlled not only by the teacher but by the contents too, which is taught to them.124

However, the different schools give different results, because of the differences in curriculum and teaching style. Researchers are of the opinion that since 1970s changes have been occurred in the education style and curriculum contents. Majority of the teachers and the schools now focus on open discussions and interactions rather only making students to memorize things. Moreover, the open classroom environment and the encouragement of the students for participation in political discussions and civic activities may also have positive contributions in the political awareness of the students.125

If we limit political engagement only to electoral participation, then in the opinion of many scholars, the level of education positively contributes in the increase of electoral

123 Kent M. Jennings, & Richard G. Niemi. (1968). The Transmission of Political Values from Parent to Child. The American Political Science Review. 62(1), pp. 169-184 124 Richard G. Niemi, & Jane Junn. (1998). Civic Education: What Makes Students Learn. New Haven: Yale University Press. :, Miranda Yates, & James Youniss. (1999). Roots of Civic Identity: International Perspectives on Community Service and Activism in Youth. Cambridge University Press. :, Marc Hooghe, & Dietlind Stolle. (2003). Life-Cycle and Cohort Differences in the Socialization Effect of Voluntary Participation. European Political Science. 3(2). pp.49-56 125 Torney J. Purta, Lehmann Rainer, Hans Oswald, and Wolfram Schulz. (2001). Citizenship and Education in Twenty Eight Countries: Civic Knowledge and Engagement at Age Fourteen. Amsterdam: IEA

47 participation. Verba et al (2003), found that “education is in fact the strongest predictor of political activity”.126 Shields and Goidel (1997), also hold the similar opinion. They are of the view that education is the strongest predictor of political or electoral participation even if other socio-economic predictors are also taken into account at the same time.127

If education is that much strong predictor of political participation and engagement, what can be the possible causes for that? Rosenstone and Hansen (2003), are of the opinion that education provides skills which are required for political engagement along with the basic knowledge and awareness regarding democratic principles.128 They further asserts that people with higher education have the abilities to understand the abstracts terms of the politics and hence understand and participate in electoral campaigns and other related political issues. Campbell et al (1960) suggest that schools socialize people into individuals who consider electoral participation as their civic duty.129

In the socialization of the young, friends circles or peer groups also play a significant role. In Verba et al (1995) opinion, discussions and debates with the peers develop the attitudes and political personalities of the young.130 Klofstad (2011), found that increased political participation is partly because of the political debates and discussions among peer groups. He further asserted that such debates and discussions work as a tool and mechanism for political recruitment of the young.131

On the question of, whether peer groups have the ability to overcome the parental effects in the children socialization, Harris (1995), is of the opinion that the empirical data

126 Sidney Verba, Schlozman Kay Lehman, Nancy Burns, and Alan S. Zuckerman. (2003). Family Ties: Understanding the Intergenerational Transmission of Participation. In Alan Zuckerman (ed.), The Social Logic of Politics. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. p.13 127 Todd G. Shields & Robert K. Goidel. (1997). Participation Rates, Socioeconomic Class Biases, and Congressional Elections: A Cross-validation. American Journal of Political Science. 41(2). pp. 683-691 128 Steven J. Rosenstone and John Mark Hansen. (2003). Mobilization, Participation, and Democracy in America. New York: Longman 129 Angus Campbell, Philip E. Converse, Warren E. Miller, and Donald E. Stokes. (1960). The American Voter. New York: Wiley 130 Sidney Verba, Kay Lehman Schlozman and Henry E. Brady. (1995). Voice and Equality: Civic Voluntarism in American Politics. Cambridge: Harvard University Press 131 Casey A. Klofstad. (2011). Civic Talk Peers, Politics, and the Future of Democracy. Philadelphia: Temple University Press

48 suggests “peer groups” as the main channels of political socialization not the parents or family. He proposes that “group” rather than “family” socialization model can provide a suitable framework for the explanation of children’s (personality and political) development.132

Scholars though, consider agents of socialization more influential and effective than other variables (genetic dispositions), however, a single theory of political socialization do not rests or base on firm grounds as it is considered and perceived. Scholars and researchers are still having no convincing conclusion about what really matters in the development and persistence of civic and political values, attitudes and behavior? Each of the agents is important in its place and context. Therefore, for understanding the different roles of the each socialization agents different theoretical frameworks can be applied.

2.5 POLITICAL PARTIES AND POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION

The above discussion particularly focused the concepts, theories and debates within the general perception of political socialization. Now as this research project focuses on how people become members of specific political parties and get involved in political and civic activities? Therefore, a comprehensive analysis of the role of political parties with respect to their involvement in socialization and indoctrination is much needed and required. However, before discussing that role in the context of the selected political parties let us first focus on the broader role of political parties within a polity.

Political parties are considered to be the lifeboats and lifeblood in the modern democratic governance system.133 Political parties in any polity play a vital role in the capacity of advocators and institutions of social change, enhancement and development of economic status of the masses and struggling for a just, democratic and political

132 Judith Rich Harris. (1995). Where Is the Child’s Environment? A Group Socialization Theory of Development. Psychological Review. 102(3). p. 458 133 John H. Aldrich )1995(. Why Parties? The Origin and Transformation of Party Politics in America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press

49 government.134 Their functions include but not limited to the representation of the interests of the people in the law making body of the polity, political socialization of the masses, political participation, political education and communication, recruitment of party workers and leaders, policy formulation and implementation and last but not the least working for the national integration and national cohesion.135 However, these roles of the political parties varies from state to state and context to context. Normally, political parties assign different tasks and goals for themselves according to the political situation and political system of their polities.136

Political socialization involves more than the formulation of political opinion of the people and the workers. It includes almost all the dimensions of a polity whether it is the political system or economic system. It encompasses public order, political legitimacy, social and political justice, economic stability and competent and accountable political leadership.137

Political parties are required to socialize their workers in all these facets by means of adequate political information, publicizing and promoting the party program and ideology and the plans and way forward to address the issues faced by the polity.138 It can be argued that the party’s political socialization role is attached to certain other functions which it carries in different contexts.

2.5.1 Political Parties and Political Mobilization

It is the responsibility of political parties to shape public opinion. They get support of their members and other masses by actively mobilizing them and engaging them in

134 David Broughton, and Mark Donovan. )1998(. Changing Party Systems in Western Europe. Ed. New York: Pinter. 135 Maurice Duverger. (1963). Political Parties: Their Organization and Activity in the Modern State. New York: Wiley. 136 Geoffrey Evans and Stephen Whitefield. (1993). Identifying the Bases of Party Competition in Eastern Europe. British Journal of Political Science. 23(4). pp.521–48. 137 Harry Eckstein. (1966). Division and Cohesion in Democracy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 138 John Ferejohn and James H. Kuklinski. (1990). Information and Democratic Processes. ed. Urbana: University of Illinois Press

50 different programs. They inform the public about different programs, planning and perspectives of the government and its intentions and the possible consequences.139

The flow of political information is a vital part in the citizens’ political participation within a polity. Very often this flow of political information is carried out and controled by political parties. Through both formal and informal ways political parties inform their workers, persuade them and mobilize them for (a) specific cause(s).140 In the developed democracies, political parties relay on formal institutional arrangements for mobilization.

By appealing and sending party related messages to the workers, political parties mobilize the electorate to turn out and vote for the party’s nominees for representation in the legislature of the polity.141 This practice and procedure of the parties is very common in the politically stable and democratically advanced western countries because the electoral competition is considered as basic political rights of the parties.142

Through the process of mobilization the parties inform their electorate on party’s position on certain issue(s) and event(s) of national interest. However, those issues are specifically highlighted which are related to the electoral campaign and electorate. Parties in different times and situations raise different issues for mobilization, which they consider suitable and significant for the party electoral gains. Ideology, election manifesto and plan of actions are formulated to attract, engage and retain the political workers in the party.143

In a multi party system, selection and identification of candidates is a hard task for the voters. The party affiliation and its program and plan of actions make it easier for the voters to select a candidate very near to his/her political orientations and approach. Citizens use and understand the parties as “means of drawing inferences about the candidates’

139 Torben Iversen. (1994). The Logics of Electoral Politics: Spatial, Directional, and Mobilizational Effects. Comparative Political Studies. 27(2). pp.155–89. 140 David Laitin. (1989). Language Policy and Political Strategy in India. Policy Studies. vol. 22. pp.415–35. 141 Steven J. Rosenstone, and John Mark Hansen. (1993). Mobilization, Participation, and Democracy in America. New York: MacMillan. 142 Michael Laver and Ben Hunt. (1992). Policy and Party Competition. New York: Routledge. 143 Harold D. Lasswell. (1936). Politics: Who Gets What, When, How. New York: McGraw-Hill. p. 310. (www.policysciences.org/classics/politics.pdf. accessed August 15, 2016.)

51 characteristics and policy stands.”144 It is the party which is a link and a bridge between the voters and representatives. However, all the parties are not successful in mobilizing masses in all parts of the polity. It is because mobilization is significantly affected by the social and environmental factors within the polity. As all the areas are not having same environmental factors therefore, in specific areas specific political parties are more successful than others in mobilizing people.145

2.5.2 Political Parties and Political Recruitment

In democratic countries political parties perform four basic recruitment functions.

First, they select and nominate candidates for elections. Electoral campaigns are carried for the nominated candidates by the party associates and leaders. Secondly, they recruit, select or nominate candidate for administrative offices and positions within the party or in general political administration in the polity. Third, political parties recruit and socialize new members in the party’ folds. Each party has a specific program and procedure for the recruitment of new members in the party. The procedure is systematically controlled by the party constitution and the hierarchical structure of the party and leadership. Fourth, political parties integrate their workers, activists and common citizens into the existing political system. This way political parties try to convince their associates about the legitimacy and the legality of the existing political order and political system.146

The classical function of the political parties is the nomination and selection of candidates for the administration of each level in the party and government. It is the party constitution which determine the eligibility and required qualification and expertise of a candidate for an electoral office. The recruitment function of any party can best be

144 Arend Lijphart. (1999). Patterns of Democracy. New Haven: Yale University Press. Chapter 4. 145______(1990b). Political Parties: Ideologies and Programs. In The West European Party System. ed. Peter Mair. New York: Oxford University Press. 146 Richard Rose and Derek Urwin. (1969). Social Cohesion, Political Parties and Strains in Regimes. Comparative Political Studies. vol.11. pp.7-67

52 analyzed by analyzing and focusing on the nomination process of the candidates.147

Nomination in majority of the parties is done either by the public/electors or delegates. In hierarchical parties and developed countries the high ranking organs and leaderships have no decisive role and influence in the nomination process of the candidates for different ranks within the party.148 It is considered to be the domain of the local leadership, groups and workers. Those parties are considered democratically stable whose’ candidates are not being selected or dictated from the top leadership or imposed from outside of the party’ folds. The parties grassroots organizations must have a decisive role and say in the candidates nomination.149 Although, ideally it is not possible, as the decisions and nomination of candidates are done, usually by a small influential group of local leadership.

In case the decision and nomination of the candidate is done by the high ups through some direct and in-direct interference, it may generates resentments, disagreements and differences within the party’s folds and local leaderships. As parties are the creation of people and society, therefore, the decision and nomination of any candidate must be done by the people themselves. This practice of the parties will obviously increase the people’ confidence on the party leadership. Moreover, they will feel own the candidate and will carry the campaign with great interest. Political mobilization and participation which are the primary goals of any political party will increase. This will also ensure and develop the internal democracy, fairness, simplicity, transparency and responsibility within the parties.150

The recruitment process of any political party has far reaching consequences for the members and the polity. It is the recruitment and the workers role in the selection of the

147 Sartori Giovanni. (1976). Parties and Party Systems: A Framework for Analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. vol. 1. pp.36-39 148 John H. Aldrich. (1995). Why Parties? The Origin and Transformation of Party Politics in America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. p. 295 149 Elmer Eric Schattschneider. (1960). The Semi-Sovereign People: A Realist’s View of Democracy in America. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston. p.141 150 Alan Ware. (1996). Political Parties and Party Systems. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp.8-13

53 party leadership which is to answer the fundamental question of the day i.e. “is there internal party democracy in the party? This very function of the party is also making it easy for the researchers to investigate “what effects does the process have on peoples’ perceptions of the party and its leaders? Analyzing JI and JUI, the candidate selection is different in both the parties. In JI’s candidate selection the opinion of workers are taken into consideration. That is why the party only issues tickets to party workers. On the other hand in JUI the district leadership of the party is having significant role in candidate selection. This policy of the party sometimes produces disagreements within the party workers.

2.5.3 Political Parties and Political Education

Another very important function of the political parties is the political education of the citizens. Political education of the people is important and significant because it seek to ensure an effective political participation. Political education is a pre-requisite and necessary component of successful democracy and the political parties are the medium and instruments for that.151

However, there is an extensive debate about what really political education is?

What is included and what is excluded in political education? Political education includes democratic norms and values such as supremacy of the rule of law, equality, justice, responsibility, political liberty and its essential elements such as individual liberty, personal responsibility and community solidarity etc.152

How can the impact of political education of the citizens be evaluated in a polity?

Its impacts can be demonstrated in a polity when the citizens start living and behaving democratically not only in their political lives but in personal and family lives as well. So in its general perception it is the adoption of the democratic values by the people. In the

151 Kaare Strom. (1990). A Behavioral Theory of Competitive Political Parties. American Journal of Political Science. 34(2). pp. 565-598. 152 Aldrich. (1995). Why Parties? pp. 277-296

54 political sphere, political education will entrench a culture of responsible political behavior and accountability.153

One of the main goals of political education is the attainment, development and promotion of consensus on important and critical issues within the party, society and state.

Consensus on issues, values and principles is important for community members because these (values and principles) are responsible for the smooth functioning of the system of the community and society (political order). Also that political order will ensure and maintain social justice which is to determine/promote by none other than the members of the polity.154 So promotion of consensual values within a polity is more related to political parties rather than other agents of socialization.

In this way, through the political education process a political party keep close to the people and society. The society in turn require the political parties as democratic and accountable political institutions. Political communication between the parties and masses is one such instrument by which parties keep in-touch with the society. It helps in the formation of political will and ultimately the political decisions within the masses and the parties. Political education and political communication in a broader perspective become similar as both aimed at making and promoting (democratic) political culture.155

For effective political education communication is required to be open. Different tools, methods and procedures are used for communication between parties leadership and workers. Some prominent tools are mass media (print, electronic and social), different

153 Simon Bornschier . (2015).The Impact of Party System Responsiveness on Successful Populist Mobilization Strategies in Western Europe and Latin America. Solving the Puzzles of Populism: Team Populism May 2015 Conference London, April 30, 2015 – May 2, 2015. Accessed on August 14, 2016 from, https://populism.byu.edu/SiteAssets/Bornschier.pdf. p.16. 154 Ian Budge , Dieter, H. Klingemann, Andrea Volkens, Judith Bara and Eric Tanenbaum. (2001). Mapping Policy Preferences: Estimates for Parties, Electors, and Governments 1945-1998. Ed. New York: Oxford University Press. 155 Seymour M. Lipset. (1960). Political Man. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. pp. 248-252

55 rallies, gathering and party meetings, direct contact among the workers and leaders and advertisements.156

2.5.4 Political Parties and Representation

Political parties in democratic countries are considered to be the bridges between the masses and the governments. They are to represent and speak for their supporters and the masses in all the spheres within the society. They are to carry and promote the interest of the people in their activists in the legislature, media, electoral campaign and in other governmental and social forums.157

Why political parties are needed and required? In the modern representative democracy, people are indirectly involved in the administration and the decisions making of the polity. However, as it is not possible for all the people to directly and personally take part in the state administration therefore, political parties serves as the agents of the people.

People chose, join and support those parties and candidates who can best represent them.

Who can speak about them. Who can take them in confidence before deciding about any issue related to their interest.158

Political representation ensure political stability. The parties and the representatives try to fulfill the promises made by them during the electoral campaign so that they may not get failed next time while seeking people’s confidence and vote.159 This way it also promote accountability of the selected representatives.

However, this all is linked to free and fair elections and candidates selection process. Free and fair elections will decide whether a public representative is legitimate in representing people? Also that how far the representative is allowed to exercise his

156 Ibid. p.249 157 Richard S. Katz and Peter Mair. (1992). Party Organizations: A Data Handbook on Party Organizations in Westren Democracies 1960-90. Ed. London and Newbury Park, Calif: Sage. 158 Pradeep Chhibber and Ken Kollman. (2004). The Formation of National Party Systems: Federalism and Party Competition in Britain, Canada, India, and the United States. Princeton: Princeton University Press. pp.61-80 159 Richard Rose. (1984). Do Parties Make a Difference? London: Macmillan. pp. 52-73

56 delegated powers? Is he allowed to work in a free and fair environment for the uplift of his people? Is he bear any pressure and influence from the party leadership or other government official in the line of his responsibilities? Is the representative working for his personal interest or he is concerned for the public interests as advocated and voiced in the party’s constitution and election manifesto? If the representative is a legitimate one, he therefore, would feel himself accountable to the people.160

2.5.5 Political Parties and Political Development

Political parties are also involved in the political development of a society and polity. However, political development is very broad term and includes different aspects of individual’s socio-political life. It includes but not limited to “knowledge about politics”.

Level and extent of political interest of the citizens. Physical and psychological involvement in the activities with political outcomes. Extent, level, process and procedure of political socialization of the people. Political communication, belief, acceptance and tolerance for other political parties. Support and struggle for the common goals of the nation. Sense of political efficiency. Self and party leadership accountability for creating a clean political environment.161

Rodee (1976) is of the opinion that the extent and level of political growth and development of a country can be analyzed on the basis of three broad characteristics. First, to a significant level separation of power, strong and affective system of checks and balance, decentralization of power and authority and the weakening of traditional sources of authority and system. Second, the growth of responsive, extractive, regulative and distributive characteristics of the political system. Third, increased and significant level of participation of the citizens in the political processes in the polity, identification of their

160 Ibid. pp.63-69 161 Alexander Herbet. (1978). Political Culture. Washington: Public Affairs Press.

57 importance for the functioning of democracy and interest and inclination towards political socialization.162

For some scholars political development is the political and national integration.163

For others political development is the integration of elites and the masses in the collective political processes in the polity.164 However, in the opinion of Michael (2000), political development is the capacity of the political parties within a polity to orchestrate the different sectors growth, integrate and mixed them with the political system of the polity.

He argued that political parties create and maintain a balance between the demands and support of the citizens and the system. Political parties are the tools for the articulation and aggregation of the people’s interest.165

Political development is the process towards democratization. It is the stage of transition and consolidation of different political actors and players involved in the political processes in the polity. Its ends are the creation of institutions of governance according to the will and choices of the common people. Political parties are to aggregate the choices of the people so they are the architects of the political development.

Conclusion

This chapter focused on the broader theme of political socialization and the theatrical and methodological debates and issues. Different approaches to the study of political socialization in political and social sciences along with the role of different agents of socialization were discussed in the chapter. Socialization (political) is considered to be a continuous process during the life time of an individual. The early socialization starts in the family and shifts to the re-socialization or late socialization with the inclusion and

162 Anderson Rodee & Christol Greene. (1976). Introduction to Political Science. California: McGraw Hill. 163 Myron Weiner. (1965). The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. vol. 358 (1). pp. 52-64 164 Sartori Giovanni. (1972). European Political Parties: The Case of Polarized Pluralism. In Political Parties and Political Development. ed. Joseph La Palombara and Myron Weiner. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press. 165 Michael G. Roskin. (2000). Political Science: An Introduction. New Jersey: Prentice Hall. p.189

58 emergence of many other socializing agents. The other agents are in general, motivated by some political party or political and social ideology. So if political parties are not directly involved in the socialization of the individuals, they obviously have the indirect role in the whole process, which is the most important and significant aspect of political parties within a polity. The activities and day-today affairs of a political party have enormous impacts on the socialization and political education of not only its affiliates and workers but the general public as well. The historical analysis of any political party, thus provides us a picture of the whole socialization process and direction of its affiliates. The next chapter sheds light on the historical analysis of the activities of JI and JUI in Pakistan. It will provide us a broader picture of the direction of the politics (approaches) of the two and their role in the consensual and conflictual political culture in Pakistan.

CHAPTER – 3

POLITICAL CULTURE IN PAKISTAN: AN HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF JAMAAT-I-ISLAMI AND JAMIAT ULEMA-I-ISLAM PAKISTAN

Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam both provide significant examples of consensual and conflictual political culture in the history of Pakistan. Both had some very critical moments within their folds where the workers have shown their dis-sensual

(conflictual) political nature. Such nature of the workers kept the parties focused on the systematic socialization process of the workers. Both pay special attention to the political education and political socialization of their workers. That is why the nature and approach of the workers remain almost the same in different issues and events. This chapter primarily focuses on the ideological foundation, organizational consolidation, role in different events of political and constitutional development in Pakistan and last but not the least the parties (JUI and JI) role during different political setup in Pakistan. It tries to establish a link of the workers nature, attitudes and approaches towards different political issues of the past to the present. The chapter also sheds light on those occasions and events where the party workers and leadership have produced differences, resulted in internal scuffle and divisions.

3.1 IDEOLOGICAL FOUNDATION OF JAMAAT-I-ISLAMI AND JAMIAT ULEMA-I-ISLAM

The emergence of both JI and JUI was a result of differences between the workers and their different approaches and understanding of political issues and events at that time.

Though JI founder Maulana Abul Ala Maududi (before JI foundation) was not a formal member of any religio-political party or group, yet, he studied politics and contemporary politico-religious and social movements very deeply. Maududi unlike his contemporary

Deobandi Ulema, did not accept Indian National Congress’ idea of Indian nationalism. He

60 rejected the concept of composite nationalism and nationhood and opined that Islam believes in “pan-Islamism”. According to him, the civilizational dominance of the secular

West and the self made national ideals of the Indian National Congress (INC) are mere deception for true Muslims.166 He has also severely criticized the ideology of the Muslim

League of Muslim nationalism. Because it was to confined Islam and Muslims within a geographical boundary. Islamic ideology is universal and it cannot be confined to a nation state within a specific geography, he believed. He was also doubtful and critical about the

Islamic character of the peoples who were leading the movement for the creation of

Pakistan.167 He believed that all the leadership of Muslim league is secular-minded and western educated who believe in western democracy and norms, contradictory to the universal message of Islam. Aziz (2001) argued that Maududi considered three components of modern world and civilization evils. For Maududi Western democracy, secularism and nationalism are un-Islamic and evil in nature.168

Maududi was very much critical of the religio-political movements of his time in

British India. In his opinion all those movements were not based on the ideology of Islamic universalism. For him it was the disease of nationalism which brought Arabs and Turks to the downfall of the Muslim’s institution of khilafat. This has produced no fruits for both of the nations and only proved advantageous to the British who exploited the youth of both the nations. He was of the opinion that the slogan of Indian National Congress, of Indian nationalism and her alliance with the Muslims was mere an illusion. Muslims need to strive for a separate state based on the concept and ideology of pan-Islamism where moral values according to the holy Quran and Uswa-i-hasana (the way of life of the Holy Prophet) cement the foundation of an Islamic society, anchored with the Islamic concept of social, political and economic justice. He asserted that the foundation of an Islamic state can only

166 Sayyed Abul A’la Maududi (1938-40). Musalman aor Maujuda Siyasi Kashmakash. Lahore:n.p. 167 Haqqani. (2005). Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military. p.21 168 Aziz. (2001). Pakistan’s Political Culture. p.262

61 be raised on the words of God (the teachings of Holy Quran). Maududi reluctance to the creation of Pakistan was because of his perceptions that the founding fathers wanted to make it a secular state and not a theocratic or Islamic state. For him Pakistan has to be a land of pure or Dar-ul-Islam where the Islamic system of governance has to prevail. Any system other than Islam was not acceptable to him and the pious people of the land.

Interestingly, though, Maududi has criticized both the Jamiat Ulema-i-Hind (JUH) and All India Muslim League (AIML) leadership, their ideologies and strategies for the freedom of India or creation of Pakistan in similar lines. However, the response from JUH was very harsh. In the opinion of Qureshi (1972), the JUH leadership and specifically

Mufti Kifayatullah advised his colleagues to debate the ideas of Maududi and question his religious understanding and authority in public.169 However, the Muslim League took great advantage from the writings of Maududi. His writings supported the theory and claim of

AIML that Muslims were a separate nation and were distant from other non-Muslims in many respect and characteristics.170 In Vali Nasr’s opinion “the Jamaat and Muslim

League, each legitimated the political function of the other in furthering their common communalist cause....The Jamaat legitimated communalism in Islamic terms and helped the

League find a base of support by appealing to religious symbols. The Muslim League, in turn, increasingly Islamized the political discourse on Pakistan to the Jamaat’s advantage, creating a suitable gateway for the party’s entry into the political fray”.171 Qureshi (1972) argued that Maududi challenge to Madani and his colleagues on political and religious issues, were widely publicized and propagated by the Muslim League. Thus making

Maududi known to a vast majority of people during the freedom movement which earned him a great name, fame and prestige in the masses.172

169 Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi. (1972). Ulema in Politics: A Study Relation to the Political Activities of the Ulema in South Asian Sub-Continent from 1566 to 1947. Karachi: Ma’aref. p.352. 170 Haqqani. (2005). Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military. p.21 171 Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of Islamic Revolution. p. 115. 172 Qureshi. (1972). Ulema in Politics. p.352.

The confusion on the concept of nationalism in India and the divergent and opposing ideas of both the Congress and Muslim league’s leadership made Maududi realized for the need of an organized struggle. He felt the need of an organization which can provide an alternative religio-political leadership and guidance to the Muslims in Indo-

Pakistan subcontinent. In the opinion of Kenneth (1992), till the late 30s different communal groups have organized their own organizations but the Muslims don’t have

(any) of their own notable organization. Thus a new Muslim organization was much needed to level the playing field among the different actors of communal rivals.173

For “iqamat-i-deen” (establishment of religion) Maududi started working for building a new universal movement. For him iqamat-i-deen requires the total subordination of institutions of collective social life to the divine law, the instructions, as revealed in the last divine book of God and the way as practiced by the prophet Muhammad. For Maududi

Islam is not just a religion, it is a Deen, a complete code of life. Religion is something a set of rituals associated to a person’s personal life while Deen includes not only the personal but collective life of all in a society including social, economic and political spheres. Islam has instructions for all spheres of collective life ranging from inter-personal to inter-state socio-politico-economic relations to the laws regarding war and peace, governance and administration, science, art and architecture.174 Maududi realized that for Iqamat-i-deen, articulation of the ideology and implementation of it are the basic requirements. That can only be done by an organized political force.

Maududi philosophy of life and organizational commitment was supposed to be taken from the Marxists. His concept of life is similar to that of Marxists, considering it a constant revolutionary struggle. They are of the opinion that this struggle is always between two classes of haves and haves-not, which ultimately will bear the fruits through a

173 Kenneth W. Jones. (1992). Socio-Religious Reform Movements in British India. Cambridge University Press. pp. 87-121 174 An Introduction to the Jamaat-i-Islami Pakistan. (1978). Lahore: Tarjuman-ul-Quran. p. 5

63 socialist revolution. However, Maududi’s class struggle is not between the haves and haves-not, it is between the jahiliyah (ignorance, or those people who are non-believers) and Islam, which certainly is heading towards an Islamist utopia.175 He was greatly impressed and inspired by two of his contemporary ideologies i.e. communism and fascism, because of the people’s commitments and the methods and models of organizational strategies.176 He sought to organize his party on the principles of ideological purity, wholeheartedly commitment, organizational discipline and centralized system. He has frequently given the examples of fascists and communist parties for their organizational brilliance.177 Maududi realized that such a force can only be possible if the members of the group are limited in the beginning. If this small group is well informed of the socio- political, economic and cultural dynamics and changes in the society, dedicated to their work and cause, well disciplined and are ready to assume socio-political roles as leaders, the society can be transformed. It would be a group of righteous people, Saliheen or “the holy community”.178

The foundation of this holy community, the Jamaat-i-Islami, was laid by him in

August, 1941 with 75 members in the beginning but gradually it has become one of the most organized political parties in Pakistan. This holy community was to work on the reconstruction of Muslim society on divine principles and to act as a “vanguard of an

Islamic revolution” in the world. Its basic objective was Iqamat-i-deen, to institute God’s religion on earth, setting up an Islamic system of governance, and to strive for salvation in the life after death. The establishment of Islamic way of life in such a way through which

God’s pleasure is achieved in this life as well as in the life after death. For Maududi all those who are or will resist Muslims from achieving this goal must be subdued and

175 Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution. pp. 10-20 176 Ibid. p.12 177 Ibid. p.13 178 Ibid.

64 overcome. For the dominance of Islam as a system of life, all the Batil systems of the west i.e. socialism and capitalism needed to be overpowered. Jamaat-e-Islami will play a role of front runner (vanguard) in this regard.179

This Islamic utopia will have a system of democracy but it will not be British democracy rather a Theo-democracy. The Theo-democratic utopia will have economic, political and social system which Maududi had derived from the holy Quran. The governance system of the utopia will be based on the three basic principles of Islam i.e.

Tauheed, Risalat and Khilafat.180

According to Maududi, service to Islam is not the making of speeches and talks in public gathering rather it is the practical struggle for a system based on the principles of

Islam. It is the direct action of eradicating an oppressive government, eliminating a hypocritical society, and establishing an Islamic system for the welfare and wellbeing of humanity and Muslims. Maududi asserted that Islam is very much compatible with the modern time, because it is having instructions and principles for each and every aspect of human life. To prove the compatibility of Islam with the modern time he coined some new politico-socio-economic terms like “Islamic system of life”, “political and economic system of Islam”, “ an Islamic constitution”, “Islamic ideology” and “Theo-democracy”.

For him Islam is the best ideological alternative to contemporary Western politico- economic ideologies of capitalism and communism.181

Three concepts i.e. Western democracy, secularism and nationalism, of the modern

Western world are the civilizational evils, according to Maududi.182 These concepts are very much against the teachings of Islam. In a Western concept of democracy sovereignty belongs to the people but in Islamic state, it is with Allah. So in other words Western

179 Ibid. pp.20-23 180 Mumtaz Ahmad.(1994). The Jamaat-i-Islami and the Tablighi Jamaat of South Asia. in Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby ed. Fundamentalism Observed. The American Academy of Arts and Sciences. p.55 181 Sayyed Abul A’la Maududi. (1969). Islami Riyasat (The Islamic State). Lahore: Islamic Publications 182 Aziz. (2001). Pakistan’s Political Culture. p.262

65 democratic system is a system of Taghoot (idolatry) in the opinion of Maududi. Hence he rejected the trendy concept of popular sovereignty.

According to Maududi sovereignty only belongs to Allah, as He is the creator of the universe and He alone is the administrator of it. Sovereignty of God is not enforced by anyone rather it is the result of “Divine books” which time and again advocated and proposed this concept. The divine instructions invite human beings to think logically over the system of the universe and accept that Allah alone is the creator and administrator of it.183 Every individual has to accept that Allah is the creator of the universe, and that no one in the universe has the authority and right of decisions over the matters associated to Him.

Maududi translation of the word secularism as ladiniyyat in Urdu itself is the explanation of the term. For him a state can either be a Deni (religious or theocratic) state or a ladeni (Irreligious). A single state cannot be at the same time both. So if the proponent of Pakistan movement are striving for a secular Islamic state of Pakistan it cannot happen and is merely a deception. Maududi argued that “Islam is the very antithesis of secular western democracy. The philosophical foundation of western democracy is the sovereignty of the people. Law making is their prerogative and legislation must correspond to the mood and temper of their opinion…Islam altogether repudiates the philosophy of popular sovereignty and rears its polity on the foundations of the sovereignty of God and the vice-regency”.184

Similarly in the opinion of Maududi, nationalism is also a Western concept and every Muslim should refrain their-self from this concept and practice. In his opinion it was primarily nationalism and nationalistic feelings due to which the grand institution of khilafat disintegrated in Turkey. Even today it can and will, further divide the Muslims.

Maududi is of the opinion that the concept of Muslim nationalism must be that of Ummah

183 Syed Abu Ala Maududi. (2008). Khilafat o Malukiyyat. Lahore: Idara Tarjuman-ul-Quran. pp.22-26 184 Leonard Binder. (1962). Religion and Politics in Pakistan. Berkeley: University of California Press. p.160.

66 or Pan-Islamism. It is thus argued that the concept of Ummah can be the suitable explanation of khilafat where all the Muslims combinedly are the khalifa of God. All within their spheres exercise their duties according to the divine principles and guidance.

Khilafat means vice-regency. This concept according to Maududi explains that man on earth is the ambassador of Allah. He is supposed to exercise the authority or the will of

God within the given limits.

The concept of Khilafat is thus equalizing all the individual because no one can deprive anyone from his/her rights. Therefore this concept is superior to the concept of western democracy and nationalism. Western democracy is based on the principle of popular sovereignty and the rule of majority so equal rights, laws and just treatment of all is not possible in such a system. Furthermore, Maududi ideas about the British style democracy were shaped by his experiences in the Indian sub-continent. He noticed in India that democracy means the rule of majority over minority.

The basic aim for which the Jamaat was to struggle, was the restoration of the system of Shariah based on the directions of the holy Quran and the practices of the prophet and his guided four pious Caliphs. Maududi therefore, called on the Muslims to be

Muslims from hearts and minds, come to the straight path, the path of God. Hold the book of knowledge (Quran), spread in the whole world and become the master of the world again. The miserable condition of the Muslims are because of their ignorance from the universal teachings of Quran. For him Islam can also be used as a tool for the political activism of the Muslims.

Thus unlike other religious movements which are solely religio-social Jamaat has also a political look. For Maududi striving for political power is a part of imaan, through which a Muslim polity will establish. He scolded Muslims for eliminating politics from religion which he considered deviation from the true sprite of Islam. An Islamic state is the

67 panacea to all problems of the Muslim world for which politics must be considered and declared as the integral and inseparable part of the faith.185

Jamaat has a political program according to which “Iqamat-i-din” (establishment of religion) is the primary aim and objective of every Islamic state. Their program focus at refining the individuals rather focusing on the structures and systems. For Jamaat change will automatically come if individuals in a system are purified and trained according to the true teachings of Islam. These trained people when get to their position and capture state powers, the universal agenda and program of Islam can be implemented.

But the question is how the power be captured or how the ideal Islamic state be established? Here Maududi views are different from other reformers and revolutionaries.

He does not advocate a sudden change or revolution. Rather he believes in incremental change. He discards violence as a political tool for gaining power and does not voice for class war like Marxists. He considers Islamic revolution to be brought by the leaders of the society and not by common masses. His approach for revolution flows from top to bottom.

Bottom up revolution cannot be everlasting because masses don’t think logically they just follow the leaders. It is the leader who is to bring a positive change in the behavior and attitudes of the people and to make them good Muslims and good citizens of the polity. So his revolution is not to lead the struggle of any underclass but to provide society leaders.

The maladies either social, economic or political of the society can be cured if the leaders become true Muslims. And thus the society can be Islamize. For furthering the struggle for revolution, education and propaganda are the powerful and principal tools.

That is why Jamaat’s plan and policy is always directed in a specific direction and to specific people in the society and not to all the masses. It always aims at winning over the leaders of the society, conquering the state and consequently Islamizing the government.

For this reason Maududi has systematically mixed religion with politics. He defined and

185 Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution.

68 interpreted concepts, ideas and symbols of the modern day politics in a way to fit in his ideology. His vision is to merge the spotless politics of the prophet time to the modern day politics. For him Islam is not just a religion, it is a din and a way of life which is for all people and for all the times.

The advocators of Maududi’s political thoughts are of the opinion that he has not included anything extra to Islam which some people call biddat (inclusion of some un-

Islamic practices). He rather interpreted the existing ideas in a modern framework of Islam, so that to cope with the modern situation and needs.186 Maududi’s Theo-democracy looks like western democracy but some of its parts are not clear. For example he has not defined the process of consultation. For him Khilafat belong to all the people, so, if the ruler is to consult the people who he is to consult and what will be the status of their advice? Whether it will be binding on the ruler to act upon the advice of the people or not? If not what consultation is meant then? Another important issue is of the freedom of expression. For

Maududi Islam entails total submission of the people to the ruler and anything spoken or action against the ruler be considered as fitnah (treachery). Obedience is required from every Muslim and revolt is highly disapproved and not tolerated.

Islamic or theo-democracy which Maududi called shariah according to him ensures the equal treatment of all, because the source of law is one, which cannot be biased with anyone. In the western democracy the authority of the majority is limitless, free and uncontrolled but Islamic democracy limit the authority of those, in-charge. They are to exercise their power within the prescribed limits of “Divine Law” and according to the injunctions of Allah.

How the ruler of Maududi’s Theo-polity be selected and establish? In the opinion of

Maududi the institution for ruling the Islamic polity be establish according to the will of the people of the polity. The government will be run in accordance to the wishes of the citizens

186 Ibid.

69 and their opinion will have a decisive role in dispensing state affairs. It would be the people

(Muslims) to decide who so ever should carry out the duties as the head of the polity

(caliphate). So the head of Maududi Islamic polity is enjoying the confidence of the people and when so ever he loses that confidence he is to abandon his office. Hence Maududi’s political system is having a character of evolutionary perfection like democracy. 187

Maududi executive head is also an elected representative, to be known as Amir

(head or president). He is to be elected through secret ballet. He must be a suitable person.

By suitable he means that he must have knowledge of Islam, shariah and administration.

This administrative head “Amir” will be assisted by an elected shura (a consultative body).

Amir is bound to administer the country in accordance with the consultation of the shura.188

This theo-democracy according to Maududi is the will of God and mankind must accept this. In his opinion the problems of the world can only be solved by this system of governance. Human reasoning capacity and resolving ability is limited. On the other hand

Islam is a divine system hence it can and is providing appropriate solution to all human problems. It is obligatory on Muslims to submit totally to the will of Allah and act upon his instructions revealed through Prophet Muhammad. Maududi call it perfection of faith or

Imaan.189

Being the ideological founder Maududi has enormous impacts on the strategies and policies of JI during different political issues and events. The socialization of the workers are done according to the ideology and teaching of Maududi. So if JI affiliates are making any consensus or producing any sourt of disagreements on certain political issues, can be because of their political socialization.

187 Maududi. (1969). Islami Riyasat. pp.363-368 188 Muhammad Qasim Zaman. (2004). The Ulema in Contemporary Islam: Custodians of Change. Karachi: Oxford University Press. p.103 189 Maududi. (1969). Islami Riyasat. p.350

The first example of the conflictual political culture within the religious political parties was the formation of Kul Hind Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (KHJUI) in 1945. It was the first formal kind of faction from Jamiat Ulema-i-Hind (JUH). All the leaders of KHJUI were previously associated with JUH both religiously and politically. However, the latter’s pro-congress attitude and more specifically its concepts of composite nationalism caused spilt in its folds. A large number of Ulema who were having great name and fame within the Dar-ul-Uloom Deoband have reached the conclusion that Indian National Congress was an anti-Muslim organization. Among other Ulema, Maulana Shabbir Ahmed Uthmani was more vocal in this regard.190

Maulana Uthmani resigned from the membership of JUH and refused to participate in the annual conference of the party at Saharanpur from 4-7 May 1945.191 Some other

Ulema also joined hands with Maulana Uthmani in response to their differences with their parent organization (Deoband) on the same issues of Congress and nationhood. The two of the prominent Ulema were Mufti Muhammad Shafi and Maulana Zafar Ahmad Uthmani.

These Ulema decided to publish fatwas (religious decrees) against any kind of cooperation with INC. They declared that cooperation, assistance and support of any kind to INC was haram (unlawful in Islam).192

In Calcutta some Ulema from Deoband school of thought laid the foundation of

Jamiat Ulama-i-Calcutta, on July 11, 1945. Allama Azad Subhani was appointed its president.193 Maulana Uthmani highly praised that act and organization of the Ulema of

Calcutta. He also expressed his concern over the confusing situation among the different

190 Ali Arshad. (2005). Maulana Shabbir Ahmed Uthmani ka Tahrik-i-Pakistan Mein Kirdar (Maulana Shabir Ahmad Uthmani’s Role in Pakistan Movement). Lahore: Pakistan Study Center, University of the Punjab. p.59 191 Muhammad Anwar ul Hasan, Shairkoti. (1957). Tajaliyat-i-Uthmani. Multan: Idara Nashr-ul-Ma’arif. p.663 192 Farman Fatehpuri. (1990). Tahrik-i-Pakistan Awr Quaid-eAzam: Nayab Dastaweiz ki Roshni Mien. Lahore: Sang-e-Mail Publications. p. 74 193 Ali Arshad. (2005). Maulana Shabbir Ahmed Uthmani. p.78

71 stake holders in Muslim politics over the issue of separate homeland for the Muslims in

India.

In the meantime some Ulema suggested the formation of an all Indian organization in the pattern of JUH, which may represent the like-minded Ulema in united India. Muslim

League also took keen interest in any kind of such group of Ulema. A grand conference of like-minded Ulema was convened in Calcutta from 26 to 29 October 1945. Jinnah assigned

Khawaja Nazim-u-Din and Hussain Shaheed Soharwardi the task of facilitation and gathering Ulema to the conference.194 Different Ulema from across the India attended the conference, however, Maulana Uthmani could not attend it. His message was read out by

Maulana Matin. In his message Maulana Uthmani argued that there are only two nations according to the injunctions of the divine book i.e. the believers and the non-believers.

Therefore, the Muslims in South Asia are a separate nation. They cannot be a part of a single nation along with other different religious communities in India. Also that it is the duty of each Muslim to live his life according to the teaching of Islam and in the light of

Sunnah. The Muslims in India therefore, need a centre where, they can live their lives according to the divine injunctions and without the fear and interference of other fellow beings. Uthmani stressed upon the Ulema to be united and joined hands with Jinnah in the movement for Pakistan. In his opinion if the Muslim League failed in its struggle for

Pakistan, Muslims in India would have no chance to reunite and fight for their identity in the near future.195

The Ulema in the conference agreed upon the formulation of an organization, the

“All India Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam” (AIJUI). Maulana Shabir Uthmani (in his absence) was elected the president of AIJUI, Zafar Ahmad Uthmani as vice president and Maulan Quresh

Shamsi as its General Secretary. A twelve member shura was appointed for the assistance

194 Pirzada. (2000). The Politics of the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam. p.9. 195 Shabir Ahmad Uthmani. (n.d). Piigham Hadrat Alama Shabir Ahmad Uthmani Banam Mutamir Kul Hind Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam Calcutta. Lahore: Hashimi Book Depot. pp.12-29

72 and help of the office bearer in religious and political matters.196 In its first meeting AIJUI announced its full support to the Muslim League in its struggle for Pakistan. Maulana

Uthmani was appointed as the advisor for religious affairs in Muslim League.197

In the campaign for the upcoming elections 1946, the Ulema provided the ideological support to the Muslim League and the demand for Pakistan. Maulana Uthmani was very much active in the Pakistan movement and along with visits to the different parts of the country he wrote different letters to Ulema across the country to convince them over the issues and objections of JUH leadership against the demand for Pakistan and the leadership of Jinnah.198 The relationship of the Ulema of the two groups reach to a level where Maulana Mazhar Ali even issued a fatwa declaring Jinnah a Kafir-i-Azam (great infidel). Madani also declared joining Muslim League as Haram.199 Maulana Uthmani in his letters and other fatwas defended Jinnah’s position and the demand of Muslim League for Pakistan. He opined that the fatwas of Maulana Madani, were against the norms and very essence of Islam.200

Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam in the leadership of Maulana Uthmani very effectively propagated and defended the cause of Pakistan. They advocated the view that the implementation of Islamic way of life and Islamic laws were only possible and related to the establishment of Pakistan. They tried to convince the people that the survival of the

Indian Muslims was laid only in Pakistan.201

The tireless efforts of Ulema in the election campaign for Muslim League resulted in the shape of massive success of Muslim League in the 1945-46 elections. Jinnah in response to Maulana Uthmani remarks on Muslim League success, applauded the role the

196 Pirzada. (2000). The Politics of the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam. p.10 197 Abdul Shakur Tirmidhi. (1977). Tadhkira tuz Zafar. Kamalia: Matbuaat Ilemi Faisalabad. p.373 198 Shabbir Ahmed Uthmani. (n.d). Marasalat-i-Siyasiya: ya,ani Siyasiyat kay Mut’aliq Chauda Istafsari Khatoot Awr Allama Kay Mudalal Jawabat. Delhi: Muslim League Printing Press. pp.3-8 199 Qureshi. (1972). Ulema in Politics. p.354. 200 Muhammad Anwar ul Hasan Shairkoti. (1972). Khutbat-i-Uthmani. Lahore: Nazir Sons. pp.69-70 201 Wali Mazher. (1990). Azmaton kay Charagh. Multan: Raza-i-Mola Press. p.11

Ulema, played by them, in the election campaign.202 That was a significant example of consensual political culture and alliance with other political parties.

3.3 POST INDEPENDENCE PAKISTAN AND JAMAAT-I-ISLAMI AND MARKAZI JAMIAT ULEMA-I-ISLAM

After the creation of Pakistan Maulana Uthmani reorganized and renamed his party as Markazi Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (MJUI) in 1947. Its central office was opened in

Karachi.203 Both MJUI204 and JI205 started their efforts for an Islamic constitution in the newly emerged country. In the opinion of Mir (1986), after the creation of Pakistan the

Jamaat-i-Islami started struggle for the creation of a theocratic state. “Jamaat and its student wing was very much active and had a significant influence on the people of

Pakistan especially in the fields of economy, politics and social setting. Pakistan’s movement which was a nationalistic movement based on Muslim religion was redefined by the Jamaat and its leadership. This movement according to them was not meant to form and establish a national state, rather it was meant to establish a theocratic Islamic state”.206

In the meanwhile Maududi had developed bitter relationship with the government official by two events. First, in 1948 the provincial government of West Punjab directed the employees to re-take the oath of allegiance to the government of Pakistan. Maududi and his

Jamaat declared that any such oath was not permissible till the complete Islamization of the state and system. Maududi declaration was endorsed by the executive committee of Jamaat in April 10, 1948. In the statement issued by the committee it was stated that as the system

202 Mehmood Ahmed Zafar. (2005). Ulama Maidan-i-Siyasat Mein. Lahore: Baitul Ulum. p.541 203 Binder. (1962). Religion and Politics in Pakistan. p.97. 204 Shabbir Ahmed Uthmani. (n.d). Marasalat-i-Siyasiya: ya,ani Siyasiyat kay Mut’aliq Chauda Istafsari Khatoot Awr Allama Kay Mudalal Jawabat. Delhi: Muslim League Printing Press. pp.3-8 205 Safdar Mir. (1986). Religion and Politics in Pakistan, in Engineer, A. I (ed), Islam in Asia. Lahore: Vanguard. pp.145-170. 206 Ibid.

74 of the government was till now un-Islamic, therefore, it cannot advise the Muslims to be a part of it, its army or its national reserves.207

The second issue was the declaration of Jihad by the government of Pakistan in

Kashmir. Though, the government officially observing cease fire with India in Kashmir, continued its support to the insurgents by providing them arms and ammunition. The insurgents movement in Kashmir was declared as jihad by government and some of the prominent Ulema. However, Maududi was of the opinion that this movement cannot be termed as jihad on the ground that government had some kind of agreements with India.

Pakistani government have to abide by those agreements or openly declare war against

India.208

Maulana Uthmani effectively articulated the concept of an Islamic state within the constituent assembly which resulted in the shape of Objectives Resolution in 1949, a milestone in the constitutional history of Pakistan.209 This resolution drew clear line and framework, for the future constitution of the state, and asserted that the model of the government would not be entirely western. Islamic faith, ideology and way of life will be the centre and focal point of the new constitution. It was confirmed in the resolution that people (Muslims) are the vicegerents of God and sovereignty over the entire universebelonged to Him.210 The third clause further asserted that “the principles of democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice, as enunciated by Islam, shall be fully observed”.211 This clearly showed the power of Islam i.e. a single religion hence placing it at the helm of affairs in the state and in individual level.

In January 1951, thirty one renowned Ulema from all schools of thought of Islam, gathered in Karachi for discussion on future constitution and system of governance for

207 Binder. (1962). Religion and Politics in Pakistan. pp.136-37 208 Nasr. (1996). Maududi and the Making of Islamic Revivalism. p.42. 209 Afzal Iqbal. (1986). Islamization of Pakistan. Lahore: Vanguard Books. p.41 210 Objectives Resolution. Article 2-A. The Constitution of Pakistan 211 Ibid. Clause 3.

Pakistan. They discussed and debated different aspects of an Islamic state and agreed on 22 fundamental principles of Islamic state and constitution.212

Drafting a unanimous and agreed upon framework for an Islamic constitution was a land mark achievement of the Ulema. It was a great example of consensual political culture within the religio-political parties of Pakistan. For consensus building among their parties’ workers both the parties relied on public gatherings and media (party’s related News papers and magazines). The Ulema continued to elaborate and explain their framework to the common people in the country. Maududi used the medium of Tarjuman-ul-Quran and explicitly wrote about the need for an Islamic constitution and the 22 points framework of the Ulema.

The tireless efforts and struggle of Ulema compelled the framers of the constitution for adoption of an Islamic constitution. However, due to the excessive pressure from the seculars and modernist political leaders, the proposed constitution could not be framed and implemented until 1956.213 The Assembly was dissolved and the draft constitution was discarded along with the agreed formula for safeguarding the Islamic law in Pakistan.214

3.3 INTERNAL RIFTS IN JI AND MARKAZI JAMIAT ULEMA-I-ISLAM

Though both Jamiat Ulema and Jamaat-i-Islami were successful in building consensus on certain basic religious and constitutional issues, however, during this period severe differences emerged within the parties workers in both the parties.

MJUI from the time of its foundation remained in association with the ruling

Muslim League. However, few of its worker were skeptical towards the latter’s commitment to an Islamic constitution. A group of Ulema in East Pakistan under the leadership of Maulana Athar Ali Khan renounced the party’s policy of association with

212 Ibid. p. 206 213 Mahfuzul Haq. (1966). Some Reflections on Islam and Constitution-Making in Pakistan: 1947-56, Islamic Studies, Vol. 5, No. 2 (JUNE 1966), pp. 209 -220 Published by: Islamic Research Institute, International Islamic University, Islamabad .Accessed: 02/09/2015 16:36: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20832839 214 Binder. (1962). Religion and Politics in Pakistan. p. x.

Muslim League and declared that they would contest the forthcoming provincial elections under the banner of Nizam-i-Islam. In their opinion, Muslim League was not totally committed in formulating an Islamic constitution. Nizam-i-Islam was later on re-constituted as Nizam-i-Islam Party (NIP). NIP joined hands with several other political groups and formulated United Front in East Pakistan. Their basic aim was the defeat of Muslim

League in the 1954 provincial elections.215

In response to the formation of NIP, Maulana Zafar Ahmad Uthmani convened an

All Pakistan Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam conference in Dhaka on January 23, 1954. He declared that the party is still an alliance with the Muslim League and they are struggling for an acceptable Islamic constitution in Pakistan. In his opinion, those who formulated NIP have violated the constitution of the party. He expelled all those (former) affiliates of the party who have joined NIP. However, along with all the anti-NIP campaign, it succeeded in wining 20 seats in the provincial assembly. Two of its members made their ways to the provincial ministries.216

The popularity of NIP and its electoral success was a great issue of concern for

MJUI, but the leadership could not give much attention to reconciliation and re- organization of the party. They were busy in the campaign for an Islamic constitution.

When the constitution of 1956 was implemented they termed it a victory of the Muslim masses of Pakistan.217

The decade long association of MJUI with Muslim League and its overdependence on the latter, severely harmed the political constituency of the Ulema. A convention of

Ulema was held at Multan in October 1956 in which a new organization of the Ulema,

Markazi Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam West Pakistan (MJUIWP) was founded. Maulana Ahmad

Ali Lahori was selected as the president of the new Ulema organization. The MJUI

215 Gholam Wahed Choudhury. (1963). Democracy in Pakistan. Dacca: Green Book House. p.58 216 Karl Von Vorys. (1965). Political Development in Pakistan. Princeton: Princeton University Press. p. 130. 217 Allahbukhsh K. Brohi. (1958). Fundamental Law of Pakistan. Din Muhammadi Press: Karachi. pp.782-84

77 objected the formation of MJUIWP but did not go for active confrontation.218 In the coming days MJUIWP proved to be the sole representative organization of the Deobandi

Ulema of Pakistan. MJUI and its organizational network became inactive soon after.219

Here again huge public gatherings and personal letters proved vital for consensus building among different Ulema. They were made aware of the role of MJUI and its association with Muslim League. They were convinced that such an association was neither beneficial for the party nor for the Islamic cause.220

Similarly, Jamaat’s ranks were also shaken by differences within the workers over different ideological issues. The most important among those was the decision of the

Jamaat’s Shura on adoption of political strategy for the persuasion of the ideological goals of the holy community. The Jamaat in the beginning was formulated for the preparation of a group of pious people who can revive the Islamic society with their actions and good deeds. From its earlier plans till the plan of action 1951, non has put political participation and politics as a strategy at its priority list or at first phase. The plan of action of the Jamaat

1951 stated that the Jamaat will focus at

1. The reform of the life and minds of the individual members

2. Organization and training of virtuous men

3. Social and economic reforms at the societal level

4. Reforms of the government and the political structures.221

In the opinion of Nasr (1994), politics in that plan was not only listed last but it also could not be addressed until the first three phases of the plan completed.222 However, the political development at the national level have made the Jamaat members realized that without proper involvement in the political process their dream of an Islamic society could

218 Abdul Hamid Khan (1968). Mard-i-Momin. Lahore. p.105. 219 Pirzada. (2000). The Politics of the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam. p.23. 220 Interview with Maulana Abdul Hakim Akbari. 221 Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of Islamic Revolution. p.28 222 Ibid.

78 not come true. The opportunity of direct political involvement was provided to it by the

Elections in Punjab, scheduled in March 1951. In the absence of Maududi, the Shura decided about the participation in the elections despite the opposition of few prominent members.223

The results of the election were not satisfactory for the Jamaat. The candidates who were supported by the Jamaat were able to get very less number of votes. The members of the Jamaat were much dismayed by the weak show in the elections. However, Maududi himself was of the opinion that despite the defeat the Jamaat came more stronger by bringing in many new members and propagation of its program and ideology.224 Despite the optimism of Maududi, the 1951 election’s experience of the Jamaat members was not that good. Several members were charged with the breakdown of discipline of the party.

Several senior members were of the opinion that the electoral politics and its effects were not matching and acceptable to the morale standards of the holy community. They therefore, suggested remaining detached from the electoral politics at-least for the time being.225 However, Maududi was inclined towards electoral politics. He suggested two agendas i.e. religious work and political activism.226 This has further deepen the already confusion on the issue. A debate has started within different members of the party.

However, the issue could not be settled and decided until 1957.

In the general meeting of the party at Karachi in 1954, a former Jamaat Amir of the

Punjab province, Said Ahmad Malik has leveled some charges of mismanagement, ethical misconduct and financial embezzlement against some members and administrative staff at the central secretariat.227 Maududi announced the formation of a seven member review committee to investigate the issue. However, due to certain reasons the committee was

223 Masudul Hassan (1984). Sayyid Abul Aala Maududi and his Thoughts. Lahore: Islamic Publications. Vol:1. pp.408-13 224 Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of Islamic Revolution. p.30 225 Ibid. 226 Abu Tariq. (1976). Maulana Maududi ki Taqarir. Ed. Lahore: Islamic Publications. Vol:3.pp. 139-156. 227 Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of Islamic Revolution. p.31

reduced to only four members. The investigation lasted for an year and the committee

interviewed about two hundred members. A comprehensive report was prepared, to be

presented before the shura in November 1956 session.

In the Shura meeting the committee have presented its report. The report said that

1. The Jamaat has completely gone out of its track as the complaints registered with

the committee suggested.

2. The strategy of politics has taken the place of the real commitment of the Jamaat for

a holy community.

3. If the Jamaat continue to have involvement in electoral politics, it would lose, what

it had gained so for.228

The shura meeting was ended with the four point resolution. The resolution stated that:

i. The Jamaat has gone off its original path. In its political voyage, it lost more than its

gains, and its moral stature was severely damage. The damage be repaired.

ii. The Shura of 1951 four point plan should again be made in effect. As the four point

indicated, the party would detached it-self from electoral politics. iii. As the constitution of the Jamaat suggested, the Jamaat position on various issues

was based on the Quran, Hadith and the decisions of Amir and Shura and not on

any other document of the party. iv. A committee be constituted under the supervision of Maulana Islahi, which was to

look whether the decisions of the Shura were acted upon or not.229

Maududi was much upset and disappointed with the decision of the Shura and so as

other in the bureaucracy of the Jamaat. They convinced Maududi to defy the decision of the

Shura and the review committee. In their opinion the resolution of the shura was biased and

228 Israr Ahmad (1966). Tahrik-i Jamaat-i-Islami: Ek Tehqiqi Mutalaah. Lahore: Darul-Ishaah-i Islami. p.5. 229 Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of Islamic Revolution. p.33

80 it tried to limit Maududi authority and influence. This would, in future, open gates for factionalism within the Jamaat.

Convinced with the arguments of the bureaucracy and few close associates,

Maududi accused the review committee members with conspiracy against the Jamaat. He demanded their resignations.230 The committee members approached Islahi, who was of the opinion that Maududi was influenced by the staff of the Jamaat, who persuaded him to act undemocratically and unconstitutionally.231

Knowing Islahi’s intentions of backing the review committee members and the powers of the shura Maududi tabled his resignation. This has produced a grave situation in the Jamaat ranks. The vice Amir Chaudri Ghulam Muhammad asked Maududi to withdraw his resignation. A shura meeting was called on January 12, 1957, which Islahi and other critics of Maududi could not attended. The shura decided that the issue of the politics would be discussed in the open Jamaat meeting in February 1957 in Machchi Goth.

In the Machchi Goth session Islahi, who was an advocate of the review committee members and the shura resolution, talked about the Jamaat plan of 1951. With arguments he very effectively debated on the religious pursuits and political activism. In his opinion involvement in politics has severely damaged the moral standards of the holy community.

Also that politics was consuming too much time of the members, leaving no room for virtuous work.232 He appealed that the Jamaat be returned to its original agenda.

Islahi appeal was rejected by Maududi and demanded more political activism. He declared that the party would continue to act as holy community but would also participate in electoral politics. In his opinion neither rule of religion (iqamat-i din) nor divine

230 Israr Ahmad. (1990). Tahrik-i Jamaat-i-Islami: ik Ghumshudah Bab. Lahore: Maktabah-i-Jadid Press. p.31 231 Ibid. pp. 33-56 232 Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of Islamic Revolution. p.37

81 government (Hakumat-i ilahiyah) could be established if the Jamaat keep away from politics. This way politics was given space in the new agenda of the Jamaat.233

The issue of participation in politics was put in front of the members. Fifteen votes came against the participation. Those fifteen members including Islahi, tendered their resignations on the spot. Maududi announced that all those who have differed with him like

Islahi can remain in the party but cannot hold any position. Their status would be like zimmi in an Islamic state. This decision of Maududi led to further defections in the Party and some very prominent members including Israr Ahmad, Mustafa Sadiq and Abdul

Ghaffar Hassan resigned.234 The Machchi Goth session cost Jamaat a total of 56 members defections.235

3.5 THE MARTIAL LAW REGIME AND THE ROLE OF JAMAAT-I-ISLAMI AND JAMIAT ULEMA_I_ISLAM

In response to political brawl between various political factions and the death of the

East Pakistan legislative assembly deputy speaker, president Iskander Mirza imposed

Martial law and abrogated the 1956 constitution on October 07, 1958.236 Twenty days later

(October 27) the Chief of Army Staff General Ayub Khan ousted Mirza and assumed the

Presidency.

The martial law administration banned political activities and political parties were declared outlawed. Jamaat continued its activities in disguised of religious, educational and social welfare activities. This helped Jamaat maintaining their organizational structure intact and continued its worker’s education and training. Jamiat Ulema however, set up a non-political organization of Ulema i.e. Nizamul Ulema Pakistan (NUP). On ground its objectives were set as religious, but its hidden objectives were political. Maulana Ahmad

233 Ibid. p.38. 234 Masudul Hassan. (1984). Sayyid Abul Aala Maududi and his Thoughts. Lahore: Islamic Publications. Vol:2. pp. 59-60 235 Ibid. 236 Haqqani. (2005). Pakistan Between Mosque and Military. p. 37.

Ali was elected its Amir and Maulana Ghulam Ghaus as its Secretary General, in Lahore convention on June 23, 1959.237

Ayub’s two controversial reforms measures in the religious sector got infuriated the religious stack holders in the country. First, he introduced reforms in the family laws which restricted polygamy. These reforms also included regulation for divorce. Secondly, he took over the control of some major endowment properties from their custodians and brought that under government custody. Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamiat Ulema both got infuriated with such measure of Ayub and declared that he has acted un-Islamically. They further hold an opinion that Ayub Khan was destabilizing the fundamental ideology and basis of Pakistan by introducing and implementing Westernized ideals and way of life.

Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamiat Ulema adopted different strategies during the 1964-65 presidential elections. The opposition parties made an alliance “combined opposition party” (COP) and declared Miss Fatima Jinnah as their presidential candidate against Ayub

Khan. Jamiat Ulema opted, not to support any of the candidates after its own candidate failed to submit nomination papers within due time.

Jamaat joined the COP alliance and participated in much enthusiasm in the electoral campaign of Miss Fatima Jinnah. Maududi had an opinion in his earlier life that women are not allowed to hold public offices in an Islamic state. However, the situation now is different in the present election. The politico-social situations of the state demand to support a women against a tyrant dictator. The central executive council of Jamaat in one of its resolution in October 1964, declared and announced that “in the present unusual situation the candidature of a woman for head of the state is not against the Shariah”.238

This was somehow an unpopular strategy of the party and the leadership but they were

237 Pirzada. (2000). The Politics of the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam. p.24 238 Pakistan Observer, 3 October 1964. Quoted in Karl von Vorys. (1967). Political Development in Pakistan. Princeton: Princeton University Press. p.175

83 successful in convincing their affiliates in favor of the decision. Again public gatherings and Maududi’s writings done the job for the party.

The economic policies of Ayub Khan were to a great extent, considered failed in a sense that it concentrated the total wealth of the country in the hands of 22 families. An uprising against the regime soon started, probably influenced from socialist movements across the world, streamlined by the Bhutto’s socialist program. The uprising was urban based and the issues of wages, prices and economic deteriorated situation fueled it. These issues were so important and dominant in that time that the religious movement against

Ayub remained peripheral. For the political parties and the people, the socio-economic justice and political order were more important.

Ayub Khan held several meetings with the oppositions parties and accepted the demands of direct elections based on universal adult franchise and parliamentary form of government. The Awami League and People’s Party were considered to be the real forces in the polity. The Jamaat resistant to populism and the success of Bhutto and Mujeeb popular movements, demanded for an Islamic system. In the opinion of Maududi, Islamic system of governance was the only remedy to all the maladies of Pakistan.239 On the other hand JUIP leadership were drawn by the socio-economic situation of the country. They considered some kind of socialist reforms necessary as advocated by Bhutto.

Contrary to the Jamaat leaderships, who declared socialists as kafirs, and socialism as kufr, JUIP held an opinion that “like Islamic democracy, Islamic socialism was not contrary to the Shariah.240 They argued that the real enemy of Muslims and Islamic world was United States of America and the western Imperialists. All those who were raising the

239 Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of Islamic Revolution. p.161. 240 Pirzada. (2000). The Politics of the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam. p.30

84 controversy against Islam and socialism are the real agents of US and Maududi is one of them.241

3.6 1970 ELECTIONS AND THE FALL OF DHAKA

The severe agitations against Ayub led to his fall. He handed over the government to General Yahya Khan, who imposed Martial Law. While assuming the government

Yahya Khan announced elections in December 1970. JUIP which was reorganized into All

Pakistan Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (APJUI), designed its electoral manifesto focusing on the socio-economic situation of the country. There were more economic and social programs than the JI have in its manifesto. The JI instead focused on three questions,

1. Should Pakistan retain its Islamic foundations?

2. Should Pakistan remain united?

3. Is not the Jamaat the only party running in the elections, capable of maintaining the

primacy of Islam and the unity of Pakistan?

The elections result were not satisfactory for APJUI and to an extant discouraging and dis-hearting for Jamaat. The religious forces have clinched very little number of votes and seats as compared to Awami League and Pakistan People’s Party. However, both the leaders (Mujeeb and Bhutto) and Yahya Khan could not reach to an agreement on power sharing. Political deadlock turned into a civil war, with Bengali nationalists demanded for a

“Bengla Desh”. Mujeeb’s demand for the complete autonomy of East wing was having concern for Jamaat.

The two wings of Pakistan which were separated some thousand km from each other provided a good example to the world regarding the power of unification of the religion “Islam”. All other regional identities were subjugated by one identity i.e. Islam is the only culture, the only political and an economic system. If the Mujeeb demanded

241 Ibid. p.31

85 autonomy was accepted, it would have been a blow and a setback to the concept that Islam is a unifying force in JI understandind. Therefore, in the opinion of Jamaat the rise of

Bengali nationalism and ultimately the separatist elements were not only a threat to the integrity of Pakistan but to the ideological basis of the very existence of it. Under these situation and circumstances the Jamaat had no other option but to join the forces of the status quo. The Jamaat declared that it cannot set aside by silently watching the disintegration of the country both ideologically and physically. It joined hands with the military regime of General Yahya in defending the physical and ideological boundaries of the land. The Jamaat organized meetings, gatherings and processions attended by hundreds of thousands people throughout the country. All the major cities in both the wings were echoed with the slogans “Soshalizm kufr hai” and “Muslim millet ek ho”.242

The Jamaat through its student wing Islami Jamiat Talba (IJT), made an alliance with the Army for countering insurgency under the Jihadi organizations of Al-Badr and Al-

Shams.243 APJUI opted for political solution of the issue. It organized several conferences and meetings with the political leadership of both the wings. In principles, APJUI was of the opinion that Awami League be invited to form a government. However, they were also having concern regarding Mujeeb Six points. In the opinion of its leadership, the Dhaka fall was an international conspiracy against Pakistan. All those (including politicians, military generals and bureaucrats) responsible for that, must be tried and punished.244

3.7 1973 CONSTITUTION, AN EXAMPLE OF UNIQUE CONSENSUAL POLITICAL CULTURE

In the following years, the constitution making process started. The constitution of the 1973 had much importance in the political and constitutional history of Pakistan. It proved to be an excellent example of consensual political culture in the country’s Twenty

242 The Daily Dawn. Karachi: 1 June 1970. 243 Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of Islamic Revolution. pp.168-69 244 Pirzada. (2000). The Politics of the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam. pp.50-56.

Five years life. Agreement of different political groups on a single document was a great achievement of the politicians. A general consensus was developed on the constitution ranging from the nationalist political groups to the religious political parties within the parliament. Bhutto having a socialist agenda was compelled by the members of religious parties in the parliament to Islamize the constitution to a maximum level. Irrespective of the fact that the Ulema had very less representation in the parliament, they were still able to get an Islamic constitution for the country. It was a great achievement of the religious political parties in the parliament.245

The constitution of 1973 was a consensual document and almost all political forces agreed upon the nature and structure of the state and government. During the formation of the constitution an incredible sphere of mutual agreement, respect and tolerance was developed among different political activists and parties. It was that mutual respect, tolerance and cooperation because of which a “new social contract” was possible in a society of diverse ethnic communities like Pakistan.

In the same way the religious political parties again united on a one-point agenda “

Tehrik-i-Khatam-e-Nabowat” i.e. the declaration of Ahmadies as non-Muslims. The religious parties vigorously campaigned for this cause and finally got the government approval in the shape of constitutional amendment declaring Ahmadies as out of the folds of Islam.

The March 1977 elections widen the gap between different political forces in the country. An alliance of the Religio-political parties was established, whose aim was to struggle for the enforcement of Nizam-e-Mustafa in Pakistan. Leaders of both JI and JUI were the front runner of the movement. However, the JI agitational role in the movement was more visible because of two facts. First, due to the ideological bindings, its workers were very much committed to obey the decisions of its Shura and Amir. Secondly, its

245 Interview with Maulana Gul Nasib Khan, December 06, 2016, Peshawar.

87 student wing, IJT was the most organized in all over the campuses in Pakistan. IJT gave full support to the movement in organizing processions and protests. Furthermore, IJT had recognized itself in the campuses by winning union elections. For example IJT won the union elections in 24 out of 28 professional colleges affiliated with the University of

Karachi in Karachi. Similarly University of the Punjab was completely swept by IJT.246

3.8 GENERAL ZIA, JAMAAT-I-ISLAMI AND JAMIAT ULEMA-I-ISLAM

Due to the severe agitation of Pakistan National Alliance (PNA), Bhutto was convinced and forced to settle political disputes with the opposition. For this purpose he also introduced some reforms regarding Islamic laws. However, the deadlock continue over the issue of rigged elections. Due to the uncertain circumstances military chief Zia-ul-Haq took over the government in a military coup on 5th July 1977.

Both the religious parties welcome the Zia government, vowing to his commitment for considering PNA demands and holding of free and fair elections. The military dictator promised to give Pakistan a real working Islamic system of governance. He in one of his address to the nation on December 2, 1978, blamed the politicians for not being serious in the implementation of sharia and the exploitation of religion for their personal benefits. He opined that Pakistan was created in the name of Islam and can only survive if it stick to that cause of its creation.247

Zia was deeply influenced by the philosophy of Maududi regarding a theocratic state. His concept of non-party government and authoritarian head of the state is borrowed by him from Maududi. This has provided a chance to the Jamaat to see its vision coming in reality.

Irrespective of the fact that Zia was a military dictator the Jamaat leaders hold an opinion that he was a pious, truthful, honest and practical Muslim, who in his capacity had

246 Jasarat, 28 March 1976. 247 Mohammad Ikram Rabbani. (2000). Pakistan Affairs. Lahore: Caravan Enterprises. p.496

88 respect for Sharia, His commitment and promise for the implementation of Sharia and establishment of social order based on the universal order of Islam, needed our support.

The Jamaat for the first time in the history of Pakistan joined a government and associated with power by joining the cabinet of Zia.

JUI on the other hand, irrespective of its initial support to the military regime, was distrustful of the regime because of its close association with the Jamaat. JUI withdrew from PNA, arguing that Zia was never going to hold elections and was not ready to transfer power to the civilians.248 It joined the PPP and other opposition parties’ anti-Zia Movement for Restoration of Democracy (MRD) in February 1981. However, the government due to its Afghan policy, provided ideological and material benefits to the JUI associated

Madrassas especially in tribal areas adjacent to Afghan border. The government policy of

Afghan Jihad created an un-seen and un-noticed rifts in the folds of party. The local leaders and workers, more at the grass root level were in the favor of the military regime, but the high ranked leaders were more politically inclined towards MRD.249

A very interesting situation developed in both the parties on the issue of supporting and opposing Zia regime. Due to the Afghan war, the focus of the religio-political parties were more on foreign issues. However, martial law regime and the Islamization of Zia were also having concern for them. JUI who was an active member of MRD, though was on the same page with the regime on its Afghan policy, yet it was an advocate of democracy and have time and again demanded for the restoration of the constitution of 1973. Severe differences aroused in folds of the party on the issue of MRD and opposition to Zia government, leading to the split of the party into two groups i.e. JUI (Fazal Rehman group) and JUI (Darkhwasti group), which become Sami-ul-Haq group later on.

248 Khan. (2014). Vying for Allah’s Vote. p.96 249 International Crises Group. (December 2011). Islamic Parties in Pakistan. Asia Report, N 216. p.11

Similarly, severe differences developed within the Jamaat on the issue of support to the Martial Law regime. The Jamaat Amir Mian Tufayl had good personal relations with

Zia. Despite the concern of some members within the Shura, the Amir was convinced with the commitment of the military dictator on the Islamization of state and government. Mian

Tufayl was of the opinion that if the general give his power back to the civilian, obviously the PPP will come back in power. So in such a situation Zia, the lesser evil can be the most suitable option for the Jamaat.250

Till 1984 the Martial Law regime enjoyed the favor of Jamaat. Zia after imposing ban on students political activities, was destined to lose Jamaat public support. IJT which had a strong and influential position in the inner circles of the Jamaat, convinced the leadership to abandon its support to the military regime. A group from Karachi emerged led by Ghafur Ahmad. It was an anti-Zia group and argued that if Jamaat has to survive it has to abandon Zia support.251 Because of the severe differences within the Jamaat, Mian

Tufayl finally agreed to part ways with Zia and demanded for the restoration of the constitution of 1973.252 However, instead of several fruitful meetings with the PPP leadership, Jamaat could not join hands with MRD due to the internal differences of the senior members in the party.253

PPP after the death of the “Mighty man” in August 1988, convinced of its success in the coming elections, dissolved MRD. JUI (Sami ul Haq) joined Islami Jamhori Ittihad

(IJI), an alliance of religious and conservative parties, to contain and contest the PPP dominance.254 Jamaat-i-Islami was also convinced by the then ISI chief General Hamid

Gul, for joining the alliance.255 However, with all the support from the Army and

250 Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of Islamic Revolution. p.195 251 Ibid. p. 198 252 Ibid. p. 199 253 Ibid. p. 205 254 Khan. (2014). Vying for Allah’s Vote. p.98 255 Haqqani. (2005). Pakistan Between Mosque and Military. pp.204-06

90 establishment, IJI was only able to fetch 53 seats in the National Assembly.256 The Benazir led PPP remained in government only for two years, when the President Ghulam Ishaq

Khan dismissed the government on August 06 1990.

In the elections 1990, Jamaat, irrespective of some grave differences with the IJI, decided to remain in its fold, hoping to get some influential positions in the Government.

JUI contested elections separately and grabbed six seats in the national assembly.

JUI and Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan (JUP) formulated a new religious alliance Islami

Jamhori Mahaz (IJM) in May 1992, which was active till April 1994.257 After the 1993 elections, JUI joined the coalition government of Benazir Bhutto and its Amir was granted an important slot of the chairman standing committee on foreign affairs of the National

Assembly. In an another bet for the religious parties alliance, some fifteen small and big religious groups of the country agreed on the formation of Milli Yakjihti Council (MYC), primarily for religious harmony. Its basic objective was to promote religious tolerance and to curb sectarian violence. However, the alliance remains very little effective in achieving its goals and a split occurred in its own folds. JUI (F) and JUI (S) differences led to the failure of the alliance. Jamaat however, tried to review the alliance and convert it to electoral alliance for the Feb 97 elections, but failed to do so.

Jamaat boycotted the general elections 1997, on the grounds that the Accountability

Ordinance promulgated by the interim government, was not up to the satisfaction of the party. JUI though contested the elections, could not show off well. It only managed to get two National Assembly seats.

Musharraf imposed emergency in the country on October 12, 1999 and dismissed

Nawaz government. Like many political forces in the country, religious political parties also welcomed military coup. Jamaat appreciated the move of the military and demanded a

256 Ibid. 257 vfast.org/journals/index.php/VTIR/article/download/370/380

91 free and fair accountability of the politicians. However, the Jamaat Amir, Qazi Hussain

Ahmad also emphasized the return of fair democracy in the country.258

3.9 RELIGIOUS PARTIES ALLIANCE

The change in Pakistan’s policy regarding Taliban government in 2001, after terror attacks in the United States, has also an impact on the domestic politics of Pakistan. This impact was more evident in the areas adjacent to Afghanistan i.e. Pakhtoon populated areas of Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa (then NWFP) and Baluchistan. To oppose and counter the pro-

Bush policy of Musharraf some 26 religious and right-wing political and non-political groups united to form Pak-Afghan Defense Council. The council organized different rallies and meetings against the government decision.

Wowing to the success and popularity of the council the politico-religious parties sensed the need for unification and joint efforts in politics. Although, there were some very sharp differences in these parties and groups in term of their approaches towards different issues in Islam, however, their political objectives in Pakistan could only be served through politics. This was what unified them for their goals and objectives. The six religio-political parties who were to make an alliance were agreed on constitutional struggle within

Pakistan. They decided to contest the upcoming scheduled elections 2002 under a common symbol. The foundation of the six parties electoral alliance, Muttahidda Majlis-i-Amal

(MMA) or united action front was laid on June 17, 2001. JI and JUI were the two influential and prominent members of the alliance.259 Under the symbol of kitab (book), the alliance showed fantastic results for the religious parties in the history of Pakistan. It managed to grab 61 out of 342 seats in the National Assembly and 68 out of 124 house in

NWFP assembly. Beside this it won 6 seats of National Assembly each from Sindh and

258 Daily DAWN, Rawalpindi: October 14, 1999. 259 MMA was consist of Six parties these were Jamat-i-Islami, Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (Fazal group), Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (Sami-ul-Haq group), Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan, Jamiat Ulema-i-Ahl-e-Hadees and Islami Tehrik-i-Pakistan.

Baluchistan, 3 from Punjab and 1 from Islamabad.260 It reached to the power corridor in

NWFP and Baluchistan having a manifesto in which they promised to introduce wide- range of Islamic policies and reforms.

There were some prominent reasons for their rise in 2002. First, it was able to capitalized the public sentiments in the North West, against Musharraf policies and anti-

Americanism. Secondly, MMA made electoral alliance with some of the local groups and parties which benefited both. For example in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (then NWFP) it made seat adjustment with PPP-Sherpao and left 17 seats of the provincial assembly for the later.

Thirdly, Musharraf was severely critical regarding the main-stream political parties and traditional politician. He introduced the condition of graduation for contesting the election.

Many of the traditional and prominent politicians remained disqualified and could not contest election. On the other hand as the Shahadatul Alimah degree (a bachelors degree from Madrassa) was equal to graduation therefore, the Ulema and other MMA candidates were least affected by this condition. So the MMA success was in the expense of main stream political parties. Fourthly, MMA was also enjoying official patronage as many developments before the election were evident of the claim. The military government wanted to weaken the mainstream political parties therefore, it facilitated the emergence of different factions in them.261 Fifth, the leadership of MMA was enthusiastic and were working as a team. In public gathering the top religio-political figures used to address the people gatherings. Their primary slogan was anti-Americanism in the region. Last but not the least, MMA emerged as an alternative leadership for the people of NWFP and

Baluchistan. The traditional Khans, Malaks and Nawabs who were projecting ethno- national sentiments, failed to alleviate the downtrodden status of their people. The people

260 Election Commission of Pakistan, http/www.ecp.gov.pk 261 Different cases of terrorism and other were withdrawn against different candidates of MMA. Musharraf government also wanted to control the religious groups, and for them, the best way was to engage them in national politics and governmental activities. Waseem, Muhammad. (2006). Democratization in Pakistan: A Study of the 2002 Elections. Karachi: Oxford University Press. pp.51-52

93 were fed of them. Musharraf condition of graduation for election created a leadership vacuum. This vacuum was filled by the most active and organized class of the society i.e. mullahs and other religious leaders.

During the MMA government, some differences emerged between the different parties of the alliance. However, the final assault on it was the issue of the dissolution of the NWFP provincial assembly. In response to the Musharraf plea of re-election as the president from the existing electoral college, MMA and other opposition parties decided to dissolve the Provincial assembly of NWFP so that the electoral college for the presidential election remain incomplete. This would have a legal and moral consequences, if Musharraf manage to re-elect himself in either way. However, JUI (F) who was having the slot of

Chief Minister, disagreed with the dissolution move. Fazal-ur-Rehman the JUI (F) head, viewed this move as the reversal of Military rule, this time more severe and might be in the shape of Martial Law. So they refrain from dissolving the provincial government. This literally dismembered the alliance of the religious parties.

Again in the 2008 elections both JI and JUI(F) agreed to boycott the elections, in protest of Musharraf continued rule. However JUI(F) reneged the promise and participated in the elections and managed to join the coalition government of PPP. 262

In the late 2008 Qazi Hissain Ahmad declined his re-election as Ameer because of his health issues. Syed Munawwar Hassan was elected as the new Ameer. He was the first

IJT Nazi-i-Ala who made his way to the top slot of the party. However, due to his rigid stance on some of the burning issues, Jamaat could not return in the parliament with good results in 2013 general elections.

Efforts were made for the revival of MMA before the 2013 elections but neither JI nor JUI agreed to the conditions of each other. MMA could not be revived and both the parties contested elections individually.

262 Khan. (2014). Vying for Allah’s Vote. p. 100

After the 2013 elections, JI became a part in the coalition government of Pakistan

Tehrik-i-Insaf (PTI) in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and JUI joined hands with Nawaz Sharif at the federal government.

After completing his tenure as the Ameer of Jamaat, Munawar Hassan was replaced by Siraj-ul-Haq, a relatively soft spoken and humble person in 2014. Siraj-ul-Haq was serving as a senior minister in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government. After electing as the

Ameer of Jamaat he resigned from his membership of provincial assembly in Khyber

Pakhtunkhwa, and elected to the upper house of the state (Senate) in March 2015.

Conclusion

The historical analysis of JI and JUI provides a good example of studying consensual and conflictual political culture in Pakistan. The workers and leaders within both the parties have developed differences with one another and have shown different attitude and behavior towards other political parties. Such behavior and attitude of the leadership (in person) and of the parties (as a whole) are providing a direction for the socialization of its affiliates. JUI from its emergence is more flexible for alliance formation with other political parties, for example its alliance with the Muslim League during and after the partition, alliance for coalition government with the National Awami Party in early 70s, alliance with opposition parties for Movement for Restoration of Democracy in

1981, alliance with Pakistan People’s Party in early 90s and 2008, alliance with religious political parties in the form of MMA in 2001 and now alliance with Pakistan Muslim

League (N) after 2013 elections. Its workers are having that flexibility today. JI on the other hand is more revisionist since its inception. Many of its today’s affiliates are still having those tendencies. However, political parties are considered to be the important agents of re-socialization. The basic task of socialization is to be done by some other

95 agents. Among which family is the most important one. The next chapter sheds light on the role of family (affiliated with JI and JUI) in the political socialization of family members.

CHAPTER – 4

ROLE OF THE FAMILY IN POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION

This chapter describes what role family and parents are playing in the political socialization and ideological indoctrination of their children in JI and JUI affiliated families? Family is an important and essential element for transmitting the norms and values of dominant culture and thus takes part in preserving the culture and value system of any society and community. For JI and JUI it is the most important institution, as it transmits the parents political values and dispositions to the coming generation. Thus provides a continuous ideological commitment and man power to the parties. This chapter includes the Ijtima-i-Ahli khana (gathering of the family) in JI affiliated families, a well established custom, where all the family members gather and discuss verses from holy

Quran. This gathering has significant share in the ideologization of the children. It also discusses that certain aspects of children lives, such as civic participation, shaping voting behavior and party identification etc. are in the strong grip of families and parents in JI and

JUI affiliated families.

4.1 FAMILY AS A SOCIALIZING AGENT

Family is considered to be the most influential actor among the four giant actors/agents (Family, Schools, Peer Groups, Mass Media) of socialization. It determines who an individual is socially and politically? Family as a socializing agents has two faces.

For some scholars it is an important and essential element for transmitting the norms and values of dominant culture and thus takes part in preserving the culture and value system of any society and community. Others, to an extent, (who are revolutionary), consider family as an obstacle in the way of social change. For such people and researchers family is the major source in preserving the (present) system and status quo. Modern revolutionary

97 regimes, fearing the role of family adopted different strategies for limiting and controlling the family influence on the children “the future citizens”.263

If family influences the future political orientations of the children, what is the extent, level and process for such orientations and values transmission?

There are five proposition, advocated by different political socialization scholars, which tries to establish a relationship of the family to the socialization of the children “the future citizens” of the polity. These proposition, though with some conceptual and methodological issues are still considered as the “conventional wisdom” on the subject.

1. The “support proposition” views and considers family as normally propagating and

disseminating such values and norms which support the political authority within a

polity.264 In majority of the cases it can also be implemented on the authority and

power structure within the family itself. The family head normally considers it

essential for the unity and survival (political) of the family. The young are

indoctrinated and transmitted such values which can ensure respect for the elders

and family head.265

2. The “continuity proposition” as viewed by Hyman (1959), considers family as a

source of political continuity. Family successfully transmits the political values,

norms and culture of one generation to the next generation. Therefore, it maintains

the overall political structure and culture same for generations in the polity.266 Most

of the children and young follow and adopt those political parties and ideologies

which their parents and elders have within the family. In case of Jamaat-i-Islami if a

family head is associated and affiliated with it, the young of the family are

socialized in such a manner that they also become the part of it. Though majority of

263 Dean Jaros. (1973). Socialization to Politics. New York, Washington: Praeger Publishers. p.78 264 James Davies. (1965). The Family’s Role in Political Socialization. Annals, vol. 361. pp.10-20 265 Interview with Zarawar Khan. Maidan, District Dir. October 27, 2016. 266 Herbert H. Hyman. (1959). Political Socialization. Glencoe: The Free Press. Chapter IV.

the people consider it an unintentional process yet the young are not aware of that,

and they are socialized in some pre-determine way.

3. The “congruence proposition” proposes that family life is a model of the polity.

Greenstein (1965) is of the opinion that family being a small unit of the polity,

performs all necessary tasks which are being done in the state level. It therefore,

prepares the future citizens to get acquainted with their respective roles,

responsibilities, duties and rights within the polity.267 It is usually the head of the

family who decides what role an individual has to play in the family. The education

(religious or contemporary), school, college or Madrassa selection, job selection

and other socio-political responsibilities within the society are selected and

determined by the head of the family.268

4. The “primacy proposition” proposes that the individual’s political values which

they acquire in the family remain for a long period of time. As family is the first

socializing agent therefore, whatever it teaches to the children cannot be forgotten

easily and early.269 Majority of the people who were the members of the particular

religio-political parties used to be indoctrinated in the families. The value transfer

and indoctrination is very much focused and planned which is difficult to be

forgotten by the children and the young.270

5. The “structuring proposition” proposes that the structure of value acquisition of an

individual is determine by the family socialization. According to this proposition all

other political stimuli are under the strong grip and influence of the family

267 Fred I. Greenstein. (1965). Personality and Political Socialization: The Theories of Authoritarian and Democratic Character. Annals. vol. 361. pp. 81-96 268 Interview with Rahim Ullah Advocate. Chakdara, Dir. October 25, 2016. 269 Donald Searing, Gerald Wright & George Rabinowitz. (1976). The Primacy Principle: Attitude Change and Political Socialization. British Journal of Political Science. vol. 6. pp. 83-115 270 Interview with Sultanat Yar advocate. Chakdara, Dir. October 27, 2016.

socialization.271 For example the family is having significant role in exposing the

children to other socializing agents. It is the family which select a school, college

and Madrassa for the children. Family is also involved in selecting reading books

and other materials for the children in their early age. In Jamaat-i-Islami case the

Jamaat literature is given to the children. The children and young are encouraged to

keep specific friend groups and peers and keep away from certain people. The

selection of print and electronic media is also under the check and direction of the

parents and family.272

Although, all these proposition regarding the family role in the socialization of new comers in the polity, played a vital role in directing the socialization researchers, however, all of these are not convincingly supported by research and empirical data.273 For example a study revealed that the parent’s biasness, inclination or affiliation towards a particular political party cannot produce and promote uniform and favorable views of political authorities within the children.274 Roberta Sigel’s view is very much relevant while studying a politically active family’s and parents’ role in the socialization of their children.

Empirical data suggests that children are transmitted only the good images of those political parties and leaders who the family or parents follow or associated with. For example all children in any such family are having uniform and favorable images of only that political party and leader who their parents are associated with.275

Another study suggests that those groups of people who are unfavorably stratified within a community neither properly utilize their capabilities and abilities nor much successful in transfering and communicating favorable views regarding the political

271 Donald Searing, J. J. Schwartz & A. E. Lind. (1973). The Structuring Principle: Political Socialization and Belief System. American Political Science Review. vol. 67 (June). pp.415-442 272 Focused group discussion. University of Malakand. October 25, 2016. 273 Paul Allan Beck. (1977). The Role of Agents in Political Socialization, in Handbook of Political Socialization: Theory and Research, ed. Stanley, Allan Renshon. New York: The Free Press. pp.115-142 274 Roberta Sigel. (1968). Image of a President: Some Insight into the Political Views of School Children. American Political Science Review. vol. 62. pp. 216-226 275 Field survey. District Dir, October 25, 2016.

100 authorities to their children.276 Such people are more concerned with their day today livelihood. The social and political stratification of the family and parents of those children cannot encourage and facilitate them to adopt any political ideology and ideals.277

Arterton (1974) is of the opinion that certain political events and issues may severely sour the image of the political authority within the children. In his view the

Watergate scandal was one such incident. Though for a short period such events may blur the image of the political authority even in the children of favored and advantaged families.278 For example in the case of Hassan Ali Shah,279 who, his parents and family previously were associated with Awami National Party (ANP), but due to ANP stance on the US war on terror in Afghanistan, his political ideology and inclination changed and he joined Jamaat-i-Islami. Though he faced some troubles from his family and parents but the very event of war on terror has changed his perceptions and political inclination. Similarly, there are other issues and events which may blur the political images in the minds of the people.

Malak Rahat Ullah who left Jamaat-i-Islami, was previously an active member of the Jamaat in Tehsil Timargara. But due to certain development in the national politics, the

Jamaat stance on that made him to separate his ways from the Jamaat.280 So in such cases the “support proposition” seems to be a poor description of the family role in the political socialization.

Similarly the “continuity proposition” is also having some flaws in it. The most important one is that it confines the children only to political parties identification. Or more

276 Howard Tolley. (1973). Children and War. New York: Teachers College Press. p. 165 277 Interview with Rahim Shah. Timargara, Dir. October 25, 2016. 278 Christopher F. Arterton. (1974). The Impact of Watergate on Children’s Attitude Toward Political Authority. Politica Science Quarterly. vol. 89. pp. 259-288 279 Hassan Ali Shah is Tehsil Monda Naib Nazim. 280 Interview with Hassan Ali Shah and Malak Rahat Ullah, Dir. October 26-27, 2016.

101 importantly, it only identify to them the party with which the family is associated.281

Almost majority of the students who are currently associated with Islami Jamiat Talba

(IJT) in Malakand University, revealed that they are in IJT because of their parents and families. Some of the IJT activists responded that they were not allowed to make friends or study the literature of any other political party or group. Though they were having excellent political sense and knowledge of the political events within Pakistan, yet, their biasness and inclination towards Jamaat-i-Islami was evident of the fact their socialization was done on very strict lines and pattern. It seems that it was very difficult for them to be influenced of someone else political stance and struggle.282

The resemblance of the children political attitudes to that of their parents are subjected to the environment and the social context. It is the environment and the social context which has to decide whether a child should continue his parents and family political norms and values or has to abandon them.283 The family role, thus become very minimal.

The “congruence proposition” relatively got little attention in the early 60s and 70s.

Almond and Verba formulated and supported their proposition on the basis of empirical data.284 However, it was very difficult to gather reliable information about the family dynamics. As the family dynamics were not the same for every family (even in the same region). So this proposition was also not possible to be tested and re-tested.285

The “primacy proposition” and “structuring proposition” seems to be connected to each other. Though parents and family play a vital role in the socialization of the children in making them the future citizen. However, family is not the sole and the only agent of

281 Robert D. Hess. & Judith Torney. (1967). The Development of Political Attitudes in Children. Chicago: Aldine. p.98. 282 Focused Group Discussion. University of Malakand, Chakdara: Dir. October 25, 2016. 283 Connell R. W. (1972). Political Socialization in the American Family: The Evidence Re-examined. Public Opinion Quarterly. 36(Fall, 1972). pp. 323-333 284 Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba. (1965). The Civic Culture. Boston: Little Brown. p. 284-287 285 Richard Niemi. (1974). How Family Members Perceive Each Other. New Haven: Yale University Press. p. 132

102 socialization. Also that the role of the family cannot be denied in structuring and defining other agents of socialization. However, it is mainly the environment and the context which takes an individual out of the family’s influence. IJT is one such agent which is very much involved in making the future leaders of JI.286 Similarly, the environmental factors (non- permanent and unseen factors, issues and events) also play a vital role in the political socialization of the people.

However, it does not necessarily mean that neither of the proposition is correct or applicable. The important thing is that, the family role cannot be limited to only one of proposition. Family do socialize the future citizens and instill in them the norms and values of the community and society.

4.2 POLITICAL DISCUSSIONS

Many scholars are of the opinion that parents and family’s role is much important in the socialization of the children than the other agents of socialization.287 These scholars are of the opinion that the impacts of the parents on their children are having attitudinal and behavioral outcomes. For example, research suggests that parents transmit political knowledge, social awareness, norms, values and interest to their children.288 Political discussion is one part of these values transfer. In the families affiliated to JI, a daily or weekly gathering is required of all the family members which they call Ijtima-i-Ahl-i-

Khana (gathering of the family).289 Though in such a gathering political discussions rarely

286 Almost all the leaders who are interviewed were associated with IJT during their student life. 287 Hyman. (1959). Political Socialization.:, Jennings, M.K., & Niemi, R.G. (1968). “The Transmission of Political Values from Parent to Child”. American Political Science Review. Vol. 62(1). pp.169-184.:, Jennings, M. K., & Richard G. Niemi. (1981). Generations and Politics. A Panel Study of Young Adults and their Parents. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 288 Jaros. (1973). Socialization to Politics.:, Langton, K. P. (1969). Political Socialization. New York: Oxford University Press.:, Valentino, N.A., & Sears, D.O. (1998). Event-Driven Political Communication and the Pre-adult Socialization of Partisanship. Political Behavior. vol. 20(2). pp.127-154. 289 Jamaat-i-Islami, being a religio-political party, has its own clear perspective and understanding of an ideal Muslim society. Individuals, the constituent elements of any society, have to perform different roles and responsibilities for the survival and advancement of the society. JI lays different responsibilities on an individual's shoulder. However, he needs to be trained and prepared for those responsibilities and roles. In Jamaat-i-Islami's understanding, the role of a trainer is to be initially played by the family. It has to

103 take place, as the gathering is more or less arranged for the discussion of some verses from the holy Quran. Yet, in the opinion of many people these kind of gatherings are very much important in strengthening and maintaining the family bonds with the party.290

However, all the families are not involved in political discussion, or, say, the level and magnitude of the political discussion is different in different families. Thus the parents are regarded as triggering and stimulating the willingness and abilities of the children to get involved in the debate and discussion and acquire information and knowledge.291

Though “making the political attitudes of children”, are subjected to many agents of socialization, as Hess and Torney (1967) have argued that family is only one of those agents.292 Yet, research shows that family is still having much importance and larger impacts on the political attitudes and behavior of the children.293 A general expectation and perception is that the impacts of parents socialization can be strongest at an early age of the children but tend to weak and consequently diminish as the children grow old.294 Scholars are of the opinion that it is not possible that the parents influence is completely diminish, however, the influence of other socialization agents and their impacts are more prominently visible in the later life of a children. For example many people who because of their family socialization and political affiliation were part of JI and JUI but now they have changed

prepare an individual for his future endeavors and roles in the polity, an idealized and envisioned Islamic state by the founders of Jamaat-i-Islami. Families affiliated to Jamaat-i-Islami are, in a sense, bound to socialize the future citizens in a pattern so as to facilitate the establishment of a 'holy community', which is to serve as a "vanguard of Islamic revolution". Though its role is much significant in the socialization of youth, yet, it is not the sole socializing agent. Other agents can (to an extent), dilute its effects in the later stages of an individual's life. However, the acquired values and norms in the family have lasting effects. 290 Interview with Sultanat Yar advocate. Chakdara, Dir. October 27, 2016. 291 Eveland W. P., & Scheufele D. A. (2000). Connecting News Media Use with Gaps in Knowledge and Participation. Political Communication. 17(3). pp. 215-237. 292 Robert D. Hess, & Torney, J.V. (1967). The Development of Political Attitudes in Children. Chicago: Aldine. 293 Jennings M. K., Stoker L., & Bowers J. (2001). Politics Across Generations: Family Transmission Reexamined. Institute of Governmental Studies. Paper WP2001-15. 294 Niemi R. G., Ross D. R., & Alexander J. (1978). The Similarity of Political Values of Parents and College-Age Youths. Public Opinion Quarterly. 42(4). pp. 503-520. ; Plutzer, E. (2002). Becoming a Habitual Voter: Inertia, Resources, and Growth in Young Adulthood. American Political Science Review. 96(1). pp. 41-56. ; Rosenstone, S. J., & Hansen, J. M. (2003). Mobilization, Participation, and Democracy in America. New York: Longman.

104 their political loyalties and affiliations to some other political parties.295 The shifting of political loyalties may be because of some disagreements within the parties’ affiliates, yet it seems that other agents of socialization such as peers and media have overcome the family influence. It is also important that the number of such members (who shifted their loyalties) are very less. So we can argue that the family role in holding intact the affiliates to the party is still very significant and visible. Family is still playing an important role in the promotion of consensus building within JI and JUI.

4.3 TRANSMISSION OF INTERGENERATIONAL POLITICAL VALUES

Similarly, family plays a prominent and dominant role in the intergenerational transmission of political values and culture. This is very important aspect and role of the family especially in the situation of rapid social and political change. This mechanism is a source of social and political stability within a society and polity. However, there are also some discontinuities in the transmission of specific values, which distinguish one generation from the other. These discontinuities can be termed as generation defining events and gaps. For example the occurrence of some national and international events and the change of party’s policy and strategy is normally seen as the need and requirement of the new generation. The very selection of JI and JUI central leadership from Dir and D. I.

Khan respectively are termed as the need of the time and the new generation.296

The transmission of political norms, values and democratic culture is not self- evident in the new and transitional democracies.297 On the other hand in stable democracies

295 We have many example in this regards in Dir and D. I. Khan. There are many prominent political figures who because of their families were actively involved in politics and affiliated with their families’ political parties, but with the passage of time their political bonds with their parties’ weakened and consequently they join other political parties. 296 Sher Zamin Khan Baba one of the founding members of JI in Dir said that the party in our time was not like it is today. It has changed significantly. He was critical of the changed policy of the party, however, he also added that” it is probably the need of the time and situation”. (Sher Zamin Baba 80, is a devoted member of JI and is honorary member of the party shura. However, interestingly his nephew has left JI in the local bodies elections 2015. He contested election under the flag of Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaf) 297 Torney Purta, Barber, C., & Richardson, W. (2004). Trust in Government-related Institutions and Political Engagement among Adolescents in Six Countries. Acta Politica. 39(4). pp. 380-406.

105 the schools and families are actively involved in the transmission of democratic norms and political culture to the next generation.

Sapiro (2004) is of the opinion that intergenerational transmission of values and norms need a comparative study and research because the context and the environmental dynamics for every generation are not the same. The differences in the context can lead to different effects of political socialization.298

For those families who have active political involvement in politics and have political affiliation with one of the political parties, the intergenerational transmission are quite direct in their children. The children acquire same party identification and know how as their parents have. These families are much successful in transmitting the party identification, political leanings, political norms, voting and voting preferences, to their children.299 In the case of both JI and JUI the transmitted political values and political norms are not having any significant difference between the two generations. However, the parties’ strategies may be differently transmitted and identified.300

4.4 TRANSMISSION OF POLITICAL NORMS AND VALUES

The transmission of political norms are always not direct. Families transmit these norms in a more indirect manner. For example Dean Jaros (1973) argued that it is the pattern of decision making within the family and its ways of interacting with the outer world, which have enormous impacts on the children’s political attitudes.301 Longton

(1969) is of the opinion that it is the family which offer the first experience of authority to the children.

298 Sapiro. (2004). Not your Parents’ Political Socialization. pp. 1-23. 299 Banks M. H., & Roker D. (1994). The Political Socialization of Youth: Exploring the Influence of School Experience. Journal of Adolescence. 17(1). pp. 3-15. 300 In the case of JI, the transmission of the values is quite clear. If the family is affiliated with JI from the beginning, the pattern of its values transmission is significantly similar for each generation. Almost similar political and ideological values are transmitted to the young. 301 Jaros. (1973). Socialization to Politics. p. 79

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The family elder who normally is called as baba (grandfather) is having significant importance in this regard in Pashtoons’ family. The grandfather is given respect, authority and say in all the affairs of the family, which the young directly observe. The young do get their concepts of political authority, rationality, logical arguments and understanding, duty and responsibility and rights and wrongs in the family. The concepts and feelings of ethnocentrism, ethno-nationalism and hostility are also transmitted by the families according to their preferences.302 For example hostility towards the opposite political ideology and party is very much visible specifically in religious political parties. JI affiliates are more hostile towards JUI and Awami National Party in Dir and JUI affiliates are more hostile towards Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaf (PTI), JI and Pakistan People’s Party in D.

I. Khan. These hostilities are transmitted to the coming generations in the families. In some areas, the hostilities are very much high and even declared each other as out of the folds of

Islam.303 Such hostilities sometimes become hindrance in consensus building at the local level between the workers of both the parties. Families affiliated to JI and JUI obviously transmit those hostilities, however, other agents specifically media (party related literature, news papers and magazines) also play a significant role in promoting such hostilities.

Some scholars suggest that if parents and families are democratic, their children are also likely to be democratic minded. The parents if have adopted democratic ways and procedures in making decisions within the family, their children will also do the same. It would rather be easy for the children to adopt the ways of their parents in decision making.

Dalton (1980) considers it a positive impact on the level of generalized trust within the community.304 In the opinion of Chan & Elder (2001) and Hultsman (1993), the democratic

302 Langton. (1969). Political Socialization. p.113 303 This kind of behavior is more visible in JUI affiliates. Many of them consider JI affiliates as out of the folds of Islam. Sami Ur- Rehman an ex-JI District Amir lamented that JUI members who used to be the prayer leaders in different mosques, before the formation of Muttahidda Majlis-i-Amal, would not allow us for Dars-i-Quran in their mosques even. They used to call us Maududyan (followers of Maududi) who in their opinion was out of the folds of Islam. 304 Dalton. (1980). Reassessing Parental Socialization. pp. 421-431.

107 decision making practices and procedures of the parents within the family may lead to increase civic and political participation within the community.305

Political socialization scholars are of the opinion that family has a far-reaching role in the values transmission and attitudes formulation of the young in a society. In Dalton

(1980) opinion, that role is more important in the civic tolerance behavior of the citizens,306 while Langton (1969) considers it important in the development and instilling the feelings of ethnocentrism in the youth.307 However, all these value transfer and the similarity with the political and civic values of the parents does not signify any direct value transfer to the children. The transfer of these political and civic values are the result of several indirect processes and interactions. For example in the case of JI and JUI the families heads denied the claim that they socialize their children in a pre-determine process. In the opinion of some heads of the families, whole of the socialization process is not planned. The young though, are expected to follow the family’s political path, however, they are not forced to involve in any political activity. It is mostly dependent on the desire and will of the individual to adopt any political value of the family or not. However, in majority of the cases the un-intentional socialization and instilling in the youth the political party’s ideology is very usual and common.308

Some scholars are of the opinion that parents mainly transmit their socio-economic status and their class position to their children. The respective economic status and position in the society then determine the future political orientation and role of the children in the family.309 This is very much visible in the case of JUI affiliated families. For example the

305 Chan C. G., & Glen H. Elder. (2001). Family Influences on the Social Participation of Youth: The effects of Parental Social Involvement and Farming. Rural Sociology. 66(1). pp. 22-42. 306 Dalton. (1980). Reassessing Parental Socialization. p.425 307 Langton. (1969). Political Socialization. 308 Field observation in Dir and D.I. Khan. Most of the respondent were having the opinion that the socialization process is not pre-determine and fixed in JI and JUI. 309 Beck & Jennings. (1982). Pathways to Participation. pp. 96-97; John, P. (2005). The Contribution of Volunteering, Trust, and Networks to Educational Performance. Policy Studies Journal. vol. 33(4). pp. 635-656.

108 families who are having some social position on the basis of religion, the inclination of the children are more towards the religion. Also the local people give them (the children) respect and recognition on the basis of their family’s role in the religious affairs in the society. The best example in this regard is the invitation of the son of Imam (prayer leader) for leading the prayer in the mosque, even if he is not an Aalim.310

As children and parents share the same political culture and social class status, therefore, they are expected to have and share same political and social opinion on issues and events. Tedin (1974) argued that they will have similar political attitudes.311 Even the environment within a home decide the use and pattern of media. Parents have a say and role in buying a newspaper and selection of TV channel within the home.312 The use of TV is discouraged in both JI and JUI affiliated families. However, newspapers are considered to be important component of the family’s political information. For party related news and information, children are encouraged to use party magazines.

4.5 POLITICAL BEHAVIOR OF THE CHILDREN

Putnam (2000) and Hooghe (2002) are of the opinion that media has a strong role in making and influencing the children political attitudes. They consider it an indirect influence of the parents as it is they (the parents) who hold the control over print and electronic media usage.313

The direct influence of the parents can be their role and influence in the political participation of the children. Political participation can include, participation in political and civic activities, becoming a member of a political party or group, political campaign

310 In the opinion of the local people the son of the Imam sahib is also a pious person and he knows more about Islam and religious affairs than anyone else in the locality. 311 Tedin K. L. (1974). The influence of Parents on the Political Attitudes of Adolescents. American Political Science Review. vol. 68(4). pp. 1579-1592. 312 Ibid 313 Robert D. Putnam. (2000). Bowling Alone. The Collapse and Revival of American Democracy. New York: Simon & Schuster; Hooghe M. (2002). Watching television and Civic Engagement. Disentangling the Effects of time, programs, and stations. Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics. vol. 7(2). pp. 84- 104.

109 and voting. However, these activities are solely not under the direct influence of the parents and families. Some political socialization scholars call it the transmission of political behavior pattern. So if the political participation of children and young are studied under the behavior pattern then it is very insignificant to say that such behavior of political participation is directly transmitted and influenced by the parents and family.

Though the factors of the life style and family status of the children cannot be denied in the political behavior formation, yet we cannot limit the behavior pattern to only these direct influencing factors. We can distinguish between the direct and indirect causal mechanism affecting and influencing the political behavior of the children and young within a family.314

Verba et al (2003) are of the opinion that along with other direct and indirect factors, “the political environment at the home makes an individual to undertake some political activity.”315 The direct influence of the parents in the behavior making of the children, can be the provision of political information to their children within the family.316

In the case of JI the most important and significant example in this regard is the Ijtima-i-

Ahl-i-khana (gathering of the family). Though majority of the party affiliated family’s head denied to call that gathering a kind of political one, however, the whole discussion within the gathering revolves around the explanations of the religious text done by Maulana

Maududi. Thus in an un-intentional way the mindset and behavior of the children is molded towards the party ideology.317

314 Kim L. Fridkin, Patrick J. Kenney, & Jack Crittenden. (2006). On the Margins of Democratic Life: The impact of Race and Ethnicity on the Political Engagement of Young People. American Politics Research. vol. 34(5). pp. 605-626. 315 Sidney Verba, Nancy Burns, & Kay Lehman Schlozman. (2003). Unequal at the Starting Line: Creating Participatory Inequalities Across Generations and Among Groups. American Sociologist. Vol. 34. pp. 45- 69. 316 John P., Halpern D., & Morris Z. (2002). Acquiring political knowledge through school curricula and practices: evidence from England. Paper presented at the European Consortium Political Research Joint Sessions, Turin, March 2002. 317 Sultanat Yar. October 27, 2016.

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The political information about an issue or event can be provided to the children by talking to them in a positive and encouraging manner. McDevitt & Chaffee (2002) believe that the encouraging talks and discussion of the parents can be very helpful for the children to engage in political activities.318 Political discussion and specifically the internal party politics is freely discussed with the children in JUI. However, in JI affiliated families, internal politics of the party is avoided. Both the parties political stances in the popular issues are made understandable to the children. Children on the basis of the information provided to them by their parents and family members engage in political discussion.319

4.6 POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

Plutzer (2002) found in his research that some parents directly and explicitly stimulate their children to participate in political activities. They encourage them to take part in political discussions and debates with their friends. They also influence them to become members of some political and civic groups for volunteer works within the community.320 Majority of the families in the case of JI allow their children to be a part of

IJT in the colleges and Universities. They consider it a suitable platform for their children to groom their personality and attach with the teachings of Islam. In their opinion IJT is less political more a social kind of student organization.

On the other hand JUI affiliated families are not that open for their children to take part in student politics in colleges and universities.321 However, in Madaris the children are allowed to participate in political gatherings and other activities, not on the basis of some political activity but a religious one. In civic activities JI affiliated families are more flexible and open for their children to take part in community related civic issues.

318 Michael McDevitt & Steven Chaffee. (2002). From Top-Down to Trickle-up Influence: Revisiting Assumptions About the Family in Political Socialization. Political Communication. vol. 19. pp. 281-301. 319 Focused Group Discussion, University of Malakand, Chakdara Dir. October 25, 2016. 320 Plutzer. (2002). Becoming a Habitual Voter. pp. 41-56. 321 FGD University of Malakand, Chakdara: Dir. October 25, 2016.

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Similarly, the indirect effects of the parents on the children’s political behavior are also significant. For some scholars those children whose parents tend to participate in the elections, actively participate and engage in political and civic activities.322 For others, the level and ratio of political and civic participation of those children are high whose parents are involved in electoral campaigns and engaged in voluntary activities.323 This is the indirect role and influence of the parents on the behavior pattern of their children because their intentions are not to involve and influence their children’ political and civic behavior.

In the opinion of some scholars, these indirect activities of the parents, influence the behavior patterns of the children because they (children) consider (their) parents their role models in their political and social life. Children adopt the habits of their parents in their personal life and they start to act their political and civic roles from a very young age.324 In the opinion of Chan and Elder (2001), parents through their engagement and involvement in the political and civic activities, socialize their children and influence their political behavior. Thus they are encouraged to participate in different political and civic groups in an un-described way.325

The stability in the family life and the good and mutual relations and respect among the family members especially between the parents has also great indirect impacts on the socialization and behavior of the children. The stable environment at home can positively affect the political participation and behavior pattern of individuals. For affective political socialization and political participation the presence of both the parents are important and necessary. The absence of one of the parents can potentially lower the level of political

322 Plutzer. (2002). Becoming a Habitual Voter. p.47 323 Roker D., Player K., & Coleman, J. (1999). Young People’s Voluntary Campaigning Activities as Sources of Political Education. Oxford Review of Education. vol. 25 (1/2). pp. 185-198; Chan, C.G., & Elder, G.H. (2001). Family Influences on the Social Participation of Youth: The effects of Parental Social Involvement and Farming. Rural Sociology. 66(1). pp. 22-42. 324 Hess & Torney. (1967). The Development of Political Attitudes in Children., & Thomas. (2006). Bowling Young. pp. 501-425. 325 Chan and Elder. (2001). Family Influences p. 26.

112 understanding and awareness of the children.326 Gimple et al (2003) argues that political discussions are frequently occur very less in a single parent families. Neither enough political information and knowledge is transferred to the children nor they provided an open space for political debates and discussions. They are also not encouraged to take part in political and civic activities.327

Some scholars argue that for the long term and stable social networks of the children and their integration into the community and society, stable parental and family relations are very much necessary.328 The presence of both the parents provide the children two role model instead of one which obviously enhance their political knowledge and understanding of political events and issues. The broken or divorced families may have very negative impacts on the children’s socialization and political behavior. This not only decreases the children’s participation in the volunteer activities but also significantly affect the voter turnout.329 However, as female members of the family are not actively and independently involved in politics, both in JI and JUI affiliated families, therefore, their absence in the family do not affect the political orientation of the children. The structure of the family is highly patriarchal and the male head is more involved in the political socialization of the children. However, it also does not signify that the absence of the female member of the parents has no impacts on the behavior of the children. The socio- psychological impacts are very high in such cases, which obviously have some indirect effects on the political socialization of the children.

It is also a fact that all the families are not effectively able to transmit their political values to their children. Niemi et al. (1978) while conducting research on the similarity of

326 J. W. Clarke. (1973). Family Structure and Political Socialization Among Urban Black Children. American Journal of Political Science. vol. 17(2). pp. 302-315. 327 J. G. Gimpel, C. J. Lay and J. E Schuknecht. (2003). Cultivating Democracy. Civic Environments and Political Socialization in America. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press. 328 L. Stoker, & M. K. Jennings. (1995). Life-Cycle Transitions and Political Participation: the case of Marriage. American Political Science Review. vol. 89. pp. 421-434. 329 Sandell, J., & E. Plutzer. (2005). Families, Divorce and Voter Turnout in the US”. Political Behavior. vol. 27(2). pp. 133-162.

113 parents and children’s political attitudes, found a strong similarity in attitudes of college students with their parents. In comparison to that, the similarity between the parents and their non-students children were not that strong and significant.330 They relate their findings to the socio-economic status of the families and argued that parents have a stronger influence over their children in families with high socio-economic status. In

Plutzer (2002) opinion, the high socio-economic status families invest more efforts, resources and time in transmitting their values and attitudes to their children. Therefore, their direct and indirect efforts of socializing their children are more effective than those with a relatively low socio-economic status within a society.331 However, in the case of both JI and JUI the socio-economic status of the families (in majority of the cases) are not that effective. In contrast to the findings of Niemi et al (1978) people affiliated with religious political parties with a comparatively low socio-economic status have significant influence over their children than with a high socio-economic status. Also that children who are educated in religious institutions are more inclined towards their family affiliated religious political parties. Those children who study in colleges and universities can deviate from the family’s politico-religious ideology.332 During a focused group discussion with students in Malakand University, some of the previously affiliated IJT members told me that even though their families are still affiliated to JI, but they have (the students) shifted their loyalties to other political groups (Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf by many students).

Majority of those students revealed that due to their friends, they joined PTI. Some of them got influenced from media as well. So it seems that family influence tend to weaken in the case of children who study in colleges and universities.

330 R. G. Niemi, D. R. Ross, & Alexander J. (1978). The Similarity of Political Values of Parents and College-Age Youths. Public Opinion Quarterly. vol. 42(4). pp. 503-520. 331 Plutzer. (2002). Becoming a Habitual Voter. p. 47. 332 Interview with Maulana Shareer Khan, head Teacher Jamiah Ahya-ul-Uloom Blambat: Dir. October 26, 2016.

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A significant query can be ‘the level and extent’ of parents political values and attitudes transmitted to the children. Both the direct and indirect factors of socialization and values transfers from parents to children can be ineffective without the interest of the children themselves. Some scholars argue that the level of interest of the children are as important as the parents and other socializing agents.333

Young people and children can be socialized effectively if they themselves have the interest with what they are being thought and transmitted. In those families where the political debates and discussions are more frequent, children’s interest develop significantly. This interest in political debates on issues and events within a family, prepare them for political participation and values adaptation.334 Hence, it can be argued that the intergenerational transmission of attitudes, behavior and values adaptation may be more successful and significant if the young and children have high level of personal interest.

However, it is also important to argue that the interest in politics and political issues and events is the impact and result of political socialization. How one’s interest develop in politics will again take us to the analysis of the whole political socialization process.

Therefore, it is hard to locate the development of (political) interest of an individual at some specific stage of socialization.335

4.7 POLITICAL OBJECTIVES AND DIRECTION OF AN INDIVIDUAL

Dean Jeroes 336 stated that family role in socializing children can be understood in two in-inevitable ways. First, the birth of an individual in a family decide his fate. The conditions in which an individual is born are associated to him in most part of his life. For example if a child is born in a middle class family, his environment in home will be

333 Tedin. (1974). The Influence of Parents. pp. 1579-1592; Jennings, Stoker & Bowers. (2001). Politics Across Generations. pp. 57-59 334 Prewitt. (1965). Political Socialization and Leadership Selection. p.105 (96-111) . 335 Bill E. Peterson. (2006). Generativity and Successful Parenting: An Analysis of Young Adult Outcomes. Journal of Personality. vol. 74(3). pp. 847-969. 336 Jaros. (1973). Socialization to Politics. p.80

115 different from a child born in an upper class family. His association with other children and his schooling will be different. His family environment and tendencies in civic and political activities will be different. Hence will produce a different class of socialized children.

Robert Lane (1962), is also of the opinion that “political objectives and political interests of an individual are determine by his birth, family and the circumstances in which he is born”.337 This is very much visible in religio-political families. In case of JI the child has to follow the specified pattern of education and political socialization. In JUI affiliated religious families, most of the children are sent to Madaris irrespective of their own will.

However, Jeroes and Robert arguments do not signify that an individual born in a family in specific circumstances, be doing and adopting exactly what his family and parents do. Obviously the family and circumstances have a dominant role in an individual direct socialization and that role is undeniable but when it comes to the indirect socialization there are other agents, which are responsible for the re-socialization or late- socialization of the individuals. Yet again these agents are also determine by the family.

Schools, peer group, mass media and exposure to certain people, ideas and circumstances are all defined and determined by the birth of an individual in a family.

As the process of socialization continue throughout the life of an individual, it is very obvious that he can adopt new ideas, values and norms and can divert from his family ideals. In the later part of adolescence, the reasoning capacity of individuals increases and they accept things and ideas by reasons and not by mere following. For example some very prominent members of both JI and JUI have left their childhood parties. Though the number of such people are very less, still the circumstances and the contextual factors compel them to change their political loyalties.338

337 Robert E. Lane. (1962). Political Ideology. New York: Free Press 338 In Dir and D.I. Khan, there were very few people who are socialized in the family and later on left the party on some grounds. However, this signify that the family early socialization is not final.

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Another face of family in the process of socialization is the direct learning and indoctrination process of family. As discussed earlier, family is the most influential institution in preserving the status quo of society, so children are transmitted the generally accepted norms and values of the community for smooth functioning of system. Families and parents are more concerned with the does and don’ts of their children. Children do acquire most of the habits of their parents because they, for the most of the time are exposed to their own parents only. Similarly, discussion within the family have also a high level of impact on children character building and their socialization. It is obvious that children do learn and acquire from their parents but the most important question would be

“to what extent the children’s political or civic characters are built by the parents”?

Obviously the exact extent of the parents influence is not possible to quantify. However, both JI and JUI affiliated families have significant impacts on the children civic and political orientation. There might be different reasons for that but the most visible and important one is the head of the family position and role in the family’s socio-political affairs. It is important to know that how much space and weightage is given to the children in socio-political discussion and decisions. Many respondent were having an opinion that children are not given much space in political decisions making. Even they are told to cast their vote in favor of a particular contestant if the party’s candidate is not contesting elections.339 Similarly, the civic activities of the children are related and associated to the permission of their family’s heads. If the head and elders of the family give them permission to participate in some societal related welfare work, they participate.340

It is the family who make aware the children of their respective roles in the society.

For example what position a boy will acquire and what a girl will do, is indoctrinated to

339 Interview with Sami Ur-Rehman, JI Ex-District Amir Karak. November 07, 2016. 340 FGD University of Malakand, Chakdara: Dir. October 25, 2016.

117 them from the very young age. Even the selection of toys for the children define to them their responsibilities and duties.

The male children in JUI affiliated families are given more attention in terms of their education. Female education is not that encouraged. Female are also not allowed to participate and attend any political gathering. However, due to the significant impacts of

Tablighi Jamaat on the people associated to JUI, female are allowed to participate in such religious preaching activities which are specified for them.341 On the other hand JI affiliated families give limited permission to the women for participation in JI religious and political gatherings. As JI also have a women party wing, therefore, many women are encouraged by their family’s heads to take part in active politics.342

Similarly, the religious beliefs of the family are also transmitted. In most part of the world religion is considered to be a part of culture. So the religious values are transmitted to the children not only as religious obligation but as cultural values also. In a Pashtoon society religion and culture are inter-mixed to a great extent. Due to societal constraints the religious families have also to follow the cultural and traditional path of the society.

Therefore, some religious values are transmitted to the children not only as religious obligation but as cultural components of the society.343

4.8 CHILDREN ORIENTATIONS TOWARDS THE POLITICAL

COMMUNITY

Family and parents also shape the children orientation towards the political community and the regime. Their orientation either negative or positive have consensual back up of their families. For example General Zia’s personality, his reforms and

341 Interview with Tayyeb Akbari, Provincial President Jamiat Taluba-i-Islam. Dera Ismail Khan, December 08, 2016. 342 Interview with Zarawar Khan. Maidan: Dir. October 26, 2016 343 The most important example is the covering of face by a girl and the segregation of women and men in some kind of social gatherings.

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Islamization are portrayed in a positive way to the children, unanimously by all the families affiliated to JI. Zia is being considered as a true Muslim and a great ruler who had done much for the imposition of shariah in Pakistan. Except him, none of the rulers has done anything practical for Islamization of the constitution in Pakistan.344 On the other hand the opinion of the people regarding General Musharaff was very much negative. Specifically,

JUI members criticized him for the whole mess of the present time. However, such political indoctrinations are not fixed and focused. These are done some time consciously and some time unconsciously. So it used to be different to investigate that what a father/mother teaches their children in a particular time.

Another important function in the family as a socializing agent is the status of the family. The family income has a significant value in determining the political and civic character of an individual. As Hess and Torney (1967) have argued, there is a great difference in understanding and obeying any existing law or order among the children of different classes. In their opinion the lower middle class children are more convinced of the fairness of the law and unquestioned about the obedience to the regime.345

However, in the case of both JI and JUI the questions about the regime are not regarding the distribution of resources, but regarding the efforts of the regime for the

Islamization of the system. The affiliates of both the parties are transmitting positive feelings about the existing law of the land even though some of them consider it not according to the teachings and directions of the holy Book. JI affiliates are comparatively more revisionists but are law-abiding.346 JUI affiliates seemed satisfied with the system if the Islamic provisions are not challenged and changed.347 Therefore, Hess and Torney

(1967) argument is challengeable in the sense that both JI and JUI affiliated families

344 Almost all the people from JI who I engaged in discussion with, during my field work, were having positive opinion about Zia. 345 Hess and Torney. (1967). The development of political Attitudes. pp. 137-144 346 Interview with Sher Zamin Khan, Balambat, Dir. October 25, 2016. 347 Interview with Sadaatullah, Wensam College D. I. Khan. December 09, 2016.

119 irrespective of the socio-economic statuses transmit same regime level political values to their children.

As the parents have the significant share in making their children aware of the existing system and structure of the society. Revolutionist believe that any existing system is merely preserving the interest of the ruling class and political elites. Majority of the people belonging to the lower middle class do not dare to raise against the unjust treatment because of the fear of losing what they already have. Therefore, they even do not discuss the wrongs of the system with their children. In their early ages almost all the children are indoctrinated the values of nationalism and loyalty to the state. The elements of nationalism are more visible in JI affiliated families. They communicate their children the feelings of nationalism and freedom.348 However, they also try to prepare them for an Islamic system in the country. But this preparation or awareness is not against the state but against all those who are (or can be) a potential hurdle in the way of Islamic system of law.349 This may also include the existing government or regime as well.350

An another research found that father is an influential communicator in the family.

Those children who don’t have fathers at home have positive images of the figures of the regime. The researchers have concluded from this finding a threefold proposition. 351 First, they proposed that one probability can be that, “other areas have more anti-regime sentiments then the areas where the research was conducted”. Secondly, it is also probable that the parents or particularly the fathers used to transmit the anti-regime sentiments in the children. Third, in the absence of a powerful and influential communicator i.e. the father, the anti-regime sentiments are not instilled in the children. The study was conducted in US where each of the parents have significant impacts (independently) on the children. the

348 The children are being thought Pakistani nationalism and they are informed how Pakistan came into being. 349 Interview with Zarawar Khan. Maidan: Dir. October 26, 2016. 350 As in the case of Musharraf after he joined hands with the US led NATO forces in War Against Terror in Afghanistan 351 Dean Jeros et al. (1968). The Malevolent Leader: Political Socialization in American Sub-culture. American Political Science Review. 62(June 1968). pp.564-575

120 comparative analysis of the single parents in Dir and D. I. Khan shows the pattern of socialization a bit different to the propositions of the above study. The structure of the family in such cases have significant impacts on the pattern of children’s socialization and their regime level sentiments and orientations. In joint families mothers have very less role in the political orientation of the children. In the single families though they have significant role but to a very minimum level they transmit or communicate regime level sentiments to their children. In such cases the third proposition of the above study seems potential. So this study builds an argument that father is the most significant and influential factor and agent in the regime level socialization and understanding of the children.

4.9 THE SHAPING OF VOTING BEHAVIOR

Another very significant evidence the favor of family role in the socialization is the shaping of voting behavior. Several studies suggest that family has a dominant role in shaping voting behavior of the young. Political discussions and family’s political affiliation tend to indoctrinate specific political norms and values in the individuals.

A recent study conducted by Rauf and Shah (2015), found that family has a significant value and role in shaping the electoral behavior of the individuals in Charsadda

Pakistan.352 They classified family in different categories. Each category has its own impacts on the voting behavior of the individuals. Other researchers have emphasized that party identification in the beginning is the responsibility of the family and the parents.353

It is also argued by some scholars that the lack of party identification by individuals can be because of the lack of communication (political) between parents and children.354

Both the JI and JUI affiliated families are very much active and cautious about the

352 Abdul Rauf & Hassan Shah (2015). Determinants of Turnout in Elections: A Case Study of 2008 General Elections in District Charsadda. Frontier Women University Journal of Social Sciences. Summer 2015, vol. 9. pp. 111-117 353 Angus Campbell, Philip Converse, Warren Miller & Donald Stokes. (1960). The American Voter. New York: John Wiley and Sons. pp. 146-149 354 Philip Converse and George Dupuex. (1962). Politicization of the Electorate in France and United States. Public Opinion Quarterly. Spring, 1962, vol. 26. pp 23-30

121 appropriate party identification to their children. They from the very young age identify the parties to their children and get them engage in attending party arranged politico-religious meetings and gatherings.

Communication and discussion on politico-social matters are considered to be an essential part of the discussion within the family. In JI affiliated families the Ijtima-i-Ahli

Khana is one such prominent forum where both male and female members of the family get together and discuss religious, social and political affairs and matters. Though the JI affiliates do not consider the gatherings as something having political ends. For them it is more of religious kind of gatherings. Yet the different religious issues which are discussed in such gatherings are contextualized with the JI literature specifically with Maulana

Maududi’s writings. This way the children from a relatively very young age get acquainted with the writings of Maulana Maududi.355 Children and the entire family affiliated to JI (in some cases in Dir) use to participate in the annual gatherings of the party in national level or provincial level.356

JUI affiliated families do not have any such gatherings until associated with

Tableeghi Jamaat. In the later case the family gather for the recitation of some Ahadith

(sayings of the Holy Prophet) from a book known as Fazail-i-Aa’maal. They call this gathering as Taleem (education).357 A pure Tableeghi Jamaat affiliated family is least or even not interested in politics but JUI affiliated Tableeghi family is having some political ends in such gatherings as well. In majority of such gatherings the Fazail-i-Aa’maal’ explanations are supplemented with the explanations from other sources, specifically from the literature produced by Deobandi Ulema. Besides these Taleemi gatherings no other religio-political gathering happen within the family. Also that the focus of the family used

355 Zarawar Khan. October 26, 2016. 356 Ibid. 357 All the families affiliated to JUI are not associated with Tableegh. So the Taleem activity is not a kind of customary activity in all the families affiliated to JUI. Furthermore, this gathering is potentially making the young religious minded. Though no political discussions happens in such gatherings, yet the religiosity aspect of such gatherings are helpful for religious political parties (more importantly for JUI).

122 to be not more on literature or written material but on direct communication and instructions. Discussion about politics and the party (JUI) is very frequent and the children get the identification of the party and politics directly from their parents and other family members.358

However, due to the development in internet and media and specifically the use of social media has enormous effects on the orientation and political behavior of the individuals. Discussion and communication in virtual spaces are perceived to be more open then in real spaces. Here the individual are openly involved in communicating their political ideals with other fellows. This kind of orientations can be termed as the late orientation or re-orientation. The virtual spaces give chances to the individual to think critically and rationally and analyze their understanding of political and civic activities and beliefs. It also makes them rational in accepting and rejecting any idea or claim. Apparently the use of social media has limited the role of family in the socialization of the children but it is also important to know that, do the families affiliated with JI and JUI allow their children to use it? If yes at what age the children are allowed to engage in virtual and cyber activities?

It is learnt that the religious families affiliated to JI and JUI normally do not allow their children to use tools and devices by which they can have access to social media during their early ages. However, during the late teen ages the (male) children are given permission to use social media and internet (although in most parts of the area where the fieldwork was conducted, majority of the people were not having access to internet).359

Now, this is very important in terms of socialization and political orientation. In their late teen ages, the children belonging to politically affiliated JI and JUI families, had already made their minds with some pre-occupied politico-socio- religious concepts regarding JI

358 Interview with Abdul Hakim Akbari, D. I. Khan, December 09, 2016. 359 Saltanat Yar (Chakdra, Dir, October 26, 2016) and Maulana Hamdullah (D. I. Khan, December 08, 2016)

123 and JUI. So, if they get engage in some online discussions regarding the political parties they affiliated with, that may help in broadening their opinion and perspective regarding some politico-social issues. It is also obvious that they might get influence from the political program of some other political parties as well.360

It is clear from the discussion above that family and parents have a dominant role in the socialization of their children. The parental teachings and indoctrination focuses primarily on the personality building of the individuals. The children are taught, how to interact with the outer world? and how to understand and look into the social and political system of the society? Most importantly, parents and families transmit the children the identification of political parties, leaders and ideologies as in the case of JI and JUI.

However, it is also a fact that parental role in socialization and transmission of political and social ideals to the children are incomplete without other elements and agents of socialization. Yet, a fundamental question arise here is “ do all the early learning of a child in his family have political consequences and implications in his later life?

The more appropriate answer could be that all (kind of) learning of the childhood may not have political implications in the later life of the children. Still, as, different aspects of an individual life are very much integrated and conjuncted, it seems very difficult to isolate those factors or learning which have political implications and those which do not have political implications and consequences. For example the un-intentional teaching about the personality building and authority structure (within the family) do have

360 FGD, University of Malakand, Chakdara: Dir. October 25, 2016. Two of the respondents told that they previously were associated with IJT but now they are active members of ISF i.e. Insaf Student Federation (a student wing of Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaf). One of the respondent was belonging to a JI affiliated family, his parents and family members were not happy with his political affiliation with ISF. In their opinion social media has played a significant role in making their minds about ISF and PTI.

124 political consequences,361 as Confucius “Filial Piety” ultimately leads to love for the prince and ruler (in the case of party, the party head).362

Similarly, personality building and its different concepts also have implications on individual life. The individual personality determine what he/she is to get in a society. This aspect of the individual personality is more important in the political sphere and spectrum in making leaders (political). It is because common people tend to give more importance to a person who’s (political) personality and even look (physical appearance) is better than the others.

JI case in this regard is a bit different from JUI. In the farmer case leaders are systematically produced and trained. Those people (children) who have some political background due to their family involvement in political affairs, prove to be suitable and acceptable leaders within the party folds in their later life. It is also important that people affiliated to JI have a specific mindset and orientation regarding politico-social

(contemporary) issues. So a child who is trained in a JI affiliated family would have been developed his personality accordingly, hence would be a more appropriate option for leading the people from the party platform.363

On the other hand admission to the folds of JUI is not subjected to any hard and fast rules. Any person at any stage can join the party, not necessarily as a worker but as a leader as well. Sometime, it become a challenging phenomena for the party workers to accept such people joining as leaders, primarily because of the lack of training in the party folds and secondly, because of (political) personality issues.364

4.10 FAMILY AND COMMUNICATION

361 Jaros. (1973). Socialization to Politics. p. 83 362 John D. Young. (1983). Confucianism and Christianity: The First Encounter. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. p.19 363 Zarawar Khan. October 26, 2016 364 Abdul Hakim Akbari. December 09, 2016.

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The above discussion was on the role of family and parents in the socialization of children. Now if we make changes in the environment of family and make different categories of it, will there be any changes in the socialization process of the individuals? if yes , to what extent? if no, then why?

Lets categories family in “Nuclear family” and “joint Family” along with the socio- economic status of the family. Each of the category of family have different impacts on the children political orientation and socialization. However, such a claim needs extensive empirical evidences. In each of the case a single essential aspect of political socialization is occupying a central role. That aspect and element is the communication pattern of individual within the family.

Communication experience of individual starts at very early stage of individual’s life within the family, based on two dimensional pattern of communication; “the pattern of social-oriented communication and concept-oriented communication”.365

In the social-orientation pattern of communication, families emphasized on the social dimensions of the society. This pattern of communication encourages the youngsters to abide by the norms and values of the family and society, pay respect to the elders, avoid confrontation and difference to authority and avoid conflicts.

Concept orientation pattern of communication believes in the free and an open exchange of ideas and views. This kind of communication encourages the children to be dubious, skeptical, curious and think logically. It encourages them to analyze things and events themselves without anyone’s influence and with their own thinking capacity. It makes the children to take their own stands on various issues, well grounded, logical and rational according to their own understanding. Hence, such pattern of communication within the family welcome conversations and disagreements.

365 Steven H. Chaffee, Jack M. McLeod, and D. B. Wackman. (1973). Family Communication Patterns and adolescent Political Participation, in Jack Dennis (ed), Socialization to Politics. New York: Wiley

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4.11 PATTERN OF COMMUNICATION AND TYPES OF FAMILIES

The two patterns of communication “the pattern of social-oriented communication and concept-oriented communication” then divide the families into four types.

(a) A Laissez Faire family, which is not that much involved in communication with their children. Its role and capacity is very low in both social and conceptual orientation of the children. It provides very little knowledge and guidance either social or conceptual to the youngsters. In this category the low income families are at the top. As the attention of the family elders are more towards the provision of basic necessities of life and children are equally involved in the economic activities with their family elders, therefore, they find very less time for discussions over socio-political issues. Though there are substantial number of families affiliated to JI and JUI, who have comparatively very less economic resources, but their pattern of communication is different from laissez faire families.

(b) A Protective Family, is very much high in indoctrination of social dimensions of family and society. Its basic objective is the indemnity of social harmony, avoidance of conflicts and respect to the authorities/elders. Both JI and JUI affiliated families indoctrinate high moral standards (according to the social environment of the locality) to their children. As the respect for the elders is a social constrain, it is also portrayed as religious obligation. JI affiliated families are exemplary in the transmission of the values of harmony and social tolerance to their children. Some of the respondent criticized JUI affiliated people and families for transmitting anti JI sentiments to their children.366 However, many respondents from JUI denied the claim. In their opinion Ulema affiliated to Deoband school of thought had some minor differences with JI founder Maulana Maududi. Those differences are not that severe today, that children are also made part of it. Yes, they responded, if we consider

366 Maulana Shareer Khan, head Teacher Jamiah Ahya-ul-Uloom Blambat, Dir. October 26, 2016.

127 ourselves on the right path and direction, definitely, we would like our children to follow the same path.367

Such families are more open in encouraging their youngsters to engage in socio-political debates, raise questions and logical and rational decisions. Families affiliated with JI and

JUI though encourage their children (male only) to engage in political discussions and activities but they are not allowed to raise questions regarding their own parties. Hence they are also not allowed to make their own decisions regarding any politico-social issue. It can also be said that the communication between the parents and children are very much unidirectional in nature. Parents usually focus the party of their affiliation and expect the children to follow the same. The rational thinking and logical decision making of the children which are the basic features of a pluralistic family are lacking. Therefore, the JI and JUI affiliated families cannot be exclusively termed as pluralistic families.

(d) A Consensual Family, is actively involved in indoctrinating their children in both social and conceptual pattern. Such family is encouraging and allowing the children to engage in a free and open debate and develop their logical thinking, but at the same time it is also focusing on the societal norms and values. It also indoctrinate the children to avoid conflicts and confrontations.368 The families associated to both JI and JUI to a greater extent transmit and teach their children the socio-political norms of the society. As their main focus for the indoctrination is religion therefore, they are not that open and free in providing their children a free environment for thinking independently and “rationally”.

They are transmitted the traditional family’s understanding of the politico-social and religious norms and values.

367 Naseer Khan Nasir, D. I. Khan, December 08, 2016. 368 Chaffee, Mcleod and Wackman. (1973). Family Communication Patterns. pp. 81-89

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The family emphasis on concept dimension both in JI and JUI is key to political socialization. It enable the young and children to explore themselves and rationally analyze the do’s and don’ts of politics. It also encourage the individual to actively engage in debates and discussions which are essential in the positive personality development of individual. This also encourage them extracting positive from opposite point of view, which ultimately enable them to digest and accept oppositions in debates and discussions.

4.12 POLITICAL PARTY’S IDENTIFICATION

The political affiliation of the parents and family is very significant in the future political orientation of the children. It is believed that children do affiliate themselves with the political parties with which their parents are affiliated. In the developed worldthe concept of consensual family, where children are often given free hand and open environment to rationally adopt and follow any political ideology is very prominant.

However, in the developing world family’s role is much of an instructor. Parents and family are to determine what political ideology their children have to adopt and which political party they are to follow.

For example in Dir, in the case of Jamaat-i-Islami and in D.I. Khan in the case of

JUI three distinct mechanism for family role in the political indoctrination of their children were observed.

(1) The first one is the “induction” effects and mechanism, where the head of the family or some time known as the “opinion leader” induced and transmit the same political values and attitudes he/she had himself, to the other members of the family. The induction mechanism is much visible in the political indoctrination of the children.

During interview with many elders of the locality, they said that, they do not allow their children to follow any other political party with some other ideology. However, when they were asked whether their parents had allowed them to follow a specific political and

129 religious ideology? Their responses were that in the beginning they had faced problems but with the passage of time the parents’ attitudes and opinion changed in their favor. Many of the young activists of Jamaat were of the opinion that they are affiliated with the Jamaat because their families were/are a part of the Jamaat. In their opinion Jamaat is their family’s political party.

The best example of the induction effects according to Katz and Lazarsfeld (1955), is the persuasion of the parents and elders for vote in favor of a specific political group or party during elections.369 The shaping of voting behavior is the prerogative of the family’s elder. He is to determine to whom the family will vote. The young and the female members of the family have no say in the affairs related to politics and elections. Even in the absence of the party’s candidate and irrespective of the party electoral alliance, if the young and females are directed to use their vote in favor of a particular candidate, they cannot refuse.370

(2) The second is the “homophile” effects, which denotes the concept of like minded people living together with similar political orientations, values and attitudes in a same political environment. Children in such an environment are exposed to continuous political discussions and political stimuli, leading to the intra-family consistency.371 The continuous exposure of children to similar politico-social contents and environment help them streamline their political orientations and learning in a particular pattern and direction. The pattern and direction is determine by the family head.

(3) The third one is the confounding effects. These effects within the family environment are contextual and the impacts are different on different individual. The basic political stimulus lays in the community, where political and civic participation and engagement is

369 Elihu Katz and Paul Felix Lazarsfeld. (1955). Personal Influence: the Part Played by People in the Flow of Mass Communications. New York: Free Press. 370 Interview with ex-Senator Maulana Gul Naseeb Khan, Provincial Amir JUI KP. Peshawar, November 27, 2016. 371 Gregory A. Huber & Neil Malhotra. (2013). Dimensions of Political Homophily: Isolating Choice Homophily along Political Characteristics. Yale University: Institution for Social and Policy Studies

130 at peak. Huckfeldt and Sprague (1995) are of the opinion that in such environment the effects of friends and neighbors are more on the individuals compared to the family and parental influence.372 The confounding effects are more visible in those areas where the societal collective politico-social role is more than an individual family. In such case the pattern of political socialization is determine by the society and not by the family. JI in Dir provides a perfect example in this regard. There are many people who have confirmed their affiliation with JI because of the general environment around them.373 There can also be some other stimuli which can attract the attention of the people because of some specific reasons.374

CONCLUSION

Family socialization is an important element in both JI and JUI. It is the family which is to decide, who an individual is to be politically. Family transmit the norms and values associated and specific to any political party. The religio-political ideologies of JI and JUI are transmitted and indoctrinated to the coming generation primarily in the families. In that case JI affiliated families are having an upper-hand, because of a customary practice of family gathering. Ijtima-i-ahl-i-khana is having significant implications in making young (children) politically aware and acquainted with JI. JUI families, though, are not having any such customary gathering, yet, they too focus on the

(politico-religious) personality development and transmission of norms and values associated with JUI. However, family socialization is not the only and final socialization.

There are other agents and factors which supplement or replace the family socialization. The most important in those agents is the “educational institutions”. Schools,

372 Robert R. Huckfeldt, & John Sprague. (1995). Citizens, Politics, and Social Communication: Information and Influence in an Election Campaign. New York: Cambridge University Press 373 Focus Group Discussion. University of Malakand. Chakdara : Dir. October 25, 2016. 374 For example Hassan Ali Shah who is presently serving as Tehsil Naib Nazim Monda was previously associated with Awami National Party. He joined JI in 2001 when US forces attacked Afghanistan. The environment around him was very much in favor of religious political parties. JI in his home town was comparatively in superior position, therefore, his inclination towards it seems to be an environmental factor.

131 colleges and madrassas due to a different nature and structure from family, socialize an individual in a different way. They are the agents who introduce an individual to the society and outer world for the first time. The next chapter encompasses the role of education institutions in the (political) socialization of an individual.

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CHAPTER – 5

ROLE OF EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS IN POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION

Although parents in JI and JUI affiliated families have a dominant role in the early socialization of the children, yet, schools and colleges are also playing a significant role in the re-socialization of individuals. In fact schools and colleges are considered to be nurseries and training camps for JI members and leaders due to the presence of Islami

Jamiat Talba (IJT), a student organization of JI. However, this chapter focuses more on other aspects of school and college socialization rather than IJT. These other aspects include curricular contents, curricular contents mediated by the quality of education, teacher’s propagation of their own values in the classroom structured environment, expression of their “own” values outside of the classroom in relatively in un/less-structured environment, student affiliation/affection with a teacher(s) and the values they perceived to have. This chapter tries to investigate the fundamental question of how the children are socialized and indoctrinated in the ideology of JI and JUI in schools and colleges. It discusses the role of educational institutions in the (political) socialization of the children.

The chapter discusses that, the role of a teacher is very much important and significant in terms of communicating the curricula contents to the students in their own way and methods. Their personal values, likes and dislikes and political affiliation greatly affects the classroom discussions and learning. In Dir and Dera Ismail Khan, the party affiliated members are running their own schools which are also instilling and implanting the party religious doctrine in the children. In government schools, their main agents of socialization are the Arabic or theology teachers, who, if, affiliated to the party are indoctrinating the students, in the party religious ideology. This indoctrination normally based upon the classroom and out of the class discussion.

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5.1 SCHOOLS AS SOCIALIZING AGENTS

In the societal and state level, indoctrination of specific norms and values to the citizens, in the schools and colleges, are the specific and focused policy matters of the regimes and governments. From Plato to the modern day, all the political philosophers have emphasized on the need and significance of the (civic) education to the citizens.

Governments, regimes and political leaders are very much concerned with what is being taught to the children in schools and colleges. They want to have such a friendly system of education which can ensure the (regime) stability.

A school is an artificial institutions formally set up for the cultural transmission, values transfer, harmonizing community members and socialization of individuals. It is different from a community in a sense that it is deliberately and formally constituted for specific aims and purposes. Schooling in the opinion of Schafft & Biddle is “the appearance of organized instructional activity in which the position of the teacher is differentiated from other positions in the system and given the explicit task of socializing neophytes”.375

Schools in the opinion of some scholars are taking over the position of family in the socialization and induction of the new members to the community and society. It is the first large scale organization and institution of which an individual become a member. A school in-fact, not only makes aware the individuals about what happens around them rather it also reflects the wider activities of the society.

Schools do influence children and are having a dominant share in the making of the future citizens. But their role is different from family in a sense that the contents, process and procedure in the family indoctrination is not deliberate and intentional. While that of

375 Kai A. Schafft and Catharine Biddle. (2013). Place and Purpose in Public Education: School Mission Statements and Educational (dis)embeddedness. American Journal of Education. 120 (5). pp. 55-76.

134 schools are deliberate and extremely intentional. It fundamentally rely on “who runs the school”?

In this modern “government of the people’s” time, only an educated citizen can reap the fruits of representative government and governance. Education can make individual adoptable and it can espouse Herbert Spenser’s “survival of the most adoptable” principle.

It is the education and the education system which socialize and prepare students to become valuable members of the society and play meaningful roles in the development of the society by holding specialized positions. Every society has some norms and values, which maintain order and harmony among the community members. Educational institutions play a vital role in instilling, maintaining and propagating those values, norms and attitudes.

Education also helps in widening the mental horizons and understanding of the students and instill in them new ways and techniques for looking into themselves and exploring and evaluating their societies. Education offer opportunities to the young people to equip themselves with the modern trends, techniques, norms and values for intellectual, rational, emotional, social and political growth. Thus it helps a society to function and perform its day to-day work in a broader perspective and according to the changing global conditions and circumstances.

Zarawar Khan considers School “a form of social club”. It enables children to learn and adopt their respective roles within the social and political sittings of a society. It gives them the concept of laws and norms of the community which enable them to understand their rights and duties and the responsibilities they are to assume and undertake.376

376 Interview with Zarawar Khan, Lal Qala Maidan, Dir. October 27, 2016. (Zrawar Khan in his late 60s is one of the active members of JI in Manyaal Maidan: Dir. He was one of the founding member of IJT and the party in the area. He remained General secretary of Tanzim-i-Asataza Pakistan (organization of the teachers) and vice president of Tanzim-i-Asataza Khyber PakhtunKhwa, a teachers wing of JI. He also

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In Hamdullah opinion, “as the school and educational institutions provide different groups work and activities, therefore, the children learn how to share responsibilities and ideas. Education teaches cooperation and tolerance to the students which are vital aspects of a society in its social and political spheres”.377

Jamaat-i-Islami believes in an integrated and socially connected society.378 People in a society are knotted together in different social relationships. Children identify these relations in the families. However, as long as children remain only in contact with their family members, the social relations within a society cannot last for a long. Children are needed and required to have interaction with other people who are out of the family.

Zarawar Khan considers school, the very first place where children have the opportunity to interact with the people out of the family. In his opinion it is the school which implant the civic sense, values and understanding in the children. The most important are the nationalistic feelings and character development of the children.379 likewise Elkin & Handel (1978) consider school, an agency (the first one after family), that encourages the children to develop loyalties and sentiments which goes beyond the family, resultantly linking them with the wider social order. In schools, the children for the first time, come under the supervision of the people who are not the family members. Therefore,

remained District Education Officer Dir. Mr. Khan is jointly running a school, Hira Public School in Lal Qala Maidan. He is also the chairman district Zakat committee Dir). 377 Interview with Maulana Hamdullah, D. I. Khan, December 09,2016. (Maulana Hamdullah an affiliate of JUI is a head teacher in Madrassa Jamia Mahmudia Eid Gah D. I. Khan. He remained Amir of JUI Tehsil D. I. Khan. He is currently a member of central executive council of the party. He studied geology (though could not completed the degree) from University of Peshawar and got Bachelor of Pharmacy degree from Gomal University D. I. Khan. He was important in the sense that he witnessed both school and Madrassa socialization). 378 Islam ka Nizam e Hayat (Islamic way of Life). Maulana Maududi speeches, telecasted from Radio Pakistan Lahore. January 06, 1948- February 21, 1948. http://tazkeer.org/literature/books/ accessed 3/12/2017 379 Zarawar Khan was of the opinion that school perform a great job in making children good citizen of the polity. In his opinion it is the school which teaches the children how to live in harmony with the fellow children and ultimately with fellow citizens in the society. October 27, 2016. Maidan: Dir.

136 their very first interaction with the society and the members of the society is done in a school.380

For Zarawar Khan, classroom is an important place for the socialization of children.

It is very important that a child do many things in the presence of other children of his age.

Therefore, with the interaction, they learn many things. They learn how to behave and react with a more formalized group members in some specific situations. However, as Coats &

Wagenaar (1999) suggested, during the initial interactions of a child with his peer group members, he is not independent of his parents influence, expectation and perceptions.381

Hamdullah in response to this affirmed that due to age factor, children have to follow the instructions of their elders and parents. The already learned norms and values at home affect significantly the classroom and peer group environment. However, with the passage of time and with more informal interaction with fellow children, a child learn more and more values and accumulate and absorb the social norms of interaction within a group.382

Similarly, Pollack & Freda (1997), also suggested that “classroom environment in school socialization, occupy an important position”. In their opinion an open and relatively free environment encourages the children and students to interact freely and openly with the fellow students. Thus creating a suitable environment for the free flow of information and values transfers. They have found in their research that “humor within the group members in this regards plays an important role”.383

380 Frederick Elkin and Gerald Handel. (1978). The child and society: The process of socialization (3rd ed.). New York: Random House. 381 Rodney D. Coates and Theodore Wagenaar. (1999). Race and Children: The Dynamics of Early Socialization. Education. 120(2). pp. 220-236. 382 In Hamdullah opinion some time it is very problematic for the teacher and fellow students in a madrassa to accommodate a new student with his family values. The different social environment at home transmit different values from that of Madrassa. Therefore, in the beginning of every new class every year, we strictly prohibit all the students from discussion on politics and other related issues. 383 Judy P. Pollak and Paul D. Freda. (1997). Humor, Learning and Socialization in the Middle Level Classroom. The Clearing House. vol. 70. pp. 176-178.

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However, many of the JI and JUI associates contested “the humor element” within the group. In their opinion the humor element is important but to a certain level and limits.384 Similarly, in response to a question of “how do you create an open and workable environment within IJT”? Many students were of the opinion that “it is the mutual respect among the group members which encourages them to interact and makes it relatively a free and open environment.385

Second to this, comes the role of a teacher. The role of a teacher is very important in the socialization and social development of a child. A teacher very effectively asses the students in achieving and maintaining balance between traditional norms/values and rebellious attitudes of the students. For example Zarawar Khan, gives much weightage to the role of a teacher in this regard. While narrating his story, he said that in the initial years of his service, the school head teacher had a strong group and influential company of many teachers within the school. This group was socialist in their beliefs. They used to indoctrinate the communist way of life to the students. He challenged the group by effectively narrating the students, the Islamic way of life.386

Similarly, Hamdullah was also of the opinion that a teacher has a significant share in the indoctrination of some specific values to the students. In his opinion “the political and ideological values transfer to the students in Madrassa are significant because of the teachers”.387

It is a teacher who has to maintain and control the classroom environment.

Therefore, he can influence the students attitudes both directly and indirectly. There is a well known quote that “if a teacher and a student can laugh together, they can plan together and can work together”.

384 For example Mufti Khalid (in his early 40s, from Talash Dir, associated with JUI and a teacher in Madrassa in Peshawar) told me that humor (mazaq banana aor mazaq urhana i.e. making fun of anyone) is strictly prohibited in Islam. Talash, Dir. December 25, 2016. 385 Focused group discussion with the students in University of Malakand. October 24,2016 386 Zarawar Khan, October 27, 2016. 387 Maulana Hamdullah, December 09,2016.

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Along with the important question of who runs the affairs of school? another important set of questions can be, what is taught (communicated ) to the students in terms of norms and values? and how or to what extent these have an impact(s) on the lives of the students?

One way to answer these question can be the analysis of curriculum of the schools and colleges. However, that is beyond the scope of this research, as the curriculum do not have any material regarding JI and JUI and it essentially do not transmit any party based political values to the students.

For school socialization, other societal factors and agents cannot be ignored.388

These factors and agents may have direct and indirect impacts on a child behavior and life than the school. Schools, thus, are not independent socializing agents for JI and JUI.

Socialization and the transfer of political values in schools occur in six different processes.

These processes with all their differences from one another, are not independent from one another. They are somehow connected to each other and are highly value laden. It may also happen that all or some continue at the same time.

5.2 CURRICULAR CONTENTS

Curriculum is consider to be the most important element in education. JI believes that “school through the curriculum in a pre-designed and formal way, provides the children knowledge and understanding of basic intellectual and educational skills i.e. verbal expression, reading, writing, quantitative and cognitive abilities and skills”. It is the

388 The most important agent is the parents and family. As discussed in the previous chapter, the role of the family is much important in shaping the politico-social behavior and pre-disposition of the children. The influence of the family socialization remains for long. However, it does not have permanent impacts in all cases. For example I found many affiliates in both Dir and D. I. Khan who were affiliated to JI and JUI because of their teachers. In their cases the teacher role was more dominant then the family or other socialization agents. On the other hand many of the respondents were of the opinion that due to their families they were associated to JI and JUI. If the teachers or schools had any significant role, more then that of parents and family, they would not have been affiliated to JI and JUI as in schools and colleges many teachers are affiliated to political parties other than JI and JUI. So if the family influence was weak, many of the children from JI and JUI affiliated families would have different political orientations and preferences. Similarly, if the teacher’s influence was more than that of family, all the students in JI and JUI affiliated teacher’s class would have JI and JUI affiliates.

139 curriculum and education which teaches the children language and allows and encourage them to communicate with the fellow community members according to their respective status and position in the society. Curriculum focuses on the “cultural achievements of a society, therefore, it also provide the cultural basis of a society to the children and students.”389

Maulana Gul Nasib Khan believes that curricular contents develop the “political conscious and understanding of the children” from a very young age. “These understanding at a very young age make the students aware of their political environment by identifying to them their national friends, foes and heroes.”390 One of the main aim of education institutions is the preparation of socially and economically productive members within a society. It is the curriculum which provides opportunities to the members for enhancing their vocational abilities.

However, both the JI and JUI associates are not satisfied with the curriculum contents in Pakistan. For example in the opinion of Saltanat Yar391 and others, the curriculum within Pakistan failed to assign the students their respective productive roles within the society. It also lacks the ability to make them good Muslims and productive members of the society.392

389 Muslim Sajjad. (1996, 3rd ed.). Islami Riyasat may Nizam-i-Taleem (Education System in an Islamic State). Islamabad: Institute of Policy Studies. pp. 120-124 390 Maulana Gul Nasib Khan is the provincial Amir of JUI Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. He also remained member Senate, the upper house of the Pakistani Parliament. November 25, 2016, JUI secretariat Peshawar. 391 Saltanat Yar advocate is an active member of JI in Tehsil Adenzai. He contested 2013 provincial election on JI ticket, but could not succeed. I met him in AFAQ regional office in Chakdara. AFAQ (Association For Academic Quality) is an organization dedicated to improving education in Pakistan. It has a vision to improve the literacy rate in Pakistan through a diverse range of services, including but not limited to curriculum development, textbooks and children’s publications, model school development, teacher training, youth promotion, career counseling and student assessment and evaluation. Saltanat Yar told me that he has very deep and friendly terms with the regional director and they used to talk about the curriculum and teachers training. Majority of the schools (all Hira schools) run by JI affiliates, teaches AFAQ course and syllabus. 392 Interview with Saltanat Yar Advocate. Chakdara: Dir, October 24, 2016. Similarly other people from JI and JUI were also having same responses. In their opinion it is now the responsibility of the aware and learned people within the society to come forward and lead the future generation by indoctrinating them with the appropriate knowledge of Islam and our local culture.

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Zarawar Khan who is jointly running a private school in Maidan, Lal Qala, was very much critical of the curricular contents of the state run schools. In his opinion the curriculum of the privately run schools are far better than government schools in terms of the needs and requirements of the modern day world. In his opinion JI in this regard is doing great job by encouraging its affiliates for opening private schools and education institutions in the country. He, however, was also against the promotion and projection of some specific political values and ideologies in the curriculum. He clarified that JI affiliates though running private schools in the locality, yet they are not using that for the promotion of political ideals of the party.393

So which curriculum can be a good one? For professional educators, best curricular contents would be the one which can prepare the young students for complex politico- social life. Some educationalists have suggested the need of curricula which can involve the students in different kinds of participatory activities, gathering, evaluating and absorbing information, awareness about civic activities and participation and last but not the least the knowledge about one’s rights. With the increase in physical and mental age they should also be indoctrinated some regime level values, political conflict resolving mechanism and most importantly the values of human rights.394 Zarawar Khan opined that the subject of Ma’ashrati Uloom (social studies) needs more focus and attention. Presently the social studies courses are to a larger extent promote the regime level values but failed to prepare the future citizens for the complex socio-political environment in the region. They also lack the potential of transmitting the students “true” nationalistic feelings of

Pakistaniat (being Pakistani). Furthermore, the contents of these courses are also lacking information about individual rights (basic human rights), which is again a drastic need of the time.

393 Zarawar Khan, October 27, 2016. 394 James P. Shaver. (1965). Reflective Thinking, Values and Social Studies Textbooks. School Review. 73 (Autumn 1965). pp. 226-257

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Edger has as early as 1963, suggested the need for balanced social study courses.

He argued that “some values which are considered essential by policy makers like ethno- centralism and patriotism can be change to a more civic nature if the students are exposed to a more balanced course of social studies.”395

Maulana Rahimullah advocate in response to a question of whether curriculum has any role in indoctrinating the students any political party ideology? Said that neither government school curriculum nor private schools curriculum directly transmit and indoctrinate any party ideology. In his opinion curriculum only develops a broader civic sense of the students. Making students political and that too in some specific direction is beyond the scope of the present curriculum contents in the province.396

It can thus be suggested that if students in Dir and D. I. Khan are indoctrinated the

JI and JUI ideology in schools are not because of the curriculum contents, but may have some other aspects and factors as well. Furthermore, curriculum contents would essentially transmit and indoctrinate similar values. But the case is different as all the students in a school or even in a class are not having similar participatory values and behavior.

Curriculum only gives a broader civic sense. Exploiting that sense and directing that in some specific political direction is beyond the capacity and approach of curriculum contents. In fact here starts the intrusion of other processes of the school socialization.

5.3 CURRICULUM CONTENT MEDIATED BY THE QUALITY OF EDUCATION

In Rahimullah opinion the question should not be “what is taught in schools?

Rather it should be how it is taught? Curriculum contents may have significant impacts on making students aware of their political and social systems in a broader sense, but that too

395 Edgar Litt. (1963). Civic Education Norms and Political Indoctrination. American Sociological Review. 28 (Feb 1963). pp.69-75 396 Rahimullah advocate is an affiliate and ex-Amir of JI Malakand division. He is running a school-cum- Madrassa in Adenzai tehsil and is having knowledge of curricula of government and private schools in Dir. Chakdara: Dir. October 24, 2016.

142 is dependent on the methods and skills through which these are transferred and indoctrinated to the students.397

For the proper transmission of curriculum contents to the students the most important element is the effectiveness of the teacher and instructor. Methods of teaching and teacher’s furnished and up-to date knowledge of the topics are the essential elements of the effectiveness of a teacher. In the opinion of scholars “the teacher’s un-enlighten, non- participatory and old fashioned method and behavior may severely affect the contents of curriculum and nullify the anticipated benefits.”398

In Zarawar Khan opinion if a teacher is affiliated to any of the political parties, that also can affect the contents of the curriculum. In case of JI and JUI, affiliated teachers can easily and effectively instill and implant the ideology of their parties. No matter what so ever the content of the curriculum is, the teacher can make it, mold it and fold it to fit it, into the political ideology and spectrum of his political party. However, in his opinion all the teachers affiliated to JI are not supposedly propagating the political values of Jamaat.399

On the other hand Tayyeb Akbari400 opined that majority of the teachers affiliated to JUI are Arabic or Theology teachers. So they have to teach the respective courses to their students, the way the students can understand them easily. There is nothing like political ideology or political parties which the teachers teach and preach about, in their classes. Yes, they do discuss with the students the prominent personalities of the land

(Indo-Pakistan) and their services to Islam and Pakistan.401 However, responding to another question regarding the personalities and their role in the political indoctrination of new

397 Rahimullah, October 24. 398 David W. Johnson and Roger T. Johnson. (2008). Social Interdependence Theory and Cooperative Learning: The Teacher’s Role. In ed. Robyn M. Gillies, Adrian F. Ashman and Jan Terwel, The Teacher’s Role In Implementing Cooperative Learning In The Classroom. New York: Springer Science + Business Media. pp. 10-16 399 Zarawar Khan. Lal Qala: Maidan 400 Maulana Tayyeb Akbari in his mid 30s is a practicing lawyer in D. I. Khan. He is Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provincial General Secretary Jamiat Talba Islam (JTI), a student’s organization of JUI. Mr. Akbari has a vast experience in interaction with students and teachers from Madrassas, schools, colleges and universities. 401 Interview with Advocate Tayyeb Akbari, December 08, 2016, D. I. Khan.

143 comers to the party, Mr. Akbari was of the opinion that they (personalities) occupy a central position and role in the history and development of JUI. Everyone affiliated to JUI pay high tribute and respect to all those people (Ulema) who have struggled for Islam and

Pakistan.402

If the party is based on the philosophy and struggle of some personalities, will not be preaching and propagating their respective roles in the religio-political development of

Pakistan a direct socialization tool in the hands of the teachers associated and affiliated to

JUI? In fact it is the most important tool and tactic in the hands of the teachers affiliated to

JI and JUI.

Nearly all political socialization scholars agreed on the point that the capacity of the teacher is the key variable in instilling values and norms in the youngsters.403 Which is very much true in the scenario Mr. Akbari has presented. The capacity of the teachers can be judge from their effectiveness. Ryans (1964) in this respect suggested that “a teacher’s certain qualities such as stimulation, organization and responsibility can effectively provoke the thinking capacities and capabilities of the students and can affect their instinct values.404

A teacher thus is considered to be playing very important role in the cognitive orientation of the students. All those values and norms associated to the teacher will effectively be transferred to them and hence will play a significant role in the attitude and behavior change. Still, it is not necessary that all the children are indoctrinated the same values and that all are to inspire from the methods and procedure of the teacher(s).

However, a question may arise that “if the content of the curriculum is somehow knotted to a person’s personal qualities and behavior, how and to what extent the quality of

402 Ibid. 403 Jaros. (1973). Socialization to Politics. p.102 404 David G. Ryans. (1964). Research on Teacher Behavior in the Context of the Teacher Characteristic Study. in Contemporary Research on Teacher Effectiveness. Bruce J. Biddle and William J. Ellena (ed). New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. pp.67-101

144 education will contribute in the socialization process of JI and JUI? Furthermore, quality of education cannot merely be limited to the effectiveness of the teacher and his qualification.

It is a complex phenomena, having some other factors as well. The importance of the teacher and the effect of his personality on his students is needed to be analyzed independently and separately from the curriculum contents. Here comes another process and level of political socialization for JI and JUI.

5.4 TEACHERS EXPRESSION AND PROPAGATION OF PERSONAL VALUES IN THE CLASSROOM ENVIRONMENT

It is a fact that in a classroom the discussions, debates and interactions are not only academic but non-academic is well. Teachers not only discuss what is written in the books

(curriculum) but many more things. For instance sometime discussion starts on “current affairs, some very prominent and burning issue of the time, history, art, literature, music and sports etc.”405

Curriculum to a greater extent remains silent on different values especially those values which are associated with practical politics. For example there is nothing in the curriculum regarding JI and JUI practical politics and political ideology in any of the course books taught in schools even run by organizations or people affiliated to these parties. In such a situation the class teacher become a source of instilling these values in the students. The teacher due to his exposure to a more independent and free life have a different perspective and understanding of political events. The teacher thus communicates his personal values and orientations to the students.406

A teacher’s personal values are more or less, regime level orientations, which are lacking in curriculum. If he is involved in party politics, he would be having a different perspective of the political issues and events. Furthermore, sometime a teacher seems to be

405 Louis B. Barnes, Roland C. Christensen & Abby Hansen. (1994). Teaching and the Case Method: Text Cases and Readings (3rd ed.). Boston: Harvard University School of Business. p.4 406 Rahimullah, October, 24, 2016.

145 very much critical of the regime to a whole or of some specific policy. He expresses his understanding and values in front of his students, irrespective of the fact that such propagated values are contrary to the contents of the curriculum and books. For example

Naseer Khan407 while narrating his story of how he teaches in his classroom, added that “he propagates JUI ideology in the classroom because it is his sacred duty to perform. Though nothing “political” is discussed in the curriculum but being an active member of JUI, he has to propagate the message to each and every Muslim. He was of the opinion that, as teacher is believed to be more aware of the practical realities of life and the needs of the time, so he has to propagate the appropriate political knowledge to the students”.408 In response to another question “whether the party has assigned him and other teachers the duty of propagating political values and ideology of the party”? He added that the party has nothing to do with the teaching methods of any teacher. If a teacher consideres himself

Muslim and believes in Aakhirat and Qiyamat (the day of judgment), he must be teaching his students the right path. For him the right path is the path of Ulema-i-Haq (The righteous religious scholars). It is also important that curriculum discusses nothing about the current issues and current public policy. Therefore, it solely fall in the domain of the teacher in which perspective and frame of reference, he makes his students familiar with such issues.

For knowing the influence of teacher’s personal values and behavior on the students, the most significant question can be “to what extent a teacher’s personal values are adopted by students”? In response to this Abdul Hakim Akbari409 responded that “the important aspect can be the investigation of reasons that why student adopt any values of their teacher?

407 Naseer Khan is an active member of JUI Tehsil Kulachi. Currently he is teaching in Quaid-i-Azam College D. I. Khan. 408 Interview with Naseer Ahmad Nasar. December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan. 409 Dr. Abdul Hakim Akbari in his late 60s is a member of JUI central executive council. He remained Khatib (prayer leader) Gomal University D.I. Khan for more than 30 years. He completed his Doctoral research on Mufti Mehmood’s Life and his Religio-political contribution.

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In his opinion a teacher (some teacher) is considered to be an ideal personality for some students in the school. Students copy their ideal teacher(s) and start looking into the things and issues from the teacher’s eye. The teacher’s values have some kind of sacred status for the students. Such following, obeying and values adoption is more visible in madrassa students. He termed that “a kind of Peeri-Mureedi relationship.” In schools, in his opinion, those teachers who are teaching theology and Arabic, have their visible groups of students around them. The formation of such groups are more or less based on the teachers personal values and behavior with the students. In such groups the teacher is believed to be a significant agent of socialization for the students. Based on the teacher’s personal values, behavior and political inclination, the group’s locus of discussions and interest is determine.410

These teachers also direct the students organizations within the universities and colleges and educate them how to spread and propagate their messages and deal with a situation. For example IJT affiliates in university of Malakand consider such teachers as someone who have been installed and appointed (but not in the formal way) by the Jamaat for the education, socialization and grooming of the future party members. In their opinion though, apparently the whole organization seems to be in the hands of students as the agenda and program of every meeting and gathering is prepared by the students and the responsible people of the organization, yet in reality the organization is run by such teachers. They use to advise the IJT office bearer, what to do? when to do? and how to do?

The office bearer are not bound to act upon the advises of these teachers, but due to their affiliation with the party and most importantly their close relationship with the students, admirable values and excellent behavior are key factors in their influential non-visible position in the organization.411

410 Interview with Abdul Hakim Akbari, D.I. Khan. December 08, 2016. 411 Focused Group Discussion with IJT affiliates. University of Malakand, Chakdara, Dir. October 24, 2016.

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In Zarawar Khan opinion when a teacher is propagating some kind of values in the class, not mentioned in the curriculum, he is relatively talking from a higher position. This difference in the position may have positive impacts in accepting the values propagated by the teacher.412

The classroom environment is also having much importance and significance.

Normally, the classroom environment use to be very much structured. Even in schools where the gap between the students and the teachers is very narrow and limited in terms of discussions, debates and communication, classroom environment is naturally structured and is relatively less open than the general environment of the school. This structured environment of the classroom gives the teacher an authoritative position. Hence the communicator and the recipients are occupying two different positions, it is a universal fact that a person occupying a higher or authoritative position will be having more weightage in his spoken words and are adopted easily and without much hesitation. So a teacher’s personal values and norms do socialize students and make or tend to make them political.

In the case of those teachers affiliated to JI and JUI, the “political” discussions and propagation are more often a routine activity. In the opinion of Hafiz Jamshid,413 the classroom environment of the teachers affiliated to JUI or JI (in majority cases the theology teachers) are more closed, authoritative and structured. The students are not welcomed and allowed to ask or debate any religious issue. In the issues related to politics and specifically with the policy/strategy of their parties (JI or JUI) the teacher’s words are supposed to be accepted as final. Therefore, if a teacher continuously propagating some specific values and

412 Zarawar Khan, Lal Qala, Maidan 413 Hafiz Jamshid is a practicing lawyer in Lakki Marwat. He was affiliated with JTI (Jamiat Taluba-i-Islam) and remained its provincial General Secretary. After 2013 general elections he has developed some differences with the party and parted his ways. He joined JI and presently he is deputy Amir JI Lakki Marwat.

148 students are not even allowed to question and debate any issue, it is obvious that students will only be indoctrinated the specific political values and ideology.414

Yet, a more striking question one may raise here is that “is it really a teacher’s personal values which inspire his students? or it is the authoritative position which makes his students indoctrinated in some deliberative manner and way(s)? In fact these are two different things. However, it is not necessary that both of these are independent of each other. These questions are taking us to the next stage of school socialization.

5.5 EXPRESSION OF VALUES OUTSIDE CLASSROOM ENVIRONMENT

The structured environment of the classroom, limited time of the class and syllabus requirements are few checks on a teacher in a school. Though teacher used to express and try to indoctrinate his own values to the students, yet these checks limit his personal ambitions. However, his interaction with the students is not limited to the classroom only.

The interactions with the students outside the classroom structured environment give him a free hand for expression of his personal views, opinion and values in more free environment and full freedom. The students also feel themselves relaxed in discussing politico-social issues with the teacher in such environment. Normally, it use to be a one way or uni-directional process. The teacher expresses his own view and opinion and transmits his understanding and political views to his students in informal way and discussions.

This informal discussion encourages the students to challenge any political ideals, opinion and value of the teacher which he is expresses during the discussion or had expressed even in the classroom. Similarly, the already adopted values of the students are also discussed, debated and analyzed. However, these debates and discussions outside of the classroom are limited only to those students who have some close affiliations to the

414 Interview with Hafiz Jamshid, December 05, 2016

149 teachers. Normally, it use to be the same small group of the students. The alien (students who are not permanent group members) though are not discouraged from discussions and debates, still an open discussion only happens in the front of group members.

Zarawar Khan who also had his students group, was of the opinion that “every teacher normally do not discuss and debate each and everything in front of all the students.

As he had his group, similarly, other teachers also had their groups. So if anything important was to be discussed, it was to be discussed only in the front of his trustworthy students. It was because every students had different politico-social approach for looking and analyzing things and issues”. Furthermore, as in the school where he was teaching, according to him, was a group of teachers, who had socialist inclinations and used to propagate those values in the school. Therefore, it was very necessary and required to discuss political issues and strategies with his group students only. In the beginning, though his group was very small, but with the passage of time more and more students joined them. And after some time they started Dars-i-Quran in the morning assembly.415

Research has suggested that any kind of learning can be facilitated by the meaningful relationship of the students with the teachers not only in the classroom but outside of the classroom as well.416 This personal relationship of the students with the teachers have significant effects on the socialization and becoming political of the students.417 Dean Jeroes is of the opinion that in this kind of outside classroom informal interaction, personal values of the teachers are transmitted to the students. The students are to a very less extents indoctrinated the regime level values.418

However, discussions with the students in the university of Peshawar, challenged

Dean Jeroes arguments and findings. It was found that majority of the students during their

415 Zarawar Khan. Lal Qala Maidan. 416 Philip Riley. (2011). Attachment Theory and the Teacher-student Relationship: A Practical Guide for Teachers, Teacher Educators and School Leaders. New York: Routledge. p.21 417 Willis Margaret. (1961). The Guinea Pigs After Twenty Years. Columbus: Ohio State University Press 418 Dean Jaros. (1973). Socialization to Politics. p.106

150 informal discussions with their teachers, discuss community or regime level issues. Also that both the teachers and the students are equally (to) comment on the politico-social environment alike. Some students also held opinions that it used to be the teacher who is supposed to speak for the most of time during their (teacher) discussions with them. Here again comes the concept of authority and position. So logically who so ever having more time and authoritative position during discussion will be more affective in indoctrinating his personal beliefs, values and knowledge.

It can thus be argued that during such informal discussions, community or regime level values are also transmitted and indoctrinated along with the personal values of the teacher and communicator. However, this argument is based on the findings of a limited number of students’ discussions with their teachers. Also that those students had some basic background knowledge of political science (as a subject) at their undergraduate level.

One can claim that these aspects of the argument can potentially weak this argument. Yes, of course and most probably the level of study and the background knowledge of the students are two most important variables in this regard.

The respondents for that discussion in university of Peshawar were all undergraduate level students, and interestingly they also showed interest in community and regime level issues. If the level of study and their background knowledge of political science and politics is reduced, we may have different findings. However, it is very difficult to evaluate every responding student (on the basis of their background knowledge of political science or say politics and their level of study) differently and separately.

Therefore, it is to be admitted that teachers in such informal discussions transmit political values to the students. Now, these political values can be personal or can be community or regime level. A valuable question arise here is “ do all teachers have informal interactions with their students”? Perhaps not. Or if yes, then, what brings the teachers and students for such informal interactions outside of the classroom? If something make them interact with

151 one another, what compel the students to adopt the values of their teacher(s)? Here comes the final process within the direct indoctrinated processes of school socialization.

5.6 TEACHER AS AN IDEAL AND ROLE MODEL FOR POLITICAL VALUES

An effective teacher can become an ideal and role model of his students. The students because of the overt influence of their teacher, adopt certain behavioral traits of their teacher. In such cases direct formal and informal interactions and debates with the teacher is not necessary. The teacher’s likes and dislikes and his behavior may affect the learning of political and social values of the students. Adaption of such values need observation of the teachers. Teachers are made ideals and role models in different ways.

The most important and prominent is through direct interactions in the classroom structured environment. In the classroom if a teacher gives special attention to any of his student(s) that may produce some kind of personal relationship. The personal relationship is more strengthen with the involvement of the outside of the classroom discussions. After declaring or accepting a teacher as a role model and ideal, students try to adopt his values and his way of life. They start looking into the things from their teacher’s eyes. Some scholars are of the opinion that in such type of value transfer not only the personal values are transferred to the students but some political values as well. The political values can be personal level values to the community or regime level values.419

Another way of making some teacher ideal can be the stories and opinion of fellow students. Students in schools do interact with one another. During their discussions with one another they express their opinion regarding their teachers. In such discussions it may happen that a student starts liking any teacher irrespective of the fact that he has not involved with him in any kind of direct interaction. However, such liking may not remain for long until and unless a direct interaction of some kind takes place. While narrating his

419 Robert D. Hess & Judith V. Torney. (1967). The Development of Political Attitude in Children. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co.

152 story, Zarawar Khan said that students within their group have done significant work for convincing and attracting other students towards their circle. However, he denied the claim that such convincing was based on his or some other teacher’s personal character. In his opinion the students never used his name as triumph card for this purpose. It was the universal message of Islam and the simplest way of Maulana Maududi for presenting it to the fellow Muslims. Initially their focus was mainly to drag out those students who were potentially becoming Atheists, from the clutches of the socialist group. They focused on the character building and education of the students within their group. They formulated a code of conduct for the group members which normally comprised of obligatory five prayers a day and recitation of the Holy Quran. The students were also given books for study related to Islam and the way of Islam. They were made aware of their respective duties and responsibilities within Pakistan and being Muslims in the world. So all such activities within the group proved fruitful. The grades of the students also got improved, which satisfied their families and fellow students. This way they were able to attract not only other students but their families as well.

In response to a question whether their group was becoming popular because of character of the teachers (his)? He said that character is obviously important but the message and the goal must also be a sacred one. Other fellow teachers were also bearing good moral character, but their goal and aim was atheism while our was Theism and

Godliness. God helped us in our cause as he had chosen us (the Muslims) for wavering the flag of Islam over the entire universe.420

Getting influence from someone and making someone ideal in school and college students have different levels of influence and magnitude. In Naseer Khan opinion school students due to their age and less exposure, make some teacher(s) idealize, a bit early and the magnitude is comparatively high. On the other hand college students who have

420 Zarawar Khan. Lal Qala, Maidan.

153 relatively a high exposure are slow and time taking in declaring someone as their ideal teacher. Naseer Khan considers teaching school children any political values is easy as compared to college students. He suggests that the background knowledge of “the political” also play a vital role in making some teacher as ideal in political values and understanding. The source for the background knowledge of “the political” is usually the parents and family. It is thus very significant for values influence and political norms transfer and indoctrination.421 However, the issue of background knowledge of politics (as an activity and not as a subject) can possibly be investigated in college or university level students. School level children are younger and except their acquaintance with what is taught to them in their social studies course, they have very little knowledge and orientation of the regime level political values. Also because of their limited knowledge of politics, they cannot challenge the views, opinion, ideas and ideals of their teachers. They even don’t have a chance to discuss and interact with the teachers outside the classroom as the college level students have.

5.7 THE CLASSROOM ENVIRONMENT

The classroom environment is not a part of direct and deliberate processes of socialization in school. Yet, it has an important role in the socialization of the students. It is always indirectly affecting the socialization and behavior of students. In other words all the above mentioned processes have some kinds of direct and deliberative motives and designs for indoctrinating some specific norms and values in the students and instilling in them politico-social values related to JI and JUI. But the classroom environment has no such deliberative design for indoctrinating students some specific values and in a specific direction and pattern. The potential questions here are “what constitute the classroom

421 Naseer Khan, December 08, 2016.

154 environment? And how it can affect the socialization of the students in the direction of JI and JUI?

Classroom environment (or say school) environment is comprised of students, teachers, supporting staff, and last but not the least the school building. Every component of this environment has an effect on the behavior and values learning of the students.

Students are the most important component of this environment and it has a great and everlasting impacts on the personality development of individuals. Research shows that personality of an individual is best developed through interactive learning with other fellow beings.422 Students and youngsters can easily and effectively learn from other students or the people of their age and position.

As the outside environment of the school is too much political (people in Dir are very much involved in politics, not necessarily as political activities but as religious rituals and obligations), therefore, the children and students are also significantly affecting with it.

The values transfer in such an environment have more like religious consequences rather than political. However, it does not mean that these values will have no political outcomes at all in the lives of individuals. In the long run the learned religious and social values are consequently develop or change into political values.

In case of personality development values, those students who are more active in interacting with fellow students have a higher degree of confidence level. This

“confidence” may not be called as something “political” value. However, in the later stages of the life of a student/individual it has very positive politico-social consequences for him and for the society. In this regard Rahimullah added that the present JI Amir Siraj ul Haq was his junior in school. Due to his loud voice, they used to give him the responsibility of speeches and talks in large school children gatherings. This has boasted his confidence

422 Thomas A. Angelo, Patricia Cross. (1993). Classroom Assessment Techniques: A Handbook for College Teachers. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass

155 level with far reaching impacts in his political life.423 Similarly interactions with other students provide a chance to individuals to evaluate things and events themselves and not with the help and dictations of elders. It provides them the opportunity of discussions, debates and raising questions.

It is also important to know that at the early stages of the life of a youngster, raising of any question and debating the nature of an object or event may not have directly some political consequences. But in the later stages this may enhance the ability of an individual on wrongs and rights and just and unjust within a community and society. This may also give a political language to his thoughts and feelings regarding a society and state, as in the case of Siraj ul Haq.

The second important component of the environment is teacher. Although a teacher’s role in the socialization process is more of a direct indoctrinating element, yet he also has a significant indirect role via environment of the school and class. Maintaining of the classroom environment in a particular direction, pattern and design is the responsibility of the teacher. It is he who has to provide opportunities to his students for the development and promotion of positive and acceptable values. He has to allow and encourage the students to participate in the classroom affairs and express freely their analysis, understanding and views on a particular event and object. Such a participatory and permissive environment at classroom can have broadly two types of political consequences.

First, it may help the students to evaluate and analyze any event or object (political or social), without the fear and influence of teacher. Thus enable individuals to acquire and reject any specific political values.

Secondly, research424 shows that a permissive classroom environment, where the students are allowed and involved in decisions making themselves, rather merely receiving

423 Rahimullah, October 24, 2016. 424 Almond and Verba. (1963). The Civic Culture. Chpter-11

156 the decisions through the dictation and directions of the class teacher, in a structured environment, contribute significantly in the development of “critical”, “reflective” and

“informed” citizens. The research emphasized that those students who have been in such permissive and participatory environment can prove more confident and competent in domestic and societal affairs (political /social).

However, Mufti Khalid is of the opinion that in the case of JI in Dir specifically, the impartiality of a teacher (if he is affiliated to JI) in terms of a free environment for debate and discussion is not possible. Because of the party’s strong hold in the area neither students nor any teacher question any policy of the party.425 Salman Khattak was also of the same opinion. In response to the question of a free and open environment in the classroom, Mr. Khattak said that those teachers who are affiliated to JI don’t even permit us to criticize the party in teachers informal discussions, how would they allow any student in the class to discuss, debate and criticize the party. They only have the permission of praising the party. So in such a situation an open and free environment can merely be a dream.426

Similarly, the other components of the classroom environment have also impacts on the personality building and value learning processes of the students. Location of the school (campus), design of the building and facilities at the schools may have some psychological impacts which need to be investigated properly.427 For example what is the color of the school building and classroom? What paintings are hanging on the wall? What messages and phrases are written on the hanging charts in the classroom? These all may have very significant impacts on the personality development of the students. One can observe the phrases from Maulana Maududi books and Alama Iqbal poetry on the charts

425 Mufti Khalid, Talash 426 Salman Khan Khattak, is lecturer political Science in Lal Qala Maidan degree college. October 29, 2016. 427 This is however, beyond the scope of this research. It can be very interesting and significant contribution in behavioral and psychological sciences.

157 and walls of schools (Public and private) in district Dir. Even the newly constructed Lal

Qilla Maidan Degree college building is also bearing such phrases.

In Zarawar Khan opinion these phrases are very much motivating the students.

These identify to them the philosophies of the two great Muslim scholars Maulana

Maududi and Iqbal. These phrases remind them time and again what duty they have to perform being Muslim “the chosen nation on the earth”. Maulana Maududi keeps on reminding them that they have to spread the message of Quran in the whole world.428

Supporting staff and emphasis on the rules and regulations have also shares in making the children political citizens. Obeying the rules and regulations at schools instill in them the values of obedience and may produce respect for laws in the society and state.

The privately run schools and colleges (either by JI associates or JUI) emphasize more on rules and regulation and discipline.

5.8 RE-SOCIALIZATION AT COLLEGE LEVEL

It is evident from the content and discussion in this chapter that the process of socialization continues throughout the life of an individual. There are different agents which socialize the individual at different times, spaces and contexts. College is one of the prominent and important sub-agent of the education institutions in this regard. Though the methodology, procedure and pattern of socializations in college or university level is somehow the same as schools, yet the reasons for investigation of the process of socialization at college level separately, are multi-folded. One of the most important reasons is that, many students in the 3rd world underdeveloped countries do not make it to the university level education. It is important and significant to know that “What is/are the

428 I visited a school (Hira School), run by Zarawar Khan and two of his other associates. The color of the building (blue, green and white) was signifying and symbolizing the JI flag. The walls of the schools were painted with verses of Iqbal and phrases from Maududi. Similarly, the classrooms were also decorated with charts, probably prepared by the students( as they were bearing different names with class number) which were also projecting same messages. Even the principal office walls were full of such charts.

158 potential differences” in the acquired political values of a school and college level students?

Secondly, at the colleges and specifically in universities, teachers have a kind of free hand in designing their respective courses, processes and methods through which they are to be presented to the students. This aspect potentially differentiate it from the process of socialization at school level, where, the whole system is extremely structured.

Third, as the age of the students at colleges are relatively more than the school level students, hence they are more aware of the political situation of the society and state.

Fourth, at the college level, regime level socialization is primarily focused. Not only students, but all the agents and components of socialization processes focus the regime level political values. While at the school, regime level values indoctrination are not the primary concern. Students at colleges are considered to be of more revolutionary nature than their counter parts in some non-academic environment. Their revolutionary ideas and ideals make them potential anti-establishment proponents. How are these revolutionary ideas propagated? And what (political values) make them anti-regime? These potential and significant quarries differentiate the college level socialization from schools where neither students are indoctrinated political values in some structured mechanism nor their focus and intentions are indoctrinating regime level values.

Finally, at the college, students political activism, in the shape of political associations and organizations also differentiate the college level socialization from school socialization. Many students at the college level are actively involved, not only in students politics but active politics.

An overview of the prominent political parties in different countries shows that they are having students political bodies at college and university campuses. In Pakistan the students political associations are controlled and coordinated through systematic ways by the political parties. In many parties, for control and coordination specific/different wings

159 or persons are involved at central and provincial level organizational structure. For example almost all the political parties within Pakistan are having students political organization. JI in this regard is having an upper hand by having a significant presence in the colleges and university campuses across Pakistan. Islami Jamiat Talba (IJT) is considered to be the most organized student’s organization in Pakistan. JUI though also have its students’ wing i.e. Jamiat Taluba-i-Islam(JTI) but it is not that much organized as

IJT is. In the opinion of JTI provincial general secretary “JTI is a Madrassa based students’ organization which is still to find its place in colleges and universities within Pakistan”.429

This phenomena of students political activism, significantly value the process of socialization at college level. Moreover, these students’ political organizations are involved in different activities which have some direct and indirect political consequences. After realizing the need for separate investigation of college level socialization the question arise is, what should be the contents of socialization at college level?

Political socialization scholars have focused this aspect and the need of the contents at college level. Different scholars have different opinion regarding the contents of college level socialization. Dean Jeroes (1973)430 for example argues that colleges and universities are expected to transmit two types of political contents. The primary goal of college and university should be the teaching and indoctrination of traditional and conventional values of political participation. Political participation as expended by Latham et al (1959) is one of the important regime level tasks of the colleges and universities. Not only political but civic participation of the individuals make them active and better citizens of the society.

Educated and enlightened citizens are expected to influence and participate in Government policies.431

429 Interview with advocate Tayyeb Akbari. D.I. Khan. 430 Jaros, Dean. (1973). Socialization to Politics. New York, Washington: Praeger Publishers. p.115 431 Earl Latham, Joseph P. Harris & Austin Ranney. (1959). College Standards for Political Science: A Policy Statement. New York: Citizenship Clearing House.

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In Zarawar Khan opinion making individual “good and participatory citizens”, colleges work in two ways. One is directly inculcation of political values, which consequently makes an individual a politically aware subject and citizen of the state.

Secondly, the indirect way of instilling some values which produce political results and awareness.

In the indirect way, basic information regarding different objects and events (as viewed by JI) are transmitted through different agents, which enhance the critical capacities and capabilities of the individuals (students). This provide them a context and space in locating themselves (attachment and affiliation in some capacity to JI and JUI) in specific circumstances and situations. This also provide them an opportunity to interact with fellow students regarding moods and patterns of different problems. In University of Peshawar, for example different student organization have organized a kind of combined student organization known as Muttahidda Talba Mahaz “united students front”.432 Both IJT and

JTI are the members of the “front”. Such social interaction have lasting effects and as

Edelstein (1962) suggests, have significant political components and ends for the students.433

JI has taken much advantage from the college socialization of their workers.

Colleges and universities within Pakistan have produced almost all the top contemporary leadership of JI. The top leadership of JI remained very active in IJT during their college days. They acquired their first knowledge of active politics in colleges and universities.

However, the acquisition of such knowledge was not a result of some curricula contents or some deliberative efforts of the government. Rather it was the platform of IJT and its

432 The United Students Front is organized for putting more pressure on university administration in case of any issue faced by majority of the student of the campus. For example its agitations were very effectives in 2013-14 against the increase of semester fees. 433 Alex S. Edelstein. (1962). Since Bennington: Evidence of Change in Student political Behavior. Public Opinion Quarterly. 26, (Winter 1962). pp. 564-565

161 activities within the colleges which has significant contribution in the grooming up of these leaders.434

On the other hand though JUI has very little share in colleges and universities in producing top leadership for the party. However, Madrassas instead of colleges are performing this job for them. In the opinion of JUI provincial Amir (Gul Naseeb Khan), without a Madrassa education and socialization, it can prove very tough and difficult for a leader within JUI to manage the affairs of the party and organize it. As majority of the office holders within the party are associated to Madaris in one way or another, therefore, dealing with them needs the same paradigm, terminologies understanding, mindsets and environment. These basic things and requirements are somehow above the understanding of common people (those who are not socialized in Madaris).435

In direct ways students are directly indoctrinated some political values through some of their courses or curricular contents. Yet these courses are not necessarily making the students active members and associates of a particular political party or group. This can be termed as general political education and socialization of the students. As discussed in the beginning of the chapter that one of the essential task of the Government is to indoctrinate the young in such a way which can preserve the current political order or status quo. So by means of such courses and curriculum contents the authorities concerned try to manipulate the students values, their understanding of “political” and their political views, direction and pattern of their political and social association.436 Government or the socializing agents want to drive them in their line and direction. Or let say they want to make of them (students) good, active and participatory citizens.

434 Rahimullah, Chakdara, Dir. October 24, 2016. 435 Interview with Gul Naseeb Khan Provincial Amir JUI, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. November, 27, 2016. Peshawar 436 Marian Schick and Albert Somit. (1963). The Failure to Teach Political Activity. The American Behavioral Scientist. 06 (January, 1963). pp. 5-7.

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Secondly, though Government overtly emphasized on the participatory values indoctrination in the students, yet some studies indicate that students become less participatory in political activities after going college and university.437

However, students in Malakand University had a different view regarding political involvement of the students. In their opinion though political and other social science subjects educate the students about what “politics” is and how a state, government, society, political party and a citizen should be? Yet the theoretical and practical realities of this region are different. There are different factors and actors involved, that have significant impacts on the students involvement in politics, which the course contents are unable to counter.438

Furthermore, due to their idealistic approaches to objects and events, individuals in college life have very strong tendencies of revolutions and rebellions. In such circumstances they have very little respect for structured indoctrination system and values of the government. They seem to be very critical of the desired democratic order.439 Hence, here comes the basic question that what order, which is perceived and projected to be a unanimous democratic order as considered and accepted by students as just and genuine political order? If someone is participating in the political activities does it signify that he is considering it a genuine and just political order? Or is he merely participating because he is taught and indoctrinated to participate irrespective of his own personal likes and dislikes?

If someone is not participating even after the overt and excessive indoctrination for political participation what does it mean then?

437 Adam J. Berinsky and Gabriel S. Lenz. (2011). Education and Political Participation: Exploring the Causal Link. Political Behavior. 33(3). pp. 357-373; Charles Garrison. (1968). Political Involvement and Political Science: A Note on the Basic Course as an Agent of Political Socialization. Social Science Quarterly. 49, (September). pp. 305-314 438 Focused group discussion with the students of Malakand University, Chakdara: Dir. October 24, 2016. 439 Different respondents during my field work in Dir and D. I. Khan were of the opinion that students in particular and IJT and JTI affiliated students in specific have never ever been satisfied with the politico- social system of Pakistan during their students ages. In the opinion of some IJT members the system is in drastic need of Refinement and purification. Similarly, JTI provincial general secretary Tayyeb Akbari was of the opinion that only sharia system can best serve the people of Pakistan and can provide them socio-political justice. Neither the present system nor any other ism can truly represent the people.

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In Kenneth's (1968) opinion "it means and signify that only participatory values as desired by some scholars, are not just enough to be expected from colleges and universities to transmit to the students. Colleges and universities are to give attention to some other government and regime level values for students political socialization".440

Many, scholars are of the view that the Government attempts of manipulating/shaping the curriculum is spoiled by the instructors and teachers. Though on one hand it is important and significant for students to develop their own understanding irrespective of what they are taught and by what means and process they are transmitted political values? On the other hand many other agents are involved to socialize and influence individuals in some undesirable way.

As political socialization is a continuous process, therefore, it is having different agents, patterns and levels. School or college socialization is one of the levels. Individuals after the initial acquaintance with the society in the family, moves over to school for further enhancing their knowledge of family and society. They for the first time have to interact with the people who are not their family members. This interaction proves to be very fruitful in terms of learning new values. JI and JUI being the two politico-religious parties within Pakistan, significantly focusing on individuals from even their adolescence. JUI though is not that much successful in its school and college socialization and indoctrination. However, it is more involved in the process of political indoctrination then the other contemporary political parties. JI on the other hand is having considerable share in schools, while socializing students and indoctrinating them in the party ideology. The school kids are involved in different activities, and are dragged towards the party ideology unintentionally. These school kids who have somehow indoctrinated the Jamaat way of

440 Kenneth Keniston. (1968). Young Radicals. New York: Harcourt, Brace &World. pp. 88-90

164 looking into things, events and issues and evaluating them, had a great chance of becoming

IJT affiliates and members in college and universities. In the whole process of school or college socialization and indoctrination, there are different levels, process and agents involved. These ranges from curricula, to classroom environment and then to the teacher role. However, the most important agent of college and Madrassa socialization are students organizations i.e. IJT and JTI. Which, because of their significance, needed to be discuss in a separate chapter and under own headings. The next chapter tries to encompasses the socialization of the students in IJT and JTI.

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CHAPTER – 6

POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION IN THE STUDENTS’ ORGANIZATIONS

This chapter discusses the role of student organizations in colleges, universities and madrassas, and the socialization and education of the students affiliated to these organizations. The chapter argues that the students organizations (IJT and JTI) in the educational institutions across Pakistan provide an enormously significant environment to the students and prepare them for their active political roles in the society. They work as nurseries for JI and JUI by providing man power (socialized workers) and future leadership. Both the organizations have systematic training and socialization procedures, which are missing in other contemporary students’ religio-political organizations in

Pakistan. It also argues that the social interaction of the youth (students) and the acquiring of new values and habits from their friends in IJT and JTI have enormous impacts, and are important determinants of personality development and political implications in their future lives. The socialized members of these organizations have almost uniform politico-social values and have same understanding of political happenings and issues.

The previous discussion on the process and agents of socialization confirmed that it is a continuous process and at different levels and stages of an individual’s life he is exposed to different contexts. The different contexts and time and space factors have different impacts and consequences on his life. He is subjected to adopt new norms, values and ideals and has to leave some previously acquired norms and values.

Thus the process of socialization does not stop at a particular stage. It continues throughout the life of an individual. Research has confirmed that the young (individuals) are rejecting their family values (some, if not all) in favor of the values and way of life of their friends at a specific stage of their life. This is very important for political socialization scholarship. The questions what make individuals to adopt the values of friends? And how

166 and why are the friends or peer groups significant in terms of values indoctrination in the individuals are of much importance while focusing on IJT and JTI and their respective role in the socialization and preparing of future party workers.

The social environment and the thoughts, feelings and behavior of individuals are closely associated with each other.441 The social environment has a significant impact on the personality building and personality maturation of individual via interaction and negotiation with other social beings.442 Therefore the social context is very much important while studying and understanding the personality development and value adaption of an individual.443

Group socialization theory emphasizes that social interaction of the children and their acquisition of new values and habits from their friends have enormous impact, and are important determinants of personality development.444 Islami Jamiat Talba in the educational institutions across Pakistan provides an enormously significant environment to the students and prepares them for their active political role in the society. It works as a nursery for Jamaat-i-Islami by providing man power (socialized workers) and future leadership.

6.1 ORIGIN AND HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF IJT

Though IJT was officially organized in 1947, yet the concept of formulation of a student organization was put forward by Maulana Maududi even before the emergence of

Jamaat-i-Islami. Maulana Maududi in one of his addresses in February 1940 in

Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College Amritsar expressed his views about the need of

441 James William. (1890). The Principles of Psychology. New York: Henry Holt and Company. p. 110 442 Robert Hogan and Brent W. Roberts. (2004). A Socio-Analytic Model of Maturity. Journal of Career Assessment. 12(2). pp. 207-217. 443 Franz J. Neyer, and Judith Lehnart. (2007). Relationships Matter in Personality Development: Evident from an 8-Years Longitudinal Study across Young Adulthood. Journal Of Personality. 75(3). pp. 535- 568. 444 Judith Rich Harris. (1995). Where is the Child’s Environment? A Group Socialization Theory of Development. Psychological Review. 102(3). pp. 458-489.

167 political struggle and strategy for furthering the Islamic cause in British India. He suggested that a well organized students organization will supplement through its activities for furthering the Islamic cause in India.445 Maulana Maududi’s dream came true after the partition when 25 students organized Islami Jamiat Talba in December 1947 in Lahore.

Zafar-ul-llah Khan was elected as the first Nazim-i-ala.

IJT was initially envisioned as a missionary organization who’s primary responsibility was expression and propagation of Islamic norms and values among students in educational institutions within Pakistan.446 The strategies adopted for this were study circles and all night study sessions. IJT leaders were made familiar with these strategies by

Muslim Brotherhood’s member Said Ramzan in Karachi. He also helped IJT leaders in devising administrative structure for the organization.447

In the opinion of Israr Ahmad the focus of the IJT from its primary objectives

(missionary activities) was changed towards student politics in the early 1950s. Their main opponents in the universities and colleges were the leftist student’s organizations. The increased contest for more and more influence in the colleges made the IJT affiliates more radical and proactive. They are now to measure things in absolute terms i.e. leftists/Marxist or far from Allah and Islam. They are atheists and are the “others”. So a student can either be leftist or Muslim.448 According to Bukhari (1989), this confrontation has given IJT a world view and clearly determined its vision and conduct.449

IJT played a vital role off the campuses in the 1953-54 anti-Ahmadia campaign and agitation. The campaign was launched by all the religious groups and parties but Jamaat-i-

445 Sayyid Abu’l-A’la Maududi. (1965). Tafhimat (Explanations). Lahore: Islamic Publication. vol.2. p.286 446 Khurram Murad & Prof Khurshid Ahamd. (2009, 28th ed.). Main Nay Jamiat say Kya Paya (What I got from Jamiat). Lahore: Idara Matboaat-i-Talba. p. 17 447 Mujeeb ur Rehman & Salim Mansur Khalid. (1981). Interview with Khurshid Ahmad. in Jab Wo Nazim-i a’la Thy (When they were president). Lahore: Idara Matboaat-i-Talba. vol. 1. pp. 127-28. 448 Rahman, S. M. & Khalid, S. M. (1981). Interview with Israr Ahmad. in Jab Wo Nazim-i a’la Thy (When they were president). Lahore: Idara Matboaat-i-Talba. vol. 1, p. 91 449 Zahid Hussain Bukhari. (1989). Talaba Tahrik ka Ik Almiyah. (A Tragedy of the Student Movement). in Salim Mansur Khalid, ed., Talaba Tahrikain (Student Movements). Lahore: Al-Badr Publications. vol. 1. pp.137–44.

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Islami had to receive the brunt of the government for its significant share in the agitation and law and order situation. The Jamaat Amir and founder Maulana Maududi was sentenced to death by a military court (which was later commuted).450 IJT reacted strongly to the sentence of Maulana Maududi. In the words of Umer Mansur “the student organization ceased to view its task as the training of future leaders of Pakistan and instead saw itself as a “soldiers brigade,” fighting for the cause of Islam against its enemies- secularists and leftists inside and outside the government.”451

Until 1957 Maulana Maududi was much concerned about the over politicization of the IJT in the educational institutions. However, when the Jamaat leadership themselves decided the political fate for the party, the concerns of Maulana gradually lessened. IJT was now to produce the future political leadership to the party.452

6.2 ORGANIZATIONAL CONSOLIDATION AND GREATER POLITICIZATION

The decade of the 1960s was proved to be very significant and important for IJT in terms of greater politicization in the universities and its organizational consolidation.

Jamaat-i-Islami very effectively mobilized it by diverting its attention from its all-time rivals the leftist, towards the opposition of Ayub Khan. The Ayub Khan’s “modernist interpretation of Islam” and authoritarian government was not acceptable to the religio- political groups at that time. Maulana Maududi was one of the prominent critics of Ayub’s

Islamic and family reforms. IJT had given the authorities a tough time in the campuses owing to the government educational policies and initiatives. The Tashkent agreement of

1966 (which ended the war between India and Pakistan) further fuelled the situation, which

450 Maulana Mawdudi’s sentence was later commuted by the governor general 451 Umar Mansur. (1989). Talaba awr Qaumi-o-Milli Masa’il (Students and National Issues). in Salim Mansur Khalid, ed., Talaba Tahrikain (Student Movements). Lahore: Al-Badr Publications. vol.1. p. 1 452 Sayyid Abu’l-A’la Mawdudi. (1986). Tahrik-i Islami ka Ayenda La’iha-i Amal (The future plan of action of the Islamic movement). Lahore: Islamic Publications.

169 made IJT organizationally more integrated and consolidated. Politically its sphere of influence became much wider.453

The political unrest in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) further dragged IJT towards active politics, this time in the national front and with arms and ammunition for combating

Mukti Bahini activists. Al-Badr and Al-Shams the two paramilitary Jihadist groups were launched by the organization in the East Pakistan. These groups were fully backed by the military government in Islamabad and in Dhaka. IJT has accepted the responsibility for providing recruits to these groups.454 It is believed that the decision of involving of the organization in arms struggle against Bengali nationalists was taken by the then Nazim-i-

Ala Mati-ur-Rahman Nizami autonomously, but in one of his interview he clarified that

Maulana Maududi has sanctioned his decision and had given him the “go ahead” signal after a meeting with him in January 1971.455

The catastrophic end of the war and the heavy loss of IJT supporters' lives in the civil war once again started a debate within Jamaat-i-Islami about the over-politicization of

IJT. Many leaders including Maulana Maududi were of the opinion that IJT has forgotten its agenda and commitment of religious work and is more involved in violent political activities within the university campuses. However, being a political nursery for the Jamaat future members and leaders, the party could not design any course of actions and directives for the organization.456

During the initial years of Bhutto era IJT had swept the campus elections in all major cities of Pakistan more importantly in Lahore and Karachi. Due to its excessive

453 Salim Mansur Khalid. (1989). Talaba awr Elan-i-Tashqand (Students and the Tashkent declaration). In Salim Mansur Khalid’s Talaba Tahrikain (Student Movements). Lahore: Al-Badr Publications. vol. 1, pp. 216-223. 454 Amin-ul-Haq. (1989). Al-Badr Commander Bolta Hay (Al-Badr Commander Speaks). In In Salim Mansur Khalid’s Talaba Tahrikain (Student Movements). Lahore: Al-Badr Publications. vol. 2, pp. 326-54. 455 Mujeeb ur Rahman & Salim Mansur Khalid. (1981). Interview with Mati-ur-Rahman Nizami. in Jab Wo Nazim-i a’la Thy (When they were president). Lahore: Idara Matboaat-i-Talba. vol. 2, pp. 234-235 456 Sayyed Vali Reza Nasr. (1992). Students, Islam, and Politics: Islami Jamiat-I Tulaba in Pakistan. Middle East Journal. vol. 46(1). p.65

170 involvement in politics and national political issues such as Bangladesh Namanzoor (Non-

Recognition of Bangladesh) movement of 1972-74, the anti-Ahmadiyah controversy of

1974, and the Nizam-i Mustafa (Order of the Prophet) of 1977, IJT got a recognition of de- facto political party. As on one side this recognition took IJT to the zenith of its power, on the other hand it severely manipulated and damaged its reputation as a peaceful and non- violent student organization.

The organization established good terms with the military dictator Zia after his coup d’état in 1977. Even one of the IJT president of the University of Punjab Student Union,

Javid Hashmi was appointed as cultural minister by the military dictator. It was given free hand in the Pakistani universities from 1977 to 82 and had a significant and dominant role in the campuses especially in terms of student admissions and faculty appointment.457

It also rendered significant services in the motivation and mobilization of people for

Afghan Jihad. Several members of the organization got “martyredˮ from 1980-90.458 IJT relations with the military government got deteriorated in 1984 when the government imposed ban on student unions, a move in the opinion of many IJT members primarily to lessen the organization’s influence in the campuses.459

The organization strongly retaliated with the ban and started agitations against the government. The membership of IJT in the campuses gradually decreased, which also made the leadership to focus more on its organizational activities within the campuses rather than involving in national issues.460

In 1987 Qazi Hussain Ahmad was elected the new Amir of JI which gave new energy, hope and enthusiasm to IJT members. Qazi Hussain along with the basic ideological goal of the party i.e. “Islamization of the constitution and system”, included

457 Trevor Fishlock. (1982). Fundamentalists put Universities in Peril. London Times, 6th September 1982. 458 Nasr. (1992). Students, Islam, and Politics. p. 67 459 Ibid. 460 Ibid.

171 socio-economic issues in his program and party’s focus. It was a kind of approaching the common people strategy. Qazi involved IJT members in furthering his cause of popularizing the party. The organization proved to be a vital force in campaigns for JI candidates in various parts of the country in the 1988 and 1990 elections.

In 1991 IJT started an anti-US campaign (America Murdabad Mohim) for its military intervention in Gulf war. An international conference on Kashmir was organized in Pakistani Kashmir for highlighting the issue to international community. In the following years IJT activities revolved around Jihadist activities of its affiliates in Kashmir and in Afghanistan.

In 1996 IJT started golden jubilee celebration of its foundation. Different rallies and gatherings were organized across the country. A general convention of IJT affiliates and ex-members was held in Punjab University Lahore in 1997, which is believed to have been attended by more than 35000 students.461

In the next two years security situation between Pakistan and India got very tense.

IJT organized different rallies and demanded the government to bypass the international community pressure and conduct nuclear tests. In February 1999, Indian Prime Minister

Mr. Atal Bihari Vajpayee visited Lahore. Jamaat-i-Islami along with some other Islamist parties called for a general strike.462 IJT played a dominant role in organizing rallies and processions in Lahore and different other parts of the country.

In the next decade IJT focused more on campus based activities by organizing different book fares, sports galas and youth festivals across the country. In 2008 Qazi

Hussain Ahmad JI Amir declined his re-election as Amir because of his health issues. Syed

Munawar Hassan was elected as the new Amir of the party. He became the first IJT Nazim-

461 Golde jubilee Convintion of IJT, 17-19 October University of Punjab Lahore. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=autMObwWCwY 462 BBC News, BBC online Network. Saturday Feb 20, 1999.

172 i-Ala who made his way to the top slot of the party. Siraj ul Haq who also remained IJT

Nzim-i-Ala succeeded Munawar Hassan in 2014 and became the new Amir.

6.3 ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE

IJT is erected on excellent organizational structure and base. Due to its organizational excellence it has been occupying a prominent position among similar student organizations in campuses across Pakistan. The organizational structure is very similar to JI, with the authority and command flow from top to bottom. At the top, there is

Nazim-i-Ala, Shura (consultative council) and Mutamid-i-Ala (Supreme General secretary).

Nazim-i-Ala and Majlis-i-Shura are elected by the IJT members from all over Pakistan.

Mutamid-i-Ala is appointed by the Nazim-i-Ala. The same structure is duplicated at province, city and University level. At each level the respective members appoint their

Nazim and consultative council. The Mutamid at each level is appointed by the Nazim of that level with the consultation and approval of the shura and Mutamid of the upper level.

At university, the structure is further divided into campus, department, class and hostel.

Members at each level elect their Nazim, however, in these lower categories there is no consultative assemblies and councils. The Mutamids are appointed by the Nazim at each level with the approval of the Mutamid university.

There are two categories of the affiliates: first is Rafiq (friend) and the second is

Rukn (member). Rufaqa are those members who are agreed upon the procedure, goals and program of IJT and promise to fulfill the jobs assign to them by the organization. Rukn or

Arkan are the top and important category of IJT. Only members from this category can hold administrative offices. As this is the most important category, so there are few requirements and qualification for that. Any student who is enrolled in any government or private educational institution can apply for membership through the local Nazim by filling in a proforma for membership (Goshwara-i-rukniyyat). The local Nazim after evaluating

173 the requirements for membership sends that proforma to Nazim-i-Ala through the Nazim-i-

Soba of the province with his comments. The Nazim-i-Ala finally approves or reject the membership form. But in case of rejection he has to seek the approval of the Shura for that.463

There is also another unofficial category of the members called Hamies

(supporters). They are loosely affiliated students to the organization with no official responsibilities.

6.4 SOCIALIZATION OF THE MEMBERS

IJT overtly emphasizes and focuses on the training (Tarbiyat) of its workers. There is a syllabus and list of books for the members which each of the member from his category is required to read before being inducted in that category of membership.

In the category of Rafiq one has to read about eighteen books and pamphlets along with the memorization of few Surah from the Holy Quran (see appendix 1). They are also required to read two small books of Ahadith and Tafseer (exegesis) of few Surah of the

Holy Quran. Seven of these books are Maulana Maududi’s books on different topics ranging from understanding different issues in Islam to the proper way of preaching and understanding Jihad in the way of God. In the list two booklets of Naeem Sadiqui Tameer- i-Seerat k Lawazim (essentials of character Building) and Apni Islah Aap (Self

Reformation) are very important in terms of character building of the students. Two books are related to IJT and its importance in one’s life.464

Syllabus for Rukniyyat consists of around Twenty Eight books (see appendix ii).

Each Rukn is required to learn correct reading of Quran with complete translation. He is also required to memorize few other Surah and Ahadith. Preface of Tafheem-ul-Quran and

463 Constitution of Jamiat. Article 4-12. http://tazkeer.org/scan/?itemid=1701. pp.8-11. 464 Akhtar Abbas. (n.d). Main Jamiat ka Hissa kio Banu (why should I become a part of Jamiat). http://tazkeer.org

174 exegesis of several other Surah are also the part of the reading list. Along with Islamic literature (a major part from Maududi’s literature) this list also contains Alama Iqbal’s poems. Member students are suggested to get basic knowledge about Muslim world history and geography.

After approval of Rukniyyat (membership), a Rukn is required to read several other books and pamphlets (see appendix iii). In this stage he is required to memorize some parts of different Surah. He is required to read Maulana Maududi and Maulana Amin Ahsan

Islahi’s complete exegesis of Quran i.e. Tafheem-ul-Quran and Tadabbur-i-Quran respectively. Two books of Ahadith (Maariful Hadith complete, 4 volumes and Riyad us

Saliheen complete, two volumes) are also part of the reading list. Apart from Maududi’s books, this list includes two books of Yusuf al-Qaradawi and one of Mohammad Qutb

(brother of Egyptian scholar and activist Syed Qutb). The members are also required to acquaint themselves with the geography and brief history of the world.

Acceptance to IJT ranks is linked with completing the required readings. The same procedure of reading the course books is followed for moving to the higher ranks. Vali

Nasr (1992) declared this “ideological conformity”. In his opinion if these courses on one hand indoctrinate the JI ideological views to the students on the other hand they are also made familiar with the IJT tactics, procedure and practice. They are provided a world view and a specific frame of reference in which they are to look and evaluate things and issues

(national and international).465

Each of the member is closely observed by the Nazim of the respective unit. The

Nazim is required to maintain the record of activities of each member in a diary which they call roz-o-shab (day and night). The record and activities consist of the academic performance, study related to religion and recitation of Quran, time spent in mosque for prayers, and time given to organizational work. The diary or record book is kept safe and

465 Nasr. (1992). Students, Islam, and Politics. p. 71

175 up-to-date by the Nazim of the unit because he is to submit it regularly to his high ups for evaluations.466

IJT members and associates are required to attend regular training camps and other programs and gatherings. These gatherings include weekly gathering of the class, department or hostel units, and monthly gathering of the campus unit. Besides this other gatherings of the university, city or province are also held. A grand annual gathering of all

Pakistan IJT members is held every year in IJT headquarter Lahore.

IJT organizees different activities for its affiliates and other university students every academic year. The most important events among these are holding of book fares,

Quran Classes and sport galas. Though in University of Malakand and Gomal University

D. I. Khan IJT has not arranged any big event, yet, they are successful in arranging different training (tarbiyat) workshops and Quran classes (Fihmul Quran Classes). IJT in

University of Peshawar on the other hand has been successfully arranging different events.

For example it has arranged two days Quran classes in (March 13-15, 2013 and April 27-

29, 2016), five days annual Quran classes (May 12-16, 2014, May 11-15, 2015 and May

09-13,2016), at University of Peshawar besides a two days (March 30-31, 2013) training workshop for IJT affiliates in Almarkaz-i-Islami Peshawar. Sports gala and youth festival are also the annual activities of campus Jamiat University of Peshawar. The book fares activity of IJT at University of Peshawar started in 2010 and they have arranged 8 annual book fares. Beside this, different one day conferences on different topics, debate competitions, poetry and cultural events and get together with teachers are also held.467

All such activities carry the broader goal of effectively indoctrinating its affiliates the ideology and ideals of Jamaat-i-Islami and attracting the other non-affiliates toward its folds and sphere of influence.

466 Focused group discussion with IJT members University of Malakand, Chakdara: Dir. October 24, 2016. 467 https://www.facebook.com/pg/CampusJamiat/events/?ref=page_internal

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IJT also focuses high school children. In Dir the high school wing of IJT “Bazm-i-

Shaheen” (society of eagles) is very active. It’s slogan is “Naik bano, Naiki pailawo” (be pious and spread piousness). The organization arranges different activities for the high school students including study circles, study tours, sport tournaments and prize distribution ceremonies for talented students etc. It also issues monthly magazines468 for the school children, focusing mainly on children’s character building and making them naik. The contents of the magazines include historical events and personalities in Islam, especially their achievements and struggle for Islam and Muslims in their childhood and early youth. Although there is hardly any political materials in the magazines, yet, they prove very helpful for IJT in terms of students recruitment in IJT in colleges. It is believed that those who remained connected with this organization as active members and readers essentially become IJT affiliates later in colleges.469 Those students who don’t get a chance for further studies after high school, affiliate themselves with the party, Jamaat-i-Islami. So potentially this organization from the high school level makes the students politically affiliated to JI.

6.5 ROLE IN POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION AND ITS CONSEQUENCES

Literature suggests that peer and friend groups have significant impacts on the behavior and personality development of individuals.470 The personality development not only include general values acquisition but political as well. Similarity in characteristics, being important factors of friend groups, are needed and required in political perception, analysis and interpretation of political events and objects. In other words, similarity, to a larger extent in the political perception and understanding is important element of friend

468 There are five different magazines and digests, issued and distributed by IJT for school children. These are Shaheen-i-Iqbal Digest, Paigham Digest, Saathi Digest, Roshni Digest, and Shahbaz Digest. 469 Focused Group Discussion, University of Malakand, Chakdara: Dir. October 24, 2016. 470 Rebecca G. Adams and Rosemary Blieszner. (1995). Aging Well with Friends and Family. American Behavioral Scientist. 39(1). pp. 209-224.

177 groups. IJT in this regard has significantly achieved similarity in the characteristics of its associates.

The political consequences of IJT in the socialization of its members and other affiliates can be analyzed in three different ways.

6.5.1 Transmission of a Particular Culture

The influence of groups and group members on the political opinion and behavior of individual is a highly research area in political and social sciences. The social relationship of the individual in a social sitting controls the individual desires, interactions with others, affections, attachments, love, hate and prestige as Fiske has suggested in his views. The behavior of individual is changed and controlled due to the relationship pressure and influence exerted on him under Fiske’s four models.471 Student organization and friend groups or (in our case IJT) are responsible for transmitting not only personal values such as party identification and choosing political ideas and ideals, but also transmit the generally accepted consensual political ideals and values at the community and regime level.472

Although in University of Malakand students’ organizations and their activities are not allowed (however, IJT is having its organization, and carry out its activities secretly).

The common students in such an environment normally do not need affiliation with any organization, however, the case is very much different in University of Peshawar and

Gomal University D. I. Khan. Due to the competition for political power and influence, students organizations attract and influence common students with different tactics

(sometime they also use violent means). In such a situation, affiliating oneself with any organization becomes indispensable for some students.

471 Alan P. Fiske. (1992). The Four Elementary Forms of Sociality: Framework for a Unified Theory of Social Relations. Psychological Review. Vol. 99. pp. 689-723. 472 FGD with IJT, University of Malakand, October 24, 2016.

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On the other hand those students and individuals who have some contacts with any students organization within the university are prone and subject to absorption of

(consensual) political values. IJT not only believes in political struggle but practices it by actively involving its affiliates in political activities. They have made a kind of political system and setting for themselves in the university campuses.

Khwaja Faiz473 is of the opinion that “as Jamaat-i-Islami struggles within the country for a consensual political culture, similarly, IJT works for a peaceful environment within the university campuses”. In response to a question of “why IJT is more involved in violent activities in campuses than in other organizations?” Mr. Faiz said that “IJT considers itself custodian of Islamic culture in Pakistan which was founded in the name of

Islam. So if IJT notices anything un-Islamic or someone is doing any un-Islamic, un-ethical or immoral act, it is their duty to stop that by force.” And that the organization is ready and prepared for stopping and blocking any such move in universities which aimed at making the universities and campuses secularize, modernize and westernize. IJT has been dealing with anyone responsible for any such activity and move.474

Humaira Iqtidar considers Jamaat-i-Islami a staunch critic of the “Modernity” of the

West and its secular values and ideals. In her opinion the harsh response and criticism comes from Maududi’s literature.475 Historically JI has also agitated against the government on many issues and occasions which it considered against the perceived

Islamic and Pakistani culture.476

Such precedents and literature has set up the culture of forcefully stopping anyone whom IJT considers doing something un-Islamic (for example sitting with a female student

473 Khwaja Faiz is the president of Association of Traders in Chakdara Bazar. He Remained associated with IJT and was the first Nazim of IJT in Malakand University. 474 Interview with Khwaja Faiz, October 24, 2016. Chakdara: Dir 475 Humera Iqtidar. (2011). Secularizing Islam? Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamaat-ud-Dawa in Urban Pakistan. USA: University of Chicago Press. p.58 476 As JI has severely agitated against Ayub Khan policies related to Family laws and education in 1962-65. Sayyed Vali Reza Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of Islamic Revolution: The Jamaat-i-Islami of Pakistan. US: I. B. Tauris Publisher. p.161

179 in any lawn or canteen or celebration of Valentine’s day in the campuses etc). Such issues on one side if produce law and order situation in the campuses on the other side gain a

“violent” name for the organization. Even in March 2010 a student of Engineering

University Peshawar died due to a clash with IJT activists on a pity issue of playing music in his hostel room. The university remained closed for few weeks.477

Saltanatyar is of the opinion that though IJT is over-politicized and has become more violent yet it is very successful so far in introducing the consensual norms and values of JI in the students and other affiliates, thus occupying a central position in the transmission of prevailing political culture of the party, regime and Pakistan as a whole.478

Many people within the Jamaat see the role of IJT because of its enthusiastic youth and full commitment very important and significant. For example Shareer Khan considers IJT and the youth affiliated to JI as the real force for the revival of Islam (Ihya-i-Islam).479

However, a question may arise that why youth is much focused and is more important for JI in Pakistan? Historically there are two explanations: students had played a significant role in the creation of Pakistan, so the Jamaat leaders were aware of the energies, potential and commitment of the students. Furthermore, after the partition, students politics was ignored by the Muslim League, which created a great vacuum and space. Jamaat was the only party having the potential for influencing the youth effectively.480 Secondly, many restrictions, control and ban on political parties in different times made the parties to focus more on student politics and continue their imitative struggle against the authoritative regimes of Ayub, Bhutto and Zia. Though JI was least

477 Daily Dawn Karachi, March 20, 2010. 478 Saltanatyar is a practicing lawyer and JI activist in Chakdara, Dir. He was also an active IJT member in his student life. He said that he use to solve the IJT issues in University of Malakand. He further added that no JI member in his area allowed or provoked IJT members in University of Malakand for violence. Violent scuffles are very less in the university, however, if there are any, JI leaders and elders of the locality set together and solve the issue. October 24, 2016, Chakdara: Dir. 479 Shareer Khan is the head teacher in Madrassa Ahya-ul-Uloom Blambat Dir. October 25, 2016, Blambat: Dir. 480 PILDAT, Proposed Revival of Students’ Unions in Pakistan: Discussion Paper, Islamabad, Revised: September 2008.

180 affected with the restrictions and bans, yet, to counter other students organizations it had to focus on IJT.481

In the opinion of some scholars totalitarian regimes greatly focus on children and youth education and socialization. They introduce specific youth programs and activities for engagement of youth and transmission of specific and desired goals and norms.482 For this purpose, production, projection and promotion of different youth organizations in schools and colleges and other work places are established which serve the regime’s purpose in maintaining the status quo and instilling the regime favored political values in fellow citizens. A most suitable example in this regard can be the establishment of “Red

Guards” in socialist China.

In the late 60s during the great cultural revolution, the need for youth involvement was severely felt. The Maoist regime felt that without the proper engagement and involvement of the youth, the revolution could not be successful. Actually by involving the youth they were expecting to achieve three goals as described by Lifton (1968).483

First, they expected to gain commitment and enthusiasm from the youth, for the new drastic changes in the society. The commitment and enthusiasm of the youth ensured the implementation of the universal goals of the great “cultural revolution”.

Second, their aim in involvement of the youth was to symbolize the features of the

“great cultural revolution”. History is evident of the fact that without proper projection, promotion affiliation and symbolism of any kind of norms and values, and their transmission to other can merely be a dream. The revolutionaries were aware of the fact that only the youth can serve their aim in transmitting their universal aims and goals to other fellow beings.

481 Iqbal Haidar But. (2009). Revisiting Student Politics in Pakistan. Gujranwala: BARGAD. p.32 482 Haavelsrud Magnus. (2009). Reviewed Works: Education, Political Socialization and Extremism: Educating against Extremism. by Lynn Davies. British Journal of Sociology of Education. 30(1). p. 117 483 Robert J. Lifton. (1968). Revolutionary Immortality. New York: Random House.

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Thirdly, establishing new sphere of norms, values and goals can only be achieved if the old and existing institutions and norms are destroyed. The revolutionaries knew that only youth can attack the old institutions and ideas and help in establishing new cultural and social values.484 Therefore, the regime successfully engaged the youth in the whole process and became able to completely overhaul the society and system.

Maulana Maududi was also having an authoritarian approach and was accepting no flexibility in what he called the mandatory part of the Shariah.485 His intention was to educate and train a group of people who are not only equiped with Islamic knowledge but are also capable of organizing and managing all the affairs of a modern state and government.486 If on one side, he was opposed to modern Western educated Muslims on the other he was also having concerns about the traditional Madrassa educated Ulema. In his opinion the “old-fashioned schools are fasten to their conservatism to such a level that they have lost all touch and association with the modern world”. People who are socialized in such educational institutions used to be disconnected with the practicalities and problems of the modern world. These institutions cannot produce people and man power equiped with modern day knowledge along with their Islamic identity. Jamaat-i-Islami has to produce such a work force, and for that purpose universities are to be focused so that when an individual completes his education he is not only a modern educated individual but also equipped with Islamic knowledge.487 Youth for JI can serve all the three purposes which the youth served for socialist China.

JI and IJT therefore, focus on the education and political socialization of modern educated youth. Furthermore, community and regime level political participatory values are affectively influenced by friend groups or student organizations. Group discussion on

484 Ibid. pp.31-41 485 Khalid B. Sayeed. (1957). The Jamaat-i-Islami Movement in Pakistan. Pacific Affairs. vol. 30(1). pp.59-68 (67) 486 Syed Abul ‘Ala Maududi. (1952). Jamaat-i-Islami: Maqsad, Tareekah aur Laeha-e-Amal (Jamaat-i- Islami: Aim, Movement and Framework). Lahore: 3rd edition. p.41 487 Sayeed. (1957). The Jamaat-i-Islami Movement in Pakistan. pp.59-68

182 political objects and events, acceptance and rejection of a particular context or explanation of an issue and inclination towards particular ideal and ideology are significantly influenced by these student groups which associate them to a particular culture.

6.5.2 Transmission of Specific Political Norms and Values

As discussed earlier, family as an important agent of political socialization is responsible for the indoctrination of specific political values in the children. However, during the interaction of the children with other (Group members) a deviation can be seen in their political behavior. This change in the understanding and analysis of political values, events and objects is due to the group discussion about political events and political parties.

Although, in the previous chapter it was discussed that many of the IJT members come from the families who already have some level of acquaintance and association with

JI, however, majority of the students affiliated with IJT get their first lesson of politics and political activism in the folds of IJT. So for those students who are not being indoctrinated

JI ideology in their families, IJT can prove a vital re-socialization agent. So the transmission of “particular norms and values” can be more visible in such students. The particular norms and values are “enhanced organizational skills, habits of study, interest and participation in political and civic activities, modesty and religious practices”.488

Thus for those (new) students, values and norms like these prove significant components in their behavior change. Some scholars believe that due to difference in social background and family socialization, different students while entering in some friend groups or students organizations may produce some dissentious norms and values.489

However, IJT affiliates don’t accept this argument. In their opinion IJT members work in

488 FGD with IJT members, University of Malakand, Chakdara: Dir. October 24, 2016. 489 Robert Putnam. (1966). Political Attitudes and the Local Community. American Political Science review, 60,(September): 640-655,; Gentzkow M. Shapiro, J. M. (2011). Ideological Segregation Online and Offline. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. vol. 126. pp. 1799–839

183 complete harmony and everyone is having similar politico-social understanding of events and issues.490 Differences (if any) cannot remain for long in IJT, hence subjected and pressurized for equality, equilibrium and similarity in values. Consensual environment is tried to be maintained by some agreed upon specific political values and understanding which effectively absorbs the differences in values and understanding among the members.

The newly acquired and adopted values of the new IJT members are the group appropriate and accepted politico-social values, so they have to live with them.491

A groups politico-social values and norms thus become more important for an individual than his earlier personal or family values. It can therefore, be argued that as the new members are exposed to deliberate manipulation in terms of value transfer and indoctrination, the manipulator (IJT) can mold the political behavior of the associated members in its desired direction. However, due to a pre-designed socialization process and training, the transferred politico-social values are almost constant and similar for each coming generation. Environment and context do induce new ideas in the organization but the overall education, training and socialization of the members remain the same. This similarity and continuity has made IJT more stable because of the connectivity with the previous generations. This culture of continuity has also proved fruitful for JI because IJT is continuously producing man power, workers and leaders to the party with similar values, organizational skills and ideological commitment.

6.5.3 IJT Creates A Subculture of their Own

As discussed earlier, the element of equality and similarity in norms and values among IJT members are the important factors in maintaining the organization united and active. For avoiding any inconvenience in the group relationship, the members are to agree

490 FGD with IJT members, University of Malakand, Chakdara: Dir. October 24, 2016. 491 Ibid.

184 upon a kind of their own culture and environment of does and do nots. The respect for the senior member of the organization is an important aspect of this culture.

IJT subculture encompasses study circles, debate competition and book fairs. It is also involved in welfare activities i.e. admission support in term of accessing and filling in of correct admission forms.492 It is also note worthy that during the admission days IJT use to establish admission camps within the campus in Peshawar. All the members are assigned duties for different days and times. For the new comers it regularly organizes welcome parties. The new students are also assisted in getting their university ID cards and hostel admission.

IJT members consider themselves distinct and different entity within the university community and society. They try to express their differences in different ways. Their ways of talking, behavior, eating, and dressing are different from the members of other students organizations within the campuses.493 These all constitute a different culture for them i.e. the subculture of IJT.

492 Iqtidar. (2011). Secularizing Islam? p. 58. 493 FGD with IJT members, University of Malakand, Chakdara: Dir. October 24, 2016.

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6.6 JAMIAT TALBA ISLAM PAKISTAN (JTI)

Jamiat Talba Islam Pakistan is the student organization of Jamiat Ulema Islam. It was established in 1967/68 in Multan.494 The central leadership of JUI at that time was attracted by the students’ political activism across the country. The conventional educational institutions had three types of students organizations at that time. The newly emerged people’s student federation, the leftist “National Student Federation” and Islami

Jamiat Talba. All these students organizations were giving tough time to Ayub Khan’s administration in the university campuses for his policies regarding education and economy.495

JUI leadership realized that Ayub government was the guest of few days. He will be announcing new elections, so they need to reorganize the party and start working for the coming elections. However, they had very few members educated in universities. Majority of the party workers were madrassa graduates. So in the opinion of Mufti Mehmood the party should also organize the students and utilize their potential not only for the party but for the greater cause of Islam.496

The party felt the need of its introduction in the university campuses because the already three political organizations were creating a significant gap between different strata of the society. One group was inducing in the students pro-Marxist ideology, the other was striving for division on ethnic and nationalistic basis. The third group though Islamic in nature but in the view of different Ulema was spreading Maududi’s modern thoughts of

Islam in universities. It was also regarded as a violent Islamist organization, because of which many students were distancing themselves not only from IJT but Islam itself.

494 Interview with Abdul Hakim Akbari, December 09, 2016, Dera Ismail Khan. Abdul Hakim Akbari is a member of JUI Central Executive Council (Markazi Majlis Shura). He remained JTI president and was present in the very first meeting for the organization in 1967 in Multan. 495 Ibid. 496 Ibid.

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Furthermore, there was a huge gap between a university graduate (mister) and a madrassa graduate (mullah).497

The Ulema realized the need for eradicating this difference of mullah and mister and bringing them on one table. They view this difference as, “the creation of colonial masters, the British.” The colonial masters wanted to divide the nation into different categories and create differences in them. This difference also had a special “tag” and material utilities. A graduate from a college or university was given more attention in terms of government jobs and services as compared to a madrassa graduate.498

So the organizers were expecting two kinds of outcomes from JTI. First it will introduce the politics and political struggle of the Ulema in universities and colleges.

Secondly, it will eradicate the mullah mister difference and will bring both “classes” of the society on same page and table where they both collectively can serve Islam in a better way.499

6.7 AIMS AND OBJECTIVES

The primary goal of JTI is “the individual and collective struggle and efforts for seeking the pleasure and acquiescence of Allah the Almighty (Raza-i-Elahi ka Hasool) according to the principles of Quran and Sunnah under the guidance and leadership of

“Righteous Ulema” (Ulema-i-Haq).”500 For this purpose the organization considers the propagation of the true faith, belief and ideology the most significant and important elements.501 JTI being the students representative organization of JUI effectively takes part

497 Ibid. 498 Ibid. 499 Interview with Maulana Hamdullah, December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan. 500 Constitution of JTI Pakistan, Article 2. 501 Maulana Tayyeb Akbari, Provincial General Secretary JTI Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, December 08, 2016, D. I. Khan.

187 in propagation and promotion of the “true” Islamic faith. The propagation is not limited to college and university students but to all the Muslims.502

The true faith and ideology consist of several other components after belief in

Allah. The finality of the Prophet Mohammad (Peace be Upon Him) is the most important and integral part of this ideology. A person cannot be a Muslim until and unless he affirms the finality of the prophet Mohammad (PBUH). JTI will protect and safeguard the belief in the finality of prophethood. JTI considers the devoted and pious companions of the prophet, “the standard of truthfulness and religiosity”. All the members of the organization are seeking guidance from the lives and struggle of those pious companions in every aspect of their individual and collective lives.503

In Maulana Akbari opinion JTI’s aims and goals are not limited only to contemporary political struggle but to reconnect the students with their glorious past and to prepare them for their future roles and responsibilities as well. The implementation and introduction of Islamic education system in Pakistan can be the first step in reclaiming their glorious past. It is the top priority of JTI to struggle for Islamic system of education, which is free of all kind of differences and prejudices. Only such a system can efface the differences between different people and classes of the society. It will also ensure similar and equal opportunities for all. Most importantly it will obliterate the mister and mullah concept.504

Maulana Tayyeb considers the organization very important and significant for instilling the feelings of unity and patriotism among the students. In his opinion, the patriotism is not only association and expression of love to one’s homeland but the Muslim ummah as well. JTI is prepares them for jihad, a jihad with pen and a jihad with knowledge. For this purpose the organization focuses on the character building of the

502 Ibid. 503 Ibid. 504 Interview with Maulana Abdul Hakim Akbari, December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan

188 students on the moral grounds set forth by the pious companions of the Prophet and the

Ulema. It also focuses on the intellectual capacity building of the students to prepare them for the establishment of a true Islamic society.505 JTI also strives for the solution of students problems in Pakistan. Its aim is “to be an organization which can (will) redress the ill and perversive propaganda of the Orientalists against Islam. It has to thwart and prevent the a-religious and irreligious movements of the enemies of Islam through which they spread atheism and disbelief among the people in general and Muslim youth and students in colleges and universities in particular.506

6.9 ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE

The organizational structure is divided in four levels. At the top is the central organization, then each of the four provinces has their organizations. Each province is then divided into different district organizations, which is further divided into local organization. The local organization’s structure is not specified in the constitution. It can be divided in different units like Tehsil or towns. These units are then divided into union councils and village councils.

Universities are considered as individual units. However, except Gomal University

D. I. Khan the organization is not active or even does not posses any organizational structure. Those Madrassas where boarding facility is available for the students are also recognized as separate units.

The administrative activities of the organization are carried out by the president and the general secretary (Nazim umoomi). The president is assisted by two vice presidents and the GS by two secretaries. Other members of the administration are included but not limited to finance sectary and press secretary. The president and the GS for central and provincial organization are elected for three years while at the district or unit their term is

505 Interview with Maulana Tayyeb, December 08, 2016, D. I. Khan. 506 Constitution of JTI, Article 3(10).

189 one year. They are elected by the members of general council of each level through secret ballot.507 However, the members only have the choice to vote one out of five candidates whose names are suggested by the “guardian” (Sarparast) of the respective level. The guardian is appointed by the general council of Jamiat Ulema Islam at the respective level.

The guardian is responsible for looking after the student organization and provides them guidance in religio-political and social issues.508

There are three councils in the organization at each level. The first, the most important and powerful is the General council (Majlis-i-Umoomi). This council consists of all the adjunct and full members of the local organization. The local organization sends one member to the district council on every ten local members. The district similarly elects one member to the provincial council upon every ten members. The provincial council elect one member for central council for every three members in the provincial council.

As all the members are elected at the local organizations, they thus are first responsible to their local organizations. Although president of each level is the administrative head yet he and his whole cabinet is responsible and answerable to the general council. The final authority of decision making in each level lies with the general council. All the decisions are taken with mutual consultation and on majority basis. The central general council is responsible for making and approval of procedure and rules of business for the administrative council of the organization. It has to look and approve the amendment in the constitution of the organization.

The president of the respective level can summon a meeting of the general council.

The meeting can also be called upon the written request of the 2/3rd members of the general council. The central and provincial organizations are required to convene the general council meetings once in a year, while the district general councils are to meet

507 Constitution of JTI, Article 9. 508 Interview with Hafiz Jamshid. December 05, 2016, Lakki Marwat.

190 every four months. The local organization must hold the general council meeting in every two months.

The second council is called the consultative council (Majlis-i-Shura). The number of members for shura is fixed for each level. In the centre it has 36 members including all the presidents and general secretaries of the provinces. All the rest organizations have 21 members. 1/3rd members of the shura at each level are appointed by the guardian of the respective level. Its duration is the duration of the administrative council of the organization. However, it can continue till the next election and the announcement of the next shura.

The administrative council of each level is responsible to the respective shura.

Administrative council is also required to present the budget for approval from the respective level from shura. The constitution has also given the responsibility to shura for preparing and distributing literature and syllabus for the members.509

However, the organization still lacks any specified and required literature and syllabus as IJThas for each category of the members. Abdul Hakim Akbari said that during the early days of the organization they tried to prepare a specified course of literature for

JTI members but they could not do it. Recently in 2015-16 he has again tabled his proposal regarding specified literature not only for the JTI members but for the party associated workers and members as well, to the central shura of JUI. The shura has approved his proposal, but due to some internal differences between JUI Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provincial Amir and G.S, the idea is not yet materialized.510

Each member of the shura is required to attend all the meetings. However, if he fails to do so in two consecutive meetings, the president calls written explanation from him.

509 Constitution of JTI Article 12(7). 510 Maulana Abdul Hakim Akbari remained the central president of JTI. Regarding the specified literature he was of the opinion that it is very much necessary and required. The central shura has given the task and constituted a committee comprising of the provincial Amir Gul Nasib Khan and GS Shuja ul Mulk. However, the two have many differences between them on many administrative issues due to which the task of syllabus could not yet be completed.

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Failing to satisfy the president, if he again got absent from the third meeting in a row, his membership in the shura will automatically be ceased.

The third council is the administrative council (Majlis-i-Aamila). It consists of those members of the JTI who administer the affairs of the organization in their respective level.

The most important task is carrying the activities and day-to-day business of the organization. It has to keep the record of the activities of its respective level organization.

Every level Aamila is responsible for implementing the decisions and policies of the

Aamila of the upper level. The collection of donation from the members at their level is also included in its duties. Each member is required to donate a nominal amount every month, which is divided in four parts. A major part is spent at the local level for organizing different activities. One part is send to the district organization, another to the provincial and the third one to the central organization.511

Central Aamila is required to meet every three months, provincial every two months, district once a months and the local every fifteen days. If any member failed to attend three consecutive meetings the president can call explanation from him and can suspend or terminate his membership from Aamila. All the decisions are taken on majority basis and then sent to Shura and Majlis-i-Umoomi of the respective level for approval. In such cases the quorum for the Aamila and shura is 1/2 of their members and for Majlis-i-

Umoomi 2/3rd of the registered members. All the important issues are discussed in each council and decided on mutual consultation and on majority basis.512

Aamila is also responsible for keeping the log book and detailed record of activities of the organization. For example most importantly it has to keep record and details of all the associated members at the particular level. Secondly, it is also expected to keep the record of monthly income and expenditure. The major source of income is the donation of

511 Maulana Tayyeb, D. I. Khan December 08, 2016. 512 Ibid.

192 the members, so the organization (the finance secretary) has to keep record of the donation of every member.

6.8 MEMBERSHIP PROCEDURE

There are two categories of members in JTI, adjunct members (Maavin) and the

Members (Arkaan). For the adjunct members it is not necessary that he should be student in any college or Madrassa. Every Muslim (male) if his age is not above 21 years and fully agreed with the goals, aims, objectives and procedure of JTI, can become the adjunct member. The constitution of JTI has explicitly defined what the term “Muslim” means.513

It is also required for the adjunct member that he should not be a member of any other organization or a public servant. An individual can get the full membership of JTI if he remains adjunct member for two years. So it can also be termed as the first stage of JTI membership.

The second category of the membership is Rukn (a full fledge member). This category of members is important in the sense that they are the one who occupy the official or administrative slots of the organization. The membership is granted to a person who remained adjunct member for two years and has a clean record of activities within the organization. A member must be a student in any Madrassa or college or university. He is also required to practice and abide by all the essentials and practice all the elements of

Islam. He also must not be associated to any other political organization. He should not be holding any public office or government service. Any such person after completion of his required two years association with the organization as adjunct member can apply for membership. His respective local organization head (president) issues him the membership

513 Ibid. Article 4.

193 card and brings that in the notice and record of the central president through the district and provincial organization.514

The membership in JTI is till the study duration of the member. Even a person can remain member till one year after the expiration of the study and schooling. However, he can be removed or his membership can be suspended up-till sixty days if he is found in violating his terms of oath which he has taken while accepting the membership.

Every member is first responsible and answerable to the local organization which keenly observes the activities of the members. In case of the violation of rules or if a member is found creating differences and separate groups, the president of the respective organization will prepare a charge sheet against him and will present it in the general council of the local organization. The council if approves the charge sheet, will forward it to the central president via provincial organization. The final authority of expulsion or termination of membership lies with the central organization. The member will be given sixty days for his response and explanation. After his explanation or sixty days time, the president can terminate his membership or re-instate him.515

6.10 SOCIALIZATION OF THE MEMBERS

The basic idea behind the establishment of JTI is the education and socialization of the students. “The organization was not established for involving the students in politics.

The leadership of JUI neither in the past nor in the future will allow JTI to involve in political activities. Their only responsibility is educating themselves with what is an appropriate Islamic ideology and what services they are required to render for the country and Ummah”.516

514 Ibid article 4(1-10) 515 Interview with Maulana Tayyeb, December 08, 2016, D. I. Khan. 516 This was told me by Qamar Zia, who remained general secretary JTI Gomal University in 2002-04. He was quoting Maulana Fazal-ur-Rehman, Amir JUI Pakistan. In Mr. Zia opinion JUI leadership was very much against the political activities of JTI in campuses. They at the university were always discouraged

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Khalid Mehmood who remained an active member of JTI in Gomal university narrated his story of their meeting with Maulana Mohammad Khan Shirani (a JUI prominent leader and ex-member and president of JTI and ex-chairman of Islamic Ideology

Council). Mr. Mehmood said that they had some official meeting of JTI with Maulana

Shirani who was very critical of the organization. Maulana Shirani was of the opinion that

“if he being at this level in the party and Maulana Fazal-ur-Rehman the Amir of the party do not allow and involve their children in active politics during their studies, why other people (students) get involved in any kind of politics. And how and why should he or the

Amir ask and demand others of any kind of political activism in their Madrassas and universities. The first priority of every student should be education and getting knowledge.

Yes, he can only advice them to keep in-touch with the Ulema and that’s it.”517

The primary focus of JTI is making students familiar with the religious personalities and their struggle and contribution for, particularly independence of India.518 The organization gives much attention to different conferences, seminars and guest lectures in the name and memory of those Ulema. The main socialization tactic can thus be these gatherings.519

Maulana Tayyeb is of the opinion that religiosity plays an important role in the socialization of JTI members. If a member is religious minded he can easily be indoctrinated the political values and ideology of JUI. Conferences in this regard have proved very helpful.520 These conferences are attended by prominent scholars who are given a topic for talk. The organizers normally name such conferences or conventions as training conventions (Tarbiyati conventions), Afkaar e Shaikh-ul-Hind convention

from involving in any political scuffle with other student organizations. They were also not allowed to involve in any kind of strikes which could cause any harm to their studies. November 30, 2016, Peshawar. 517 Khalid Mehmood in his late 30s remained Senior vice president of JTI in Gomal University D.I. Khan in 2002-2004. Karak, December 04, 2016. 518 Interview with Hafiz Jamshid, December 05, 2016, Lakki Marwat. 519 Interview with Maulana Hamdullah, December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan. 520 Maulana Tayyeb, December 08, 2016, D. I. Khan.

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(thoughts of Shaikh ul Hind), Maqasid-i-Taleem conference (objectives of education) and

Azm-i-Inqilab conference (determination for revolution) etc.521

In Maulana Hamdullah’s opinion “such conferences if on one side keep the students away from active politics on the other side transmit them political knowledge and ideology”. In response to another question regarding heroism and role of personalities in socialization of the JTI members, Maulana added that “the struggle of Ulema in Indo-

Pakistan is not something new, it can be traced back to Mujaddad Alaf Sani who revived

Islam in his time in India. Then Shah Wali Ullah and his sons remained active for the cause of Islam. After that the sacred cause was espoused by Deoband movement. So it is a chain of events and personalities which are very important to be transmitted to the coming generations. JUI is the continuation of Mujaddad Alaf Sani and Shah Waliullah’s philosophies for us the personalities and the cause both are important. We try to teach the new members how those people struggled and fought for a sacred cause. It is very important to idealize them and their struggle”.522

JTI is considered as a Madrassa based students organization. For Hafiz Jamshid it is true to a larger extent. Though he remained the provincial general secretary of the organization when he was in university, however, in the beginning it was a madrassa where he was introduced to the organization. In his opinion the basic cause of it can be the passiveness of the organization in colleges and universities. Students, normally, approach and associate with those organizations which are active, and can solve their problems with the administration and other student organizations. JTI is not doing all these activities openly and on a larger scale.523

In Madrassas all the students have same environment and same values are taught and transferred to them. They have no opposition at all. Even the teachers also have similar

521 Ibid. 522 Maulana Hamdullah, December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan. 523 Hafiz Jamshid, December 05, 2016, Lakki Marwat.

196 values and approaches towards political issues and events. Therefore, all of them are associated with the same political organization, in Deobandi madaris that is JTI.524 Because of the lack of any competition, political activities are very rare. Study burden on students in madrassa is more than in colleges and universities. The students are usually not free for any such activities.

Some madrassas even being run by JUI affiliated people, do not allow the students to be a part of any political organization. For example, though, Jamia Halimia Darra Pezu is run by JUI affiliated people and has been producing prominent Ulema who are very active in JUI but the administration has banned every sort of political activities for the students. The students have the JTI organization and membership in the madrassa but all the activities are carried out off the madrassa premises. In such a situation how can the organization be active.525

On the other hand in university campuses politics and political activities require lots of resources which JTI is lacking. The only mean of income it has is the monthly donation of the members which is not enough for activities. Also that the organization is not financially supported by the party leaders and other affiliated workers because of their policy of a-politicization for it.526

According to Hafiz Jamshid, the friendly behavior and openness of JTI members in universities are big tools in attracting new students in the organization. In their time in the university, they never ever reacted at any personal issues of the students like that of IJT members, for example they never stopped or tend to stop the grouping and sitting of male students with the female in the university. Never caused trouble with other students in playing and listening to music. Never forced any student to abide by a particular order or

524 Maulana Hamdullah, December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan 525 Maulana Tayyeb, December 08, 2016, D. I. Khan. 526 Ibid.

197 obligation of Islam. Even JTI members in the hostels used to listen to music and play cards with their friends.527

JTI provides a suitable platform to those students, who, to some extent have religious inclination but don’t want to participate actively in political activities in universities. Those students whose families are affiliated with JUI are constitute the major part of the organization. For the new members the joining process can be divided in different phases, however, differentiating one phase from the other is a difficult task. Also inclusion and joining of each member is based on different context and situation.

In the first phase the new members are influenced and attracted by the behavior, attitudes and beliefs of JTI members. As discussed above the behavior of JTI members remained very friendly and open from the very beginning so someone even not joining it, at least develops respect for the organization. Secondly, the non-violent character and passiveness in political activities in university campuses also develope positive images of the organization. However, very few people formally join the organization, which can be its big failure.

In university campuses, students join one political organization or another because of their expectations and needs. For example some students consider Islami Jamiat Talba suitable for them because it can help them in getting their work done in the administration.

IJT can provide and facilitate them in the allotment of hostel rooms and in case of rivalry, protection from the opposite person or organization. Similarly, other organizations also facilitate their affiliates in different capacities (right or wrong). But the case with JTI is very much different. The organization is joined by those students (in particular) who do not have any such expectations. JTI also do cares for its associates and members but not in the way other organizations do.528 So in this phase all those who give up their expectations

527 Hafiz Jamshid, December 05, 2016, Lakki Marwat. 528 Maulana Tayyeb, December 08, 2016, D. I. Khan.

198 chose to become a part of JTI. Hafiz Jamshid is of the opinion that it is not possible to be a part of any organization without expecting something in return. JTI affiliates if on one side expect mutual friendship and respect from the group members and party leadership on the other side they consider it a service to Islam. In their opinion and belief, being a part for the cause of Islam will get them reward in the eternal life. So the expectations are more for the next life (life after death).529

In the next phase the further socialization of the newly associated members starts.

They are motivated to attend different training gatherings (tarbiyati ijtimaat) of the organization and the party. Such gatherings give them some insight of JUI political ideology and strategies. In Hafiz Jamshid’s opinion students in this phase if socialized properly remain firm and with full commitments to the party in the future. Majority of such students associate themselves with active politics in one way or the other.530

Many associates of JTI leave political activities after completion of their studies.

One cause of it can be the passive nature of the organization. Another can be the lack of mechanism and organizational setup for the alumnae of JTI. Unlike IJT (the farmer members remain connected with one another and with the organization after completion of their studies in the name of “Halqa-i-Ahbab”) JTI has no such mechanism and understanding.

JTI leaders and members believe in mutual respect and harmony. They have set a tradition of inviting the leaders and representatives of all the student organizations and societies in university when they organize any event or program.531

In madrassas no political groups and organizations are allowed to function other than JTI. So the students have no choice but to join JTI. It is also a fact that madrassas in

Pakistan are based on sects and their religious ideology. Every sect has their own madrassa

529 Hafiz Jamshid, December 05, 2016, Lakki Marwat. 530 Ibid. 531 Maulana Tayyeb, December 08, 2016, D. I. Khan.

199 network. So if anyone is studying in Deobandi (JUI) affiliated madrassa he has to follow

Deoband political ideology. All the students before joining any madrassa have the knowledge and information about the religio-political ideology of those running the madrassa and those teaching there.532 Also that majority of the students who join madrassas for religious education belong to such families who have some religious inclinations.

Therefore, in majority cases new students have already been put on track by their families.

In madrassas the activities of the students inspire the new students for joining the organization. For example in madrassa Jamia Halimia Darra Pezu majority of the students are associated with the debating society which regularly arranges debates on different topics. Maulana Tayyeb who also graduated from the same madrassa said that the society plays a significant role in attracting new students. The students here are given training for speeches in public. The administration though does not allow anyone for any political activity, yet the affiliated students carry out the activities of JTI in disguise of the debating society.533

The goals of the organization are very simple and clear to everyone in a madrassa.

“Struggle for the cause of Islam”, which JUI is doing very effectively and efficiently among the religio-political parties in Pakistan. The students in Madaris are to be Ulema in the coming days. Therefore, they only have the choice to join JTI if desire association with

JUI in future.534

CONCLUSION

Students’ organizations are the nurseries of JI and JUI. Students from colleges and universities provide workers and leaders to JI and from Madrassa constitute a major part of

JUI. The political ideologies, approaches and strategies are indoctrinated and taught to

532 Maulana Hamdullah, December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan. 533 Maulana Tayyeb, December 08, 2016, D. I. Khan. 534 Maulana Abdul Hakim Akbari, December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan.

200 students in colleges and universities. Both IJT and JTI have the blessings of their respective parties, however, the farmer seems to be more independent and autonomous in its administration and decision making. JTI on the other hand to some extent is in the hands and grip of the party. Guardian at each level has to look after and supervise the activities of the organization. He also has the authority in selecting candidates for national election. IJT has its own shura which take decisions accordingly. Their autonomy and independence was more visible during Zia rule, where the organization was busy in protests and the party was unable to convince them. Regarding the socialization of the members, IJT is ahead of

JTI. IJT is having a systematic and centralized system for the training of the new members, with more focus on the literature. The organization has designed a syllabus for each category of the members. The office bearers of the organization also keep the day-to-day activities record of the members. It is also very active in organizing different activities in campuses. JTI though is passive in campuses but active in madrassas. Though today majority of the members in JI and JUI are socialized and indoctrinated in educational institutions, yet there are other members in the parties who were not inclined towards the party in educational institutions. How these other people are socialize(d) and indoctrinated for joining the party?

Joining and leaving of any specific group or party is subject to certain contexts and some other agents. These other agents provide adequate knowledge regarding a group or party. Media or mass media is one of the other agents which indoctrinate the people and transmit to them politico-social ideologies. Media has enormous and significant impacts on the lives and behavior of the people and it is considered an important agent in the socialization and re-socialization of individuals. The next chapter explores the impacts of media in indoctrinating political ideologies specially those of JI and JUI to the people.

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CHAPTER – 7

POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION AND MEDIA

This chapter discusses the role of media in the political socialization of JI and JUI workers. It specifically focuses on how modern media and communication tools are used and utilized by JI and JUI. With the common tools of communication, both the parties also compete for the control of loudspeaker of the mosques. Mosque occupies a central position in the propagation and indoctrination of political ideologies of religious parties in Dir and

D. I. Khan, so whosoever controls the mosque is controlling the whole muhalla

(community). Because of the excessive commercial nature of the traditional media, both the parties are unable to take any significant advantage of it in terms of propagation of their ideology and political program. Though JI is trying to fill this gap with the maximum use of social media, JUI affiliates and leadership arerelatively less familiar with the modern social media and communication tools.

7.1 AN AGENT OF SOCIALIZATION

Media is the forth gigantic agent of socialization. It has significant impacts on the personality development, opinion making, values transfer and political indoctrination of individuals. Its impacts are visible not only in relatively a younger age but at every age during the life time of individual. Scholars and researchers are of the opinion that the impacts of mass media starts at an early age of two and continue throughout the life of individual.

Media or mass media are the different tools and processes which facilitate or tend to facilitate communication between a sender of a message and a receiver. It includes but not limited to radio, television, films, newspaper, magazines, cell phones, internet and social media.

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Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam being religio-political parties compete for political power in Pakistan. They need their ideology, program and strategies to reach not only to their followers but to public in an effective and convincing way. For propagation of their ideologies both the parties are using different tactics and media, ranging from print to electronic media and now social media. Along with the conventional print and electronic media, this research also focuses on some other medium especially mosques, effectively used by both the religious parties for indoctrinating and propagating their political ideologies in Dir and D. I. Khan. The basic questions which have been investigated are, how and what role media play in the political socialization and indoctrination of the people in Dir and D. I. Khan? And how JI and JUI use different media for propagating their political ideologies?

This chapter analyzes the role of media in JI and JUI socialization of their workers, under different theoretical perspectives and models. The effects of media on the behavior and personality development of an individual can best be described and evaluated through the “general learning model”, applied by “Barlett and Anderson”535 and “Buckley and

Anderson”.536 This model, which is basically derived from the ‘general aggression model’ provide an excellent framework for studying the media effect in both short term and long term. The model tends to describe those procedures and processes by means of which character and behaviors of individuals are affected. It shows that how an environmental stimulus affects the social behavior of a social being in a specific context for a short time and long term. For example, in the elections 2002 when an alliance of six religious political parties was made, people in huge number joined JUI and JI in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

Maulana Gul Nasib Khan linked it with the effectiveness of propagating the program of

535 Christopher Paul Barlett & Craig A. Anderson. (2013). Examining Media Effects: The General Aggression and General Learning Models. Chapter in E. Scharrer (eds.), Media Effects/Media Psychology. Blackwell- Wiley, Hoboken: NJ. pp. 1-20 536 Katherine E. Buckley and Craig A. Anderson. (2006). A Theoretical Model of the Effects and Consequences of Playing Video Games. Chapter in P. Vorderer & J. Bryant (eds.), Playing Video Games - Motives, Responses, and Consequences. Mahwah, NJ: LEA. pp. 363-378

203 religious alliance.537 Some people however, left the parties after their government was over in 2008. We can call such changes in behavior “a short-term behavior changes”.

The effects and consequence for short term behavior changes are for a relatively short period. However, these changes can be transformed to long term behavioral changes if the individuals are repeatedly exposed and encountered to specific stimuli and social interactions. Repeated exposure to certain ideas, ideals and material can permanently or for a long-time affect the behavior, habits, beliefs and tendencies of individual in a specific social environment. Miraj Khan in this regard gives the example of Dir, where majority of the people are associated with JI and are being exposed to similar social environmental stimuli. Different mediums and modes of interaction with one another remained same for a long time. The people’s association, therefore, with JI and promotion and propagation of the norms and values associated with them is constant and producing long term behavior effects on them and the new members of the society (children).538

Regarding socialization of workers and propagation of JI ideology in D. I. Khan

Zaid Muhibbullah believes people learn and develop their behavior, habits, beliefs and attitudes from interaction and encounter with others through different medium (either in real world or in virtual space). What is learned, and how is it learned is determined by the context and environment to which an individual is exposed. Also the magnitude of the context and methods of the propagation are important in the same way. JI in D. I. Khan depends more on fictional space and environment than the real one, which is why the organization is not that strong and active as in Dir and Malaknad.539 So the effects of the socialization of JI and its ideology on general public are relatively short term effects.

537 Interview with Maulana Gul Nasib Khan, Provincial Amir JUI Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, November 25, 2016, Peshawar. 538 Miraj Khan is JI youth general secretary for Tehsil Blambat Dir. November 24, 2016, Blambat: Dir 539 Zaid Muhibbullah is a practicing lawyer and the District Amir of JI D. I. Khan. December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan.

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In Mufti Khalid’s opinion propagation of norms, values, ideology and socialization of the people, either for short term or long term, requires two basic elements. First, environment (some sphere) and the second is media or some other tools. For example, JUI in Dir is very difficult to gain any electoral success because of the lack of both the required elements. The general environment is not in the favor of the party and the conventional media of propagation and indoctrination (mosques in this case) are not in the hands of

Ulema associated to JUI.540

This environment can also be called public sphere. The environment or public sphere is very much important and significant for socialization of the people. Habermas defines public sphere as “a zone between the state’s political institutions and private sphere of the individual citizens”. He argues that the role of media is much crucial in shaping and maintaining the public sphere.541 In other words if JUI and JI do not have media or different mediums (in mufti Khalid’s view mosques)542, they would not shape public spheres for themselves.

The most important aspect of public sphere is that, a debate and discussion is facilitated and created here. The debate normally encompasses the in-efficiency of state institutions and the public representatives, regarding the failure in the delivery of promised services for the social welfare and progress of the locality. JI and JUI (can) exploit the debate and discussion on religious grounds, by again and again calling for a social system based on the principle of Islam.543

540 Mufti Khalid is press secretary JUI Dir. December 23, 2016, Talash: Dir 541 Jorgen Habermas. (1991). The Structural, Transformation of Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society. Boston: MIT press. pp 14-25 542 Mosques are important for propagation of political ideology. It is generally believed that who so ever (JI, JUI) run the affairs of a mosque, have significant ideological impacts on people of the community. The Friday prayer sermon in this regard is considered very important, because the imam use to propagate about those things and issues, which are relevant to his political (party) ideology or thoughts. (Mufti Khalid) 543 Maulana Saadatullah Khan is first cousin of JUI chief Maulana Fazal ur Rehman. December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan.

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This is where the opinion of the people is shaped and they are (tend to be) indoctrinated a specific politico-religious ideology. However, the context and the public sphere is not uniform for all the people and places in terms of debates and values transfer.

For uniformity in the transmitted values and socialization media play its role. The debate at a specific context and situation is voiced and transformed by media.

Now by looking into the socialization of workers and propagation of ideology and party program of JI and JUI, three basic components are essential. Individuals or citizens, debate and discussion and public sphere. In Maulana Hamdullah opinion, individuals and citizens in today’s world of easy access to modern information communication, are becoming very rational, hard calculators, self-decision makers and capable of having debates and discussions on different issues and events, while some carrying very valid arguments. Sometime it seems very difficult to deal with such people and convince them regarding the party, merely on religious slogans. Their debates and discussions, for most of the time, revolve around essentials for a good and welfare society, according to the essence and concept of representative democracy. In his opinion “as all the individual and citizens are equal, therefore, no one has the right to manipulate the decisions of other or even state institutions. The party, therefore, is needed to make any sort of decisions and policies after extensive discussions and debates between the citizens and the party representatives”.544

This is where the role of communication starts. Communication between different people and with the party workers and leadership facilitates the process of socialization.

According to Habermass, communication have much more weightage in these processes. It is one of the most important and essential elements and factors which validate the existence of public sphere.545

544 Maulana Hamdullah an affiliate of JUI is a head teacher in Madrassa Jamia Mahmudia Eid Gah D. I. Khan. He remained Amir of JUI Tehsil D. I. Khan. He is currently a member of central executive council of the party. December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan. 545 Habermas. (1991). The Structural, Transformation of Public Sphere. pp. 177-178

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Habermas public space is situated between the private space of the citizens i.e. family and personal affairs and states or political space i.e. the executive, judicial and legislative spaces. In such a context media play a vital role between the different spaces.

Media create , validate and maintain public sphere for debates and discussions and help in aggregating public opinion. It can be seen as the promoter of the interests of the dominant actors in the society and system. Who are those dominant actors, are determined by the possessions of the tools and means of media. Whosoever has those tools and means, will have a significant role and say in promoting their interests, values and ideology. Schatz

Winfried (1997) opined that media can manipulate public (sphere) because of the personal interests of the owners. The owners thus are (can be) the influential individuals or groups with political powers within a society.546

7.2 PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT OF INDIVIDUALS

Although people associated to JI and JUI are more or less socialized in families and education institutions (colleges and madrassas), yet, media (conventional) also play an important role in this regard. Theoretically, the long-term impacts of media on the personality development of an individual can be studied in the light of cognitive constructs, cognitive emotional construct and emotional construct concepts. Although these three seems to be different but they are very much inter-related processes in the personality development studies in behavior and social sciences. These fall in the domain of cognitive constructivism school of thought.

Cognitive constructivism opposed to social constructivism holds the idea of learning and knowing from individuals’ perspective. It describes the mind as individual and thus restricting its domain to the individual head only. The theory is based on the classic work of Jean Piaget, a Swiss psychologist. The theory is basically a debate about the

546 Schatz Winfried. (1997). Changes of Mass Media and Public Sphere. The Public. vol. 5(1997). pp. 57-69.

207 individual (children) behavior development and values acquisition. It has two major parts i.e. the ages and stages component and theory of development.547

The ages and stages component of his theory describes and predicts “what individual (children) can and what they cannot understand at different age and time”. The development theory debates on how individual develops cognitive abilities.

Though contexts play a significant role in the socialization and particularly political motivation of individuals, yet, political parties such as JI and JUI can only exploit or utilize the specific situation and context for short duration. As the Piaget theory suggests and proposes that human being cannot be indoctrinated or given any such information which they can understand and use at once. So if anyone is voting for JI and JUI in a particular election or constituency, it does not signify that (s)he is indoctrinated the ideology of the party, rather it is the context or situation which is playing its role.548 In Piaget view individuals construct their own knowledge from the information provided to them.

However, the construction of any such knowledge, the experience (political and social) is also kept in mind. Experience and previous knowledge of any object and issue helps individual create schemas, which are not something stagnant, closed and fixed. These are changed, enlarged and transformed to a more sophisticated stage through the assimilation and accommodation of further knowledge and experience.549 Thus JI and JUI (have to) do a continuous indoctrination process, where the individuals are transmitted and transformed norms, values and political ideologies.

Construction and acquisition of new knowledge regarding any object and issue are because of some stimuli and information. The stimuli and information are to affect the seven basic emotions as Ekman (1992) has described. These are anger, fear, sadness, disgust, happiness, surprise and contempt. All other emotions of individual are the result of

547 Jean Piaget. (1936). Origins of Intelligence in the Child. London: Rutledge and Kegan Paul. 548 Mufti Khalid is press secretary JUI Dir. December 23, 2016, Talash, Dir. 549 Piaget. (1936). Origins of Intelligence.

208 these seven basic emotions.550 These emotions are affected and stimulated through communication and interactions with other fellow beings.

For political indoctrination and socialization in JI and JUI these seven emotions are stimulated with different tools and techniques. For example JI since its inception is against the western way of life and system of government. In the opinion of Aziz (2001), Maududi considered three components of modern (western) world and civilization evils: Western democracy, secularism and nationalism. According to Maududi these are un-Islamic and evil in nature.551 JI affiliates still hold the same opinion. So this concept of Maududi is transmitted to the people by producing fear and anger in them. For example the fear of dominance of western way of life and values. The values as perceived to be un-Islamic, which will ultimately subdue the Islamic identity of the people as being Muslims and

Pakistan as being Islamic republic. The fear produces anger in the people which is utilized by JI by projecting itself as the defender of Islamic identity of Pakistan and Muslims in

Pakistan.552

JUI also uses different emotional stimuli and tactics for seeking the attention and empathy of the common people. The most important in this regard, according to Maulana

Sadaatullah Khan is the safeguard of Islamic way of life. In his opinion after the 9/11 incident, law enforcement agencies in Pakistan made the life hard for the Ulema who are considered to have had soft corner for Taliban regime in Afghanistan. The religious seminaries across the country were suddenly declared as the breading places for producing and promoting terrorists which was something illogical and absolutely unacceptable for

JUI leadership. JUI effectively countered the propaganda by organizing a series of different conferences with the name Tahaffuz-i-Deni Madaris Conferences (Protection of religious seminaries conference) across Pakistan. The common people were told that Madaris do not

550 Paul Ekman. (1992). Are there Basic Emotions? Psychological Review. vol. 99(3). pp. 550–553. 551 Aziz. (2001). Pakistan’s Political Culture. p. 262 552 Zaid Muhibbullah, December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan.

209 have any role in promoting terrorism. These are the places where religious knowledge is given to the students and not guns. These are the places where the common people are guided regarding the principles, values and teachings of Islam. So it is important to protect these centers of Islam. JUI has taken that responsibility on its shoulders and the people must back them.553 The emotions of sadness, disgust and contempt were addressed by instilling in them fear of losing Islamic way of life, values and traditions.

Hafiz Jamshid554 calls it a pure political strategy of JUI which has nothing to do with Islamic practices. He holds an opinion that JUI is much successful in attracting people by appealing to their religious sentiments, but in real, the party is not much serious for the

Islamic cause. That is why it is losing its credibility. In response to a question regarding the electoral gains of JUI, Hafiz Jamshid replied that JUI may win seats in Lakky Marwat,

Banno and D. I. Khan, but it does not mean that common people are unanimously up for their (JUI) tasks and demands. They win because people do not have any other option.

Whenever, they got an option, they gave their decisions in favor of other candidates. The basic issue is educating and socializing the voter and the affiliates. Has JUI effectively socialized the voter or has only appealed to their religious sentiments during elections? Had they done that, there would not have been any possibility of winning elections against JUI in the southern region of the province.555

The most important tool in the hands of religious political parties for socialization and indoctrination of the people is the loud speaker of the mosque.556 In this regard the

Friday prayers sermon is significant. In those sermons, even political campaigns are carried out for the parties’ candidates contesting elections.557

553 Maulana Saadatullah Khan, December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan. 554 Hafiz Jamshid is JI vice president Lakky Marwat. He was previously an active member of JUI and had also remained provincial general secretary of Jamiat Talba Islam (a student organization of JUI). Hafiz Jamshid left JUI on the grounds of its non-serious attitude toward the Islamic cause in Pakistan. 555 Hafiz Jamshid, December 05, 2016, Lakky Marwat. 556 Maulana Sami Ur Rehman, ex-JI Amir District Karak. November 14, 2016. 557 Ibid.

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The whole process is based on the magnitude and contents of interactions between the party officials and common people. But is it possible to quantify the magnitude of every interaction and contents to which an individual is exposed? Obviously not. Every kind of individual interaction is not possible to be quantified, yet to a significant level, the individual exposure to conventional media and the content of media can be quantified, calculated and evaluated.

7.3 IMPACTS OF THE MEDIA

Scholars argued that the behavior, beliefs and attitudes which are learnt from media are based on and determined by the content of media and the exposure of individual to it.

For example Funk et al (2004) in their study found that long term exposure to violence in media develops pro-violent attitudes and behavior in the individual.558 If media shows some kind of positive contents, the effects on the personality development of individuals will be positive and vice versa. Also, that the impacts of the media socialization and indoctrination are for a long time. Therefore, this need greater attention in political socialization scholarships.

Both JUI and JI being religio-political parties, are very conservative and selective in terms of media contents for their children. During the early childhood, the parents’ role in media or selection of contents of media is highly significant. Researchers are of the opinion that the parents’ involvement in the selection of media contents promote positive effects and the children’s chances of exposure to the negative impacts of media reduces.559

For JUI affiliated families the negative impacts of media are the Western cultural attacks on Islamic culture and way of life. In their opinion the contents of media are

558 Jeanne B. Funk, Heidi Bechtoldt Baldacci, Tracie Pasold and Jennifer Baumgardner. (2004). Violence Exposure in Real life, Video Games, Television, Movies and the Internet: is there Desensitization? Journal of Adolescence. 27(1). pp.23–39. 559 Douglas A. Gentile, Rachel A. Reimer, Amy I. Nathanson, David A. Walsh and Joey C. Eisenmann. (2012). Do you see what I see? Parents and Child Report of Parental Monitoring . Family Relations. 61(2012), pp.470–487. See also Amy I. Nathanson. (1999). Identifying and Explaining the Relationship Between Parental Mediation and Children’s Aggression. Communication Research. 26(1). pp.124–143.

211 absolutely not acceptable and recommended for their children.560 In the opinion of Fazal

Rehman Baloch,561 though usage of conventional media is neither encouraged nor discouraged in D. I. Khan (he was again and again giving the example of his family and his close associates), however, the parents’ role in selecting and regulating the use of media is specifically focused in JI affiliated families.562 The role of parents and their involvement can be described in different ways in different families (affiliated to JI and JUI) in D. I.

Khan.

7.3.1 Watching TV Together

The most important and effective way of selecting and regulating media and the contents of media for individuals (family members and children) in JI and JUI affiliated families is the watching together of parents or elder family members with the younger one.563 In Mufti Khalid’s opinion JUI affiliated people and especially Ulema if are watching TV, that’s only limited to news channels. Normally, they watch news and talk shows to get themselves updated of what is happening in Pakistan and around the world.

Dramas and films are neither watched by these Ulema themselves nor they allow their family members and children to watch.564

Watching of television programs, films, documentaries and other contents of children’s interests can have very positive impacts on children’s behavior development. For example Salomon (1977) argues that co-watching of an educational learning or any other program with the parents or family elders on television can enhance children’s learning capabilities and abilities. It promotes the confidence level of the children and they feel free

560 Mufti Khalid, December 23, 2016, Talash: Dir. 561 Fazal Rehman Baloch is a practicing lawyer affiliated to JI. He is chairman district Zakat committee D. I. Khan. He remained in JI district organization on different position, including press secretary. 562 Fazal Rehman Baloch, December 06, 2016, District court: D. I. Khan. 563 Zarawar Khan, November 28, 2016, Lal Qala Maidan, Dir. 564 Mufti Khalid, December 23, 2016, Talash, Dir

212 and confident in absorbing and discussing new ideas.565 However, Mufti Khalid opined that it is not possible for all the parents to co-watch all the programs on TV. There are two reasons, the content of the program and the the engagements of the parents. As majority of the JUI affiliates are very much selective in viewing and watching different programs, therefore, because of age factor the contents of all the programs may not necessarily be absorbable and understandable to the children.

The interest of the children also matters in this regard. For example many associates of JUI watch News channels which obviously are not of any interest for the children.

Similarly, a significantly number of Ulema used to be very busy in madrassas and mosques, teaching children. So they themselves have very little time for watching TV.566

Some scholars argue that all the contents of media cannot be co-viewed with the children. Co-viewing some contents may also have some negative impacts on the children.

For example Nathanson and Cantor (2000) found that if parents are co-viewing any violent content on television, it can promote pro-violent attitudes and behavior in the children.

Children may consider any violent content appropriate if their parents are co-viewing with them.567 In Mufti Khalid view, if he and other Ulema start watching TV with their children, it might give them the impression that we have allowed them to watch it. Television with all its utilities is still considered by many Ulema as a devil box (shaitani sandooq).568

7.3.2 Monitoring and Restrictions

Miraj Khan considers the use of television and other related tools important and essential aspects and elements of modern world. In his opinion, TV and other related tools

(especially laptop) are unavoidable for the new generation. Every object has a positive and

565 Salomon, G. (1977). Effects of Encouraging Israeli Mothers to co-observe Sesame Street with their Five Years olds. Child Development. 48, pp. 1146–1151. 566 Mufti Khalid, December 23, 2016, Talash, Dir. 567 Amy I. Nathanson, and Cantor, J. (2000). Reducing the Aggressing Promoting Effect of Violent Cartoons by Increasing Children’s Fictional Involvement with the Victim: A Study of Active Mediation. Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media. 44(1). pp. 125–142. 568 Mufti Khalid, December 23, 2016.

213 negative aspect. It mainly depends on how one uses it. Same is the case with TV and laptop. If parents cannot watch together with their children, they can at-least monitor the contents, but complete ban on any such tools is not a wise approach. Or at-least JI youth is not in favor of any such approach.569

Islami Jamiat Talba (IJT) affiliates also hold the opinion that parents should monitor the content of media and then allow or restrict their children exposing to them.

Along with the content, parents should also manage and control the time allocation for watching TV or a specific program on any other medium. Because extensive media exposure not only consumes significant time of children but also affects their school performance.570 Parents’ management of time will lower the average time consumptions as

Atkin et al (1991) and Rideout et al (2010) have found in their studies.571 Similarly, this will also enhance better and positive performance in school.572

Mufti Khalid suggests that restriction and monitoring may also produce responsibility and positive attitude development in the children. It may also instill in them the knowledge of what is appropriate and what in-appropriate by their families and parents.

In the long run, it can have community level socio-political consequences because the children eventually learn the norms and values of the society from within their families.573

7.3.3 Mediation and Conversation

Hafiz Jmashid considers the cultural and value system of Pakhtuns and Muslims within Pakistan very much compatible with Islamic way of life and value system. The

569 Interview with Miraj Khan, general secretary JI youth Tehsil Timargara Dir. November 26, 2016. 570 Focused group discussion with IJT affiliates, University of Malakand, Chakdara: Dir. November 24, 2016. 571 David J. Atkin, Bradley S. Greenberg & Thomas F. Baldwin. (1991). The Home Ecology of Children’s Television Viewing: Parental Mediation and the New Video Environment. Journal of Communication. 41(3). pp. 40–52; Victoria J. Rideout, Ulla G. Foehr, & Donald F. Roberts. (2010). Generation M2: Media in the lives of 8-18 year olds. Merlo Park CA: Henry J Kaiser Foundation. 572 Douglas A. Gentile, Sarah Coyne, & David A. Walsh. (2011). Media violence, physical aggression and relational aggression in school age children: A short-term longitudinal study. Aggressive Behavior. 37(2). pp. 193–206; Douglas A. Gentile, Paul J. Lynch, Jennifer Ruh Linder, David A. Walsh. (2004). The effects of violent video game habits on adolescent hostility, aggressive behaviors, and school performance. Journal of Adolescence. 27(1). pp. 5–22. 573 Mufti Khalid, December 23, 2016, Talash, Dir.

214 social setting and value system of Pakhtuns is in severe danger from Western cultural values. The threat is due to the excessive use of media especially TV. He called that

“Tehzibi yalghaar” (cultural attack) of the West. However, he also opined that the uses of modern communication tools are also unavoidable. In such a case the parents’ role is much important in selection of the contents and explaining that to their children.574

Mediation and conversation regarding the contents are perhaps the most important aspects of parental involvement and their role in the use of media. In mediation parents are actively involved in conversation with their children while explaining to them the contents of media. Children of different ages and context may get very different images and messages from a television contents as compared to its actual and real message. If parents explain to them the actual meaning and situation it can enhance the learning and critical knowledge of children.575 Active mediation and involvement of parents also reduce the negative effects of media especially the effects of advertising on media.

7.4 IDENTITY FORMATION AND PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT

Many associates of JI and JUI who were interviewed for this research considered media a tool for identity formation and personality development. For example in Hafiz

Jamshid’s opinion media has made the communication between different people easier and due to this many people at the same time are connected to each other, absorb similar contents and exposed to almost similar effects. All these similarities unite them for some greater politico-social consequences in the future. Media categorize the people on the basis of who is to follow what, with what impacts and abstain from other impacts and consequences.576

574 Hafiz Jamshid, December 05, 2016, Main Bazar, Lakky Marwat. 575 Patti M. Valkenburg, Marina Krcmar, and Sandy de Roos. (1998). The Impact of a Cultural Children’s Program and Adult Mediation on Children’s Knowledge of and Attitudes Toward Opera. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media. 42(3). pp.315–326. 576 Hafiz Jamshid, December 05, 2016.

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Erikson (1968) in his research on youth identity crises found that the identity formation is one of the key tasks of individuals (teens).577 Identity creation and formations is an essential part in the behavior development and evolution. It is that set of beliefs, attribute, values, desires and principles based on which an individual consider himself unique and distinctive from other fellow beings. Media play an important role in the identity formation of individual.

Warburton (2012b) found that the media with which the young identify themselves may incorporate in their personal and social identities.578 Media also help them in the formation of group identities.579 This is what in Hafiz Jamshid’s opinion, JI and JUI affiliates are afraid of. As long as, it is in the hands of the people unaware of the Islamic way of life and culture, may transmit and indoctrinate inappropriate values and norms in the new generation. It may provide them an identity far from the one JI and JUI are struggling for in Pakistan. Hafiz Jamshid termed the situation alarming for the Islamists as they do not have any alternative program and way-out to redress the maladies of media dominated by people with Western way of life and culture.580

In Mufti Khalid’s view, most of the programs on television and radio specifically focus a specific group or class. This specific group is distinguished from others because of some distinctive features. These programs highlight and try to influence individual with those features. For example many programs on state owned Television transmission are specifically for different classes of people. Radio Pakistan Peshawar also has different programs for different people: for example Hujra program was very much famous across

577 Erik H. Erikson. (1968). Identity: Youth and Crisis. New York: Norton. 578 Wayne A. Warburton. (2012b). How does listening to Eminem do me any harm? What the research says about music and anti-social behavior. In Wayne A. Warburton & Danya Braunstein. (eds.). Growing up fast and furious: Reviewing the impacts of violent and sexualized media on children. Sydney: The Federation Press. pp. 85-115 579 James D. Fearon. (1999). What is identity (as we now use the word)? Unpublished manuscript, Stanford University, USA. Available online at http://www.stanford.edu/fearon/papers/iden1v2.pdf. Accessed 14th March, 2016. 580 Hafiz Jamshid, December 05, 2016.

216 the area in Dir. This program focused activities in a Hujra in Pakhtun society. On the other hand some people have also acquired licenses for their own FM radio transmissions. In this case the very famous example is that of Maulvi Fazal Ullah581 in Sawat.582

However, it should also be noted that the effects or the identity formation may always not be “positive”. Some contents in these programs may help in the formation of

“negative” identity formation. Or say for example its effects will always not be “positive”.

Continuous and extensive exposure to a certain content on media regarding a class or group produces and promotes a distinct behavior in individuals. The feelings of “we and they”

“love and hate”, “respect and disgrace”, “affiliation and alienation” may be produced and affected by the media contents. For example Mufti Khalid said that he knows many JUI

Ulema in Sawat who irrespective of excessive propaganda of “radio mulla” on Islam and

Islamic revolution, never sided him and his violent movement.583

Similarly, internet also has effects on the identity formation. However, the magnitude may vary from the effects and impacts of conventional media. One probable reason may be that in the internet an individual may chose any program with the content of his choice but in radio and television he has not that freedom.

In the opinion of Zarawar Kahn identities and group affiliation are the most significant aspects of any political system. In his words, though JI does not believe in nationalities based on language or other ethnic group, however, in a broader perspective the national identities make an individual nationalist and national citizen of a state and JI believes in it.584

581 Fazal Ullah is the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan head. He was having his own FM radio station in Swat, where he used to deliver speeches and was preparing the people of the locality for an “Islamic revolution”. Because of his terrorists activities across the country, a military operation was launched in Swat and adjacent areas. Many people including Mufti Khalid believe that one of the reason of his success in convincing the local population in the beginning was his effective use of his FM radio. Mufti Khalid told me that because of that he was also known as radio mulla in that locality. 582 Mufti Khalid, December 23, 2016. 583 Ibid. 584 Zarawar Khan, November 28, 2016.

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JUI affiliates in Dir hold a different opinion on groups, based on political ideology, ethnicity and language. In the opinion of Haji Amin, district general secretary JUI, group identities are very important in the political spheres within a society and a state. For example different people identify themselves on the basis of some features and start socio- political struggle for the development of their groups.585 These identical groups, with the passage of time evolve into political parties and political groups whose significant function is formulating and shaping public opinion. This feature of these parties and groups make the government responsible and responsive.

Another important feature in the identity formation is the identity formation based on ethnic, racial, linguistic and religious grounds. Each of the group uses media for the promotion, projection and propagation of contents useful for their group interests. For example JI is much successful in distributing the party literature within its affiliates. It has a reading pack and a course for the members. Each member is required to read those books and other required literature.586

If on one side identification and identity formation polarize the society, on the other side they also ensure and safeguard the rights of depressed classes and groups in a society.

Propagation of a group values and making other members of the society aware of such values is not possible without the use of media. All such groups use media in different shapes not only for enhancement of their groups but for the general awareness regarding their groups within the society.

7.5 SOCIAL NETWORKING

Creating and maintaining social networks with the help of websites such as

Facebook, Twitter, LinkedIn and WhatsApp etc. is a healthy and developmental aspect of the social behavior of the people in the 21st century. Such websites help people in

585 Haji Amin Ullah, General Secretary JUI, district Dir. December 25, 2016. 586 Maulana Sami Ur-Rehman, JI (ex) Amir, district Karak. November 10, 2016, Tarkha Koi, Karak.

218 developing and maintaining social and interactive relationships with one another across the world. In fact these websites have faded away the concepts of physical boundaries. Social media is playing important role in the everyday life of today’s youth. In fact it has become an essential component of youth lives. Social media provide them with opportunities for engaging with peoples of a wider community. They provide them the opportunity to explore their hidden qualities and capabilities by discussing various issues and debate openly with many people at the same time. Discussions and debates enhance the understanding of the individuals and they become able to generate and explore new ideas.

Social media also help in the development of tolerance among the people, by providing a common platform to diverse communities. For example in the opinion of Miraj

Khan, on Facebook in Dir, different pages and groups have been created, which have members from almost all the political parties and groups of the community. These people discuss different political and social issues, which is definitely, very helpful in bringing them together and making them working on a common platform for common socio- political cause.587 This also helps them understand each others views, attitudes, habits and culture. “Thus in the same waythey help in the creation of a kind of universal culture.”588

In Mufti Khalid opinion the people are getting mature in the use of social media, as compared to the last three to four years. This maturity can be seen in the debates and discussions of the people in different pages and groups of the people in Dir.589

7.6 INTERNET AND SOCIAL MEDIA AS A VIRTUAL SPHERE

Habermas theory and concept of public sphere have been digitalized, and is now transformed into the concept of virtual sphere. Internet does provide a public space to the citizens, where they communicate and debate on issues related to the public interests.

587 Miraj Khan, November 26, 2016,Timargara, Dir. 588 Gwenn Schurgin O’Keeffe, Kathleen Clarke-Pearson. (2011). The Impact of Social Media on Children, Adolescents, and Families. Pediatrics, 127. pp. 800-804. 589 Mufti Khalid, December 23, 2016, Talash: Dir.

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These debates and communications are very much significant for the civic participation of the citizens, for example regarding PTI popularity in Dir was seen by Mufti Khalid and

Miraj Khan as because of social media. In their opinion it was social media and its excessive and effective use which popularized the party in Dir and though it was not successful in winning any assembly seat, yet it has shown its strength.590 Many of the people who did not have any kind of interest in the politics, are now actively participating in the political processes. On the other hand JI and JUI who were not giving much focus and attention to social media and internet are now actively engaging with the local people in the virtual sphere. Both JI and JUI have their local official facebook pages where the activities of the local organizations are propagated.591

However, while considering the concept of public sphere and the active involvement and engagement of all the participants in remote areas and societies like Dir and D. I .Khan, a question may arise that, can internet and social media really formulate a public sphere or it is just a utopian public sphere? Or is it increasing the civic participation of the citizens or just questioning the impacts of online deliberation?

This can be evaluated on the basis of two aspects of online communication, i.e.

“flow and access to information” and “reciprocity”. These two aspects are discussed below in detail.

7.6.1 Flow and Access to Information

Kaid (2002) Argues that internet provides a flow of information to the citizen who have access to it. It addresses a limited and specific number of people.592 While considering

590 For the National Assembly NA-34 PTI candidate Muhammad Bashir Khan got second position by securing 45503 votes. JI candidate Shahib Zada Muhammad Yaqub won election with a narrow margin (securing 46968 votes). JUI Fazlullah remained 3rd with 22535 votes. (Election Commission of Pakistan, https://ecp.gov.pk/) 591 Mufti Khalid, December 23, 2016. 592 Lynda Lee Kaid. (2002). Political Advertising and Information Seeking: Comparing Exposure via Traditional and Internet Channels. Journal of Advertising. 31(1). pp. 27-35.

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JI in Dir, in the opinion of Zarawar Khan, approximately593 more than 85% of the people at the age of 40 and above, affiliated to JI do not use internet and other tools of modern communication technology. One probable reason is the lack of internet service in many far flung areas in Dir. In Zarawar Khan opinion, though internet and social media are considered to be effective media of communication in the modern world, however, they kill and waste lots of time, which can be utilized in many other valuable ways. So, involving and engaging in social media or internet activities, people of my age group prefer to read some good book, focus on the education and training (tarbiyat) of their children and grandchildren and involve in some community related welfare work.594

Some other scholars595 believe the virtual sphere provided by internet cannot be termed or taken as a public sphere. For them public spaces belong to all. However, the public spaces provided by internet can only be used by those who have access to internet and modern technology. A large number of citizens in Dir and D. I. Khan have no access to it. There are many remote areas where people even do not have mobile network. In Naseer

Ahmad opinion, besides the limited network coverage in different areas in D. I. Khan and particularly in Kulachi Tehsil, the people’s own interest in using internet and other associated tools of modern communication is very low. As majority of the people affiliated to JUI have a madrassa education background and serve in different madrassa and mosques, they have very limited time to utilize in these kind of activities. Therefore the

593 He was not having any statistical data but it was his wild guess. His argument was, most of the people at the age of 40 or above, affiliated to JI are unaware of the use of modern technology. 594 Zarawar Khan, November 28, 2016. 595 John V. Pavlik. (1994). Citizen access, involvement, and freedom of expression in an electronic environment, In Frederick Williams & John V. Pavlik. (eds.), The people’s right to know: Media, democracy, and the information highway. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. pp. 139-162; Sinikka Sassi. (2005). Cultural Differentiation or Social Segregation? Four Approaches to the Digital divide. New Media Society. vol. 7(5). pp. 684-700. London: Sage.; Frederick Williams. (1994). On Prospects for Citizens’ Information Services. in Frederick Williams and John V. Pavlik. (eds). The People’s Right to Know: Media, Democracy, and the Information Highway. pp. 3–24. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

221 public spaces or the virtual spaces provided by the internet are not open spaces (particularly in Kulachi Tehsil) and may not transform into public spheres.596

Some scholars believe that such digital spaces promote inequalities in the society and classes, genders and races among those who are informed and those who are not.

Therefore, a public sphere in such an unequal status cannot be possible.597 In Miraj Khan’s opinion youth in JI being actively involved and engaged in online communication is more informed than the other members of the party. They can convince people easily and effectively regarding party policy and strategy on issues and events. The basic reason is their active involvement in debates and discussions not only with party affiliates but with the affiliates of other parties as well. This give them more space and exposure in evaluating the policy or strategy from different angles and aspects. The youth in JI is the new emerging class of the affiliates with access to modern communication tools and information.598

Some scholars also criticize the multi-facet nature and use of internet, as a communication medium alone. In their opinion internet and other modern communication technology are used for entertainment purpose as well.599 Miraj Khan too, consider it a source of entertainment along with a communication and information tool. In his opinion, internet has given access to vast resources in terms of entertainment and education. It has also made it easy for the user to keep with them a huge collection of different books and other resources. JI youth is significantly taking advantage from the different books of

Maulana Maududi and other JI literature available online. JI Youth also suggests different

596 Naseer Ahmad is a member district executive council JUI district D. I. Khan. He also remained press secretary Tehsil Kulachi D. I. Khan. December 09, 2016, Quaid-i-Azam College: D. I. Khan. 597 Kevin A. Hill, John E. Hughes. (1998). Cyber Politics: Citizen Activism in the Age of the Internet. New York: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, Inc. 598 Miraj Khan, November 26, 2016. 599 Scott L. Althaus & David Tewksbury. (2000). Patterns of Internet and traditional media use in a networked community. Political Communication. vol. 17(1). pp. 21-45.; Dhavan V. Shah, Nojin Kwak, Lance R. Holbert. (2001). Connecting and disconnecting with civic life: Patterns of Internet use and the production of social capital. Political Communication. 18(2). pp.141-162.

222 movies, talk shows, documentaries and other programs, related to Islamic history, culture and values to the affiliates, which obviously has an entertainment aspect along with the education and training (tarbiyat) of the workers.600

Because of the multi-facet use of the internet and consequently engaging and addressing a specific class of the people, and such uses of internet, made it difficult for the researchers to declare internet public spaces as public spheres. The relevance of this face of internet to public sphere has become irrelevant.601 As public spheres are required to give equal opportunities to all the individuals of the public spaces and provide them a chance to openly participate in the public debate. However, in case of internet it is argued that it only facilitates the political elites, for example in Dir and D. I. Khan those party workers and leaders are more successful in attracting the party leadership’s attention who have more involvement in internet and online communication. Such people have lots of social media followers, who are engaged in a specific way, the individual wants.

In the opinion of Tayyeb Akbari such political elites have their own motives and agenda, and try to communicate with their electorates (follower) accordingly.602 This concept of political elites is more visible in JUI as compared to JI. In Maulana Hamdullah’s opinion, JUI is more flexible in accommodating new comers from other parties. These new comers, though, have not ascended to the leadership slots as per the party’s conventional procedure, yet, due to their political weightage (personality), position and followers, they occupy a leadership role in local party organization’s decision making.

The main tactics and tools in their hands is reaching out and influence the party workers. Internet and specifically social media are playing a significant role for them in

600 Miraj Khan, November 26, 2016. 601 Moy Patricia, Manosevitch Edith, Stamm Keith, Dunsmore Kate. (2005). Linking dimensions of internet use and civic engagement. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly. 82(3). pp. 571-586.; Peter Dahlgren. (2005). The internet, public spheres, and political communication: Dispersion and deliberation. Political Communication. 22(5). pp. 147-162. 602 Tayyeb Akbari, December 06, 2016.

223 this regard.603 In the southern districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa the admission and inclusion of “leaders” into the party (JUI) is more visible, for example in District Karak it has become a kind of custom within the party to introduce new candidates for every election.

The new candidates are those people who have recently joined the party.

In Manzar Javid opinion, if JUI has to do electoral politics, it has to bring such people and candidates in the election who potentially can compete, and have the required resources and manpower. Those who join the party for elections have obviously both positive and negative impacts on the party and the ideological workers, yet, it is the need of the time and space. These new people have definitely a social base and support of the people. So, when they join JUI their supporters also shift with them to the new party. Many people from there then become the permanent affiliates of the party. In response to a question of how these newly joined party “leaders” convince the local party workers over their presence and role in the party affairs, Manzar Javid responded that these people have resources and have media teams which facilitate them in connecting more and more workers of the party. They organize and finance different activities related to the party, and thus make and secure an acceptable position within the party. The most challengeable task for them is to train their own followers (who shifted with them from the other parties) in the use of media tools in support and defense of them and the party. The personal social media pages of such people in this regard are playing a significant role.604 In Grossman’s

(1995) opinion such political elites also have more tools, methods and measures to access any kind of virtual public spaces. Therefore, they used to be more capable and successful in manipulating the public agendas in those virtual public spaces.605

603 Maulana Hamdullah, December 07, 2016. 604 Manzar Javid Advocate is a local leader of JUI district Karak. His wife remained JUI Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provincial assembly member from 2002-2008. He also intends to contest election, but is not that much sure of the party ticket because of the joining of two other potential candidates in his constituency. December 02, 2016, Mitha Khel: Karak. 605 Lawrence K. Grossman. (1995). The Electronic Republic. New York: Viking.; Wayne Rash. (1997). Politics on the Nets: Wiring the Political Process. New York: WH Freeman & Co

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So in any situation these virtual spaces are in the control of political elites, and thus they cannot fulfill the requirement of Habermas public sphere hence may become a vehicle for political elites hegemony. However, besides the hegemonic use and utilization of the internet and social media by the party elites in JI and JUI, they also provide information regarding the party policies and strategies in response to the government initiatives and policies, to the common affiliates of the party and hence connect the citizens (party affiliates) to the party and then to the government. Abramson et al (1988) termed such information and connection based on the new media technology, between the government institutions and the citizens very important and significant in the development of democratic culture within states. It is indeed the very first pre-requisite of responsive and responsible governments.606

Websites of JI and JUI are considered to be providing information only, thus resembling the traditional media’s one way communication process. It can be termed as the flow of information in one direction, and whosoever is controlling the flow of information remains relatively in advantage, for manipulating, controlling and changing the individual and ultimately the public behavior. But in case where political parties are involving and engaging their workers in policy formulation processes, internet can be used as a tool for two way communication. Social Media can play a significant role in this regard. However, in the opinion of Rafiullah neither JI nor JUI policy makers bother to include the common affiliates of the party in policy formulation even in a local level. In his opinion consents and suggestions from the common members and affiliates is not a difficult task, if the leaders are willing to do that. Social media has made it quite easy for all the political parties to approach their workers. So if anyone can approach their workers for their

606 Jeffrey B. Abramson, Christopher F. Arterton and Gary R. Orren. (1988). The electronic commonwealth: The impact of new media technologies on democratic politics. New York: Basic Books.

225 political activities, why don’t they involve them in the policy formulation processes of the parties.607

In the two way communication process through internet, political parties at the same time are (will be) the sender of the information and receiver of public opinion. People

(party workers) on such forums (can) interact with the party leaders, and can criticize, evaluate and suggest changes in policies.

7.6.2 Reciprocity

Another important aspect of online communication is reciprocity. Reciprocity, mutual trust and respect for other’s opinion are the important features of Habermasian rational debate in his public sphere. When all these elements of Habermas rational debate combine in a public space it can effectively generate public debate and hence formulate public opinion.

Now the question is whether JI and JUI, if engaging their workers in online communications are giving space, respect and trust, and reciprocally to their workers? In

Miraj Khan’s opinion, as far as JI youth is concerned, it is giving respect and weightage to the opinion, ideas, and policy suggestions of its affiliates in Dir. The broader policy is obviously, formulated in Peshawar and Lahore, yet for the implementation of policies, each level organization is responsible to design its own strategy. Affiliates of JI youth are more closely connected with modern communication tools, and are using internet resources more often, therefore, strategies are also designed in the virtual spheres. The most important aspect of such communication is that all the members are given a free hand to discuss and debate the opinion and ideas of the other fellow member. However, such debates are for the most of the time very lengthy and time consuming. So in case of some urgent strategy,

607 Rafiullah remained a Nazim IJT Government Degree College No.1 D. I. Khan in 2005-2006. Presently he denied his political affiliations with JI. However, he said that his whole family has political affiliation with JI. His elder brother is an active member of the party. Rafiullah has a vast friend circle including some very active members from JUI. He said that they usually have debates and discussions over the political parties and their treatment of workers. December 09, 2016, Min Bazar, D. I. Khan.

226 communication in the open virtual spaces is mostly a failure. It is also important that, as such communication and discussions are open because of the nature of social media, therefore, sometime outsiders are also involved in the debates. In such a situation Miraj

Khan prefers Whatsapp and chat groups.608

On the other hand, in Mufti Khalid’s opinion, JUI affiliates and the party itself are not that involved in online communication, therefore, the reciprocity concept seems invalid in that respect. However, it has now becoming a vital and necessary aspect and tool for political activism and campaign, and the party is slowly and gradually shifting its attention towards it. Different leaders and local level organizations have their official social media accounts and pages where the party affiliates are engaged in debates and discussions.

Normally such debates are not utilized for policies formulation or strategies designing as those are done in official meetings of the party only. Yet, these kind of debates are considered important and essential for the workers training and their debates with the affiliates of other political parties. Mufti Khalid reminded about a training session of the

JUI affiliated district press secretaries of the party in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province. He said that the party leadership and other trainers stressed and focused more on the ways a

JUI affiliate and an office bearer should talk to and engage in discussion with the members of other political parties on internet and social media. They were told that they have to behave in a proper way, and should not behave the way other political parties’ workers do

(he especially referred to Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaf’s workers and their dis-respectful and abusive behavior with other parties’ workers in social media).609

Hill and Hughes (1998) have found that, online (media) communication has, though, provided a large public space to many online media users, the opportunities to

608 Miraj Khan, October 26, 2016. 609 The training session, Mufti Khalid was referring to was held in JUI Provincial secretariat Peshawar on November 25, 2016. I (wajid) had also a chance of attending two sessions of the said event. Mufti Khalid, December 25, 2016, Talaash: Dir.

227 interact with each other across physical boundaries. Yet, they fail to ensure the fact that people belonging to different cultural backgrounds and socio-political setups have relatively reasonable understanding of each other.610 That is why rational debate and discussion and reciprocally involving and engaging party affiliates is still at far in Dir and

D. I. Khan and especially in JI and JUI. Uslaner (2004) in his research claimed that online communication only (or at large) takes place between those individuals who already know each other.611

Tayyeb Akbari in this regard is of the opinion that this principle does not apply to those who are at the leaders’ slots, for example he himself is Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s provincial general secretary of Jamiat Talba Islam (JTI), so he has to be in contact with many people on social media. These people, majority of them are obviously JTI and JUI affiliates, but other parties’ members are also being engaged in discussions and debates on different political issues. On different pages and groups, he managed on social media, many people criticize the political strategies and policies of JUI and JTI and he warmly respond to them (almost) all and engage them in constructive debates. In response to a question regarding PTI affiliates’ behavior and their criticism regarding JUI on pages, he added that “all the people of other political parties always do not criticize JUI and Ulema for generating some constructive debates and discussion. Rather their aim is to dishonor and disgrace the leadership of JUI. There are normally some baseless allegations and propaganda against the Ulema, and if they do that continuously, they are blocked and “un- friended”.

As all the debates and discussions are open to all, JUI and JTI affiliated members directly learn many things from such engagement. First, who is to engage in discussion

610 Kevin A. Hill & John E. Hughes. (1998). Cyber Politics: Citizen Activism in the Age of the Internet. New York: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, Inc. 611 Eric M. Uslaner. (2004). Trust, Civic Engagement, and the Internet. Political Communication. 21(2). pp. 223-242.

228 with? Second, what is to debate on, and what is to be avoided? Third, how to behave in responding some other party member? And lastly, not to disgrace and dishonor other political leaders.612

Uslaner argument can also be challenged because, in today’s world online communication is not limited only to known people. There are hundreds of thousand groups and pages, individuals, irrespective of their mutual acquaintances, are the members of, and follow them, on social media as in the case of Tayyeb Akbari. As far as the involvement and engagement of the people in debates and discussions under the reciprocity concept and principle are concerned, there are several aspects of online communication which need clarification and debate, while looking into any such debates and the people’s participations in it.

First, if the group members do not know each other, are they engaged in two-way communication? In Miraj Khan’s opinion, as far as the personal social media accounts of the JI affiliates are concerned, majority of the people they add and be-friend with, are those who are known to them. “Yes, in public pages and common groups many people are unknown to each other. But they engage in discussion and debates with them”. As far JI youth official pages are concerned, again majority of the people who follow the pages are in one way or another affiliated to JI and JI youth. Here, if they engage in some discussion and debate would be, a debate and discussion between known people (though they may not be knowing each other personally, but the common platform, JI and JI youth become their identity and recognition).613

Secondly, looking into the page or group magnitude and followers number, what proportion of the members express their opinion on issues commonly debated in the groups and pages? This is very important aspect of online communication and engagement. All the

612 Tayyeb Akbari, December, 07, 2016. 613 Miraj Khan, October 26, 2016.

229 people in any social media group do not engage in all the debates and discussions, for example in Miraj Khan’s opinion, only very few affiliates of JI youth are active in (all) discussions and debates on social media and specifically on JI youth pages. So in such a situation, can anyone claim that the social media or internet is providing a (virtual) public sphere based on the principle of reciprocity?

Thirdly, what used to be the direction of the flow of information and communication? In online communication the direction of flow of information occupy a central role. Though in social media the direction of the flow of information is multilateral, yet, the parties related official groups and pages are controlled and managed by people assigned for that task. For example JI youth Dir page is run by a team headed by the youth press secretary, under the supervision of youth president. Similarly, other party related face book pages are managed and run by people who are assigned the duty.

Similarly, JUI provincial head Maulana Gul Nasib Khan official page is also run by his media team and personal assistant.614 In such official pages, obviously, the flow of information is from the one who runs or administers the page. The administrators are to decide and filter which information are to be provided to the page followers and at what time. The common members and followers thus do not have any significant share in controlling the direction and flow of information.

And lastly, who (how many) is controlling the page on group? Obviously, the official pages of political leaders and parties (both JI and JUI) are not controlled by every member of the social media page. It is therefore, enabling very few individuals (who manage the official pages) to manipulate and control the direction and flow of information.

So, it can be argued that if online communication is taking place between two or more unknown individuals the element of reciprocity cannot be ensured in most of the communication.

614 Maulana Gul Naseeb Khan, November 25, 2016, Peshawar.

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It also produces fragmented spheres of communication and interaction, rather producing a single shared virtual public sphere. For a relative degree of reciprocity in communication and interaction on internet and social media, all communication must be made two directional. It should be a communication and discussion on some topic of shared interest. And lastly, all such communication be open for all the members of the page and groups for creating and promoting a rational discourse.

7.7 COMMERCIALIZATION

Commercialization is the most significant aspect of modern communication technology. It has also been a great challenge for JI and JUI as Maulana Gul Nasseb said.

In Maulana’s opinion religio-political parties are not getting much time and space in the traditional media because of the commercial interests of media groups. Everything in media is based on the purchase capacity of a person or group. Religio-political parties and especially JUI do not have enough resources to buy some space for itself in the mainstream media.615

This is perhaps a serious concern and vital factor in front of researchers, who are determined in declaring internet and modern media tools as public sphere. It has become commercialized in such a capacity that it looks like an “international shopping mall”. All the digital communication taking place online are not value free. Research shows that media or specifically internet has the priority of profit making and marketing tools. It is very less concerned with civic participation and democratization.616

In Mufti Khalid’s opinion JUI instead of relying on the conventional media and consuming its resources and energies for its due share and space, is focusing more on how to avoid and counter the effects of media on the party affiliates. As media in Pakistan is not

615 Ibid. 616 Daniel Schiller. (1999). Digital capitalism: Networking the global marketing system. Cambridge: MIT Press.

231 impartial and not concerned with any genuine political and social cause and struggle, rather it speaks for those (political parties and individuals) who can pay them or can help them in some other way.617 Obviously, its role cannot be denied in social and political sphere.

Media do two basic things in political affairs and formulating public opinion i.e. agenda setting and framing the narrative.

7.8.1 Agenda Setting

It is the media which is to set the agenda for any public discussion or debate. Media propagate and project what is to debate and discuss and how to discuss it. As it is considered to bridge between the public and government, therefore, it directs the individuals where to go. In Abdul Hakim Akbari’s opinion, JUI counters any such move of the media which the party considers against the Islamic values and culture. The most important challenge for the leadership and the party in this regard is how to safeguard the party affiliates from the negative impacts of the media, and how to make them believe that what is being projected and what agenda is being set by the media is not in-line with the party policy and ideology?

The party in such a situation do two things for reaching to its affiliates. First, it organizes different meetings, processions and gatherings and explain to the common members and affiliates, what is right and what is the other way around. What is appropriate and what they should avoid, being a part of JUI. Secondly, though, it is done unofficially, yet it is also a significant way for reaching out to the common affiliates and other people.

The prominent Ulema affiliated to the party are directed to raise the issues in their Friday sermons in the mosques they are leading the prayers in. Those Ulema explain the role of the conventional media on the specific issue to the common people and especially to the

617 Mufti Khalid, December 25, 2016.

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JUI affiliates. This is an effective tool of keeping safe the party affiliates from the negative impacts of the media.618

7.8.2 Framing the Narrative

It is obvious that a society is based on some kind of generally accepted norms, values and narrative (political/religious). These narratives of the society are re-shaped and re-framed by media. It is the only potential tool which propagate the agenda of public debate and then develop the propagated and accepted narrative. In Gul Naseeb Khan’s opinion the most important example in this regard is the stereotypical projection of the

Ulema. The attachment of religion with extremism and terrorism and relating Madrassa education with ignorance and fundamentalism. This narrative was shaped recently (after

September 11), and is continued. The party has organized different public meetings and gatherings (Tahaffuz-i-deni Madaris conventions) in different parts of the country for countering this narrative of the media.619

In the above cited situation, media is playing a significant role. However, this role of media is not free of commercialism, elitism and their hegemony as the affiliates of both

JI and JUI considered it. For knowing the relation of a media channel to any issue and its objectives, it is very important to know that, who is controlling the media and how information are communicated to the users? Do they have any intentions of real political and civic engagement of the citizens or the propagation of any kind of contents has some commercial and economic interests and benefits for them?

Obviously, without commercial interests media cannot function. Therefore, it can be argued that a commercialized media cannot remain un-biased and neutral. While setting the agenda, it must be keeping in mind its personal and group interests. Therefore, personal

618 Abdul Hakim Akbari (member central executive council of JUI), December 08, 2016, D. I. Khan. 619 Maulana Gul Naseeb Khan, November 25, 2016, Peshawar.

233 likes and dislikes and material interest of the owners of media and communication tools will occupy central position in the settled agenda.

Furthermore, due to the elites’ hegemonic control, media will always favor the narrative of ruling elites. In other words, it is an effective tool in the hands of elites to control the people. As JI and JUI never formed a government of their own in the centre and rule over the state, hence, it is very difficult for them to get a proper space in the mainstream national media. Neither of the two are considered to be a national level alternative political forces to occupy and replace the existing ruling political elites. The ruling politico- religious elites manipulate the agenda setting and narrative framing of public debates in public spheres.

Therefore, in such a situation where the very tool of communication is in the hand of elites, a rational and fruitful public debate is not possible. Public will be used by the elites like puppets.620 In all such situations, the Habermasian public sphere concept becomes merely an illusion for the affiliates of both JI and JUI in the virtual spaces.

CONCLUSION

The concept of public sphere is very much important in relation to political socialization and political and civic engagement for political parties and especially for those who have very limited share in the main-stream conventional media like JI and JUI.

Public space and public sphere provide opportunities to the individual members for enhancement of their political knowledge regarding the internal politics of the party, society and political system of the state. Therefore, its discussion in political socialization scholarship is very much relevant.

The discussion in this regard showed that, though the internet and social media have much potential for changing the politico-social conditions of “the political” through

620 Miraj Khan, October 26, 2016, Dir.

234 engaging individual in different activities. Yet, all the information and different online activities for individual citizens are not value free. The commercialization of media is a big hurdle in the way of neutral virtual spheres and particularly for JI and JUI affiliates. The subjective and biased nature of internet and new media has changed the direction of individual political socialization patterns in political parties i.e. JI and JUI.

The internet and new media has also created inequalities and has produced a new class of haves and haves not in the remote societies like Dir and D. I. Khan. All the party affiliates in these areas do not have access to internet and mass media. So all the people cannot utilize of internet and new media equally. It has digitally divided not only the citizens but the same party affiliates as well. Most of the unconnected members of both JI and JUI consider it irrelevant to them. As access to them is not free, the cost of it has also made people to stay away from it. On the other hand some members of the parties do not have the required infrastructure for using internet and new media. Similarly, language barriers are another hindrance in the way of internet usage mostly for JUI affiliates

(majority of them have graduated from madrassa and not from the conventional schools and colleges). Finally the issues of illliteracy and lack of skills and trainings, potentially weaken and lessen the use of internet and new media tools for both JI and JUI.

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CONCLUSION

While studying the consensual and conflictual political culture in Pakistan with respect to JI and JUI the most striking question which comes to one’s mind is, how far it is possible for a socialized worker to accommodate people (workers) from opposite politico- religious ideologies? The political history of Pakistan is evident of the fact that political parties and specifically JI and JUI show different nature and attitude at different time, for example the very emergence of JI and JUI are the outcome of consensus building and disagreements at the same time. JI was founded to provide an alternative Muslim leadership to the people in the sub-continent. Maulana Maududi was neither convinced with the political position and understanding of Jamiat Ulema-i-Hind (JUH) nor with the ideology and program of All India Muslim League.

JUH was sharing its opinion and understanding of Indian nationalism and nationhood with the Indian National Congress. In their opinion, Muslims in India were living together with Hindus and other religious communities for centuries, therefore, all of them constitute a single nation. On the other hand Muslim League (ML) advocated the concept of Muslim Nationalism for the Muslims of India on the basis of their religion.

Maulana Maududi rejected both the concepts and held an opinion that Muslims in the

Indian sub-continent were a separate nation in all respect, but they could not be confine to a specific boundary and areas. The idea of Muslim league for a separate homeland for

Muslims will confined Islam and Muslims to a geographical location. Furthermore, he was not satisfied with the procedure and program of JUH for the cause of Islam in British India.

Therefore, he organized his own organization (Party of Islam). It was to strive for iqamat-i- deen (establishment of religion) primarily focusing on the revival of the individual role in an Islamic society. The holy community was to make a way for an Islamic revolution.

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Similarly, the emergence of JUI was also the result of differences and disagreements between different Ulema in JUH. The first example of the conflictual political culture within the religious political parties was the formation of Kul Hind Jamiat

Ulema-i-Islam (KHJUI) in 1945. It was the first formal kind of faction from JUH. All the leaders of KHJUI were previously associated with JUH both religiously and politically.

However, the latter’s pro-congress attitude and more specifically its concept of composite nationalism brought spilt in its folds. A large number of Ulema who had great name and fame within the Dar-ul-Uloom Deoband had reached the conclusion that Indian National

Congress was an anti-Muslim organization. Among other Ulema, Maulana Shabbir Ahmed

Uthmani was more vocal in this regard. Maulana Uthmani resigned from the membership of JUH and refused to participate in the annual conference of the party at Saharanpur from

4-7 May 1945. Some other Ulema also joined hands with Maulana Uthmani in response to their differences with their parent organization (JUH) on the same grounds i.e. Congress and the concept of nationhood.

Another significant example of the consensual political culture was the gathering of

31 renowned Ulema from different schools of thought of Islam, in January 1951 in

Karachi. They discussed and debated different aspects of an Islamic state and agreed on 22 fundamental principles of Islamic state and constitution. Drafting a unanimous and agreed upon framework for an Islamic constitution was a landmark achievement of the religio- political parties and Ulema. It was a great example of consensual political culture within the religio-political parties of Pakistan.

The coming years were a kind of conflictual political culture for both the parties. In

1953-54 a group of Ulema in East Pakistan under the leadership of Maulana Athar Ali

Khan objected over the partys policy of association with Muslim League, and announced that, they would contest the forthcoming provincial elections under the banner of Nizam-i-

Islam. In their opinion Muslim League was not fully committed for the implementation of

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Islamic law in Pakistan, therefore, the Ulema should part their ways with it. Nizam-i-Islam was later on re-organized and replaced with Nizam-i-Islam Party. It made electoral alliance with other political groups in East Pakistan.

On the other hand a convention of Ulema was held at Multan in October 1956 in which a new organization of the Ulema, Markazi Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam West Pakistan

(MJUIWP) was founded. Maulana Ahmad Ali Lahori was selected as the president of the new Ulema organization. The MJUI objected the formation of MJUIWP but did not go for active confrontation. In the coming days it proved to be a representative organization of the

Ulema of Pakistan. MJUI and its organizational network became inactive shortly afterward.

In the similar way JI ranks were also shaken by differences within the workers over different ideological issues. The most important among these was the decision of the

Jamaat to enter into electoral politics for the persuasion of the ideological goals of the holy community. The Mochchi Goth session of 1957, cost Jamaat many close affiliates, including Ulema. They parted their ways with JI on the issue of participation in politics.

The most important example of consensual political culture is the agreement of all the political parties for the constitution of 1973. The constitution of 1973 was a consensual document and almost all political forces agreed upon the nature and structure of the state and government.

Zia regime and Afghan jihad are the two significant issue where the affiliates of JUI were found perplexed. On one hand the party was a prominent member of Movement for

Restoration of Democracy (MRD), (a PPP led alliance of several political parties, which was struggling for the restoration of democracy in the country) on the other many affiliates of the party considered Zia as a true Muslim leader, who had done much for the

Islamization of the constitution. JUI officially remained away from Afghan Jihad but could not maintain this policy at the workers level, as majority of them associated with madaris, perceived to be the breeding places of jihadists.

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Another important example in this regard is the formation of Muttahidda Majlis-i-

Amal (United Action Front), an alliance of six religio-political parties. In the general election of 2002, MMA managed to get majority in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and formed government. However, different issues emerged in the coming years and MMA reached to its fate. Affiliates of both the parties in Dir and D. I. Khan considered the alliance a golden period for both the parties. There were many grievances of the workers against each other but the overall environment was quite consensual for all. Interestingly, JI affiliates in Dir showed their willingness and eagerness for future political alliance with JUI, but in D. I.

Khan they said the party should not go for an alliance with JUI. JI affiliates were of the opinion that they would prefer to contest the coming elections by their own, instead of making any alliance with JUI in D. I. Khan. The similar, situation was observed in JUI. Its affiliates in D. I. Khan were willing for a religious parties alliance or the revival of MMA, but in Dir they had concerns with any such alliance. Some of the JI affiliates from Karak were of the opinion that in case of alliance, the seats distribution between both the parties was basically done on the principle of the party influence and their average electoral gains in each constituency. On the basis of such distribution of seats JI cannot claim any seat in the southern districts and JUI in Malakand and Dir. So that’s why JUI affiliates in Dir and

JI affiliates in D. I. Khan do not want any such alliance to happen.

How far the party policy or strategy regarding a specific issue is seen by the workers as compatible with their political education and ideology? This is perhaps very important issue in political parties and specifically, those parties who socialize their workers under a specific politico-religious ideology, program and way of life. Political parties in general design and devise their strategies according to the time and situation, but the way the workers are socialized, they use to have a broader understanding of what strategy their party is going to adopt. Because of their thorough socialization, they have a

239 clue of dealing and handling a specific situation (because of the party stance and some previous experience in similar issues).

The formulation of policy and strategy regarding an issue, has a direct relation with the workers responses in the party. If it is an ideological party then every individual member is aware of policy formulation process and the broader parameters of the policy.

The workers in such a party are to be convinced by the fact that the respective policy is in line with the party’s ideology and its general program. If it is against the ideological commitment of the party, the workers may reject any such policy or strategy.

Both JI and JUI are considered as ideological parties with very clear programs by their affiliates. The policy formulation processes are mentioned in the constitutions of both the parties. Both have central executive councils which are to make policies and approve suggestions from the members and heads. Policies regarding electoral alliances and ticket allotment for suitable candidates often produces dis-satisfaction in the workers. In this case

JUI affiliates used to have more concerns than JI. As new entries (joining of the people from other political parties) in JUI are more frequent in the southern region of Khyber

Pakhtunkhwa, and the joining people are often granted party tickets for contesting elections

(because they have resources and personal influence in the area). Such a situation often produced grievances in the party workers as they considered the new electable personalities injustice to the old workers.

The responses to the party decisions in such situations are different. Respondents from JUI were of the opinion that the tickets decisions and making alliances or seat adjustment are taken by the party executive council at each level with a majority vote. All the prominent workers and leaders at the particular level are taken into confidence while making any such decision. However, if any worker still does not follow the party policy, he is issued a show cause notice. The annoyed worker normally has three options with him i.e. either to remain silent on the issue and keep home (not involving any of the party related

240 events), show his resentment in the party folds but keep involving and engaging in the party affairs, and leaving the party. The third option is a severe one as if an affiliate leaves the party, wins elections as an independent candidate and afterward wants to rejoin the party, he will not be re-admitted in the party folds.

JI affiliates on the other hand did not remind any such issue on the distribution of party tickets. JI always give tickets to its genuine, tested and old workers. Those who join the party are not admitted merely for award of party tickets. Furthermore, the party policy is also clear on distribution of tickets. A candidate for contesting elections is selected through a secret ballot within the party (at a particular level). Workers who show their interest or campaign for ticket within the party are not considered for the ticket (it is the party’s clear stance that whosoever desires openly for the ticket will not be considered for it).

Workers in D. I. Khan and Dir had some concerns about the party decision of boycotting the 1997 and 2008 elections. In their opinion boycotting an election push a political party on its back foot and remove it from the political process in the country. This costs the party in two ways. First, as in representative government, all the developmental projects are approved by the people’s representatives, therefore, every member of the parliament tries to bring maximum projects to that area which he has got elected from. This way he will focus more on the areas and people who have (and potentially will) support(ed) him. JI when boycotted the elections, it has provided a chance for other political parties to grove their roots in the areas.

Secondly, when a party is being represented, its members and affiliates consider themselves a part of the political process in the country. They have their interests in the day-today political development. The party, no matter, if is in government or in opposition, is to engage continuously its affiliates regarding its political strategies and policy initiatives in respect to a particular issue or event. This way their political education and socialization

241 continue. When the party is not in the parliament, the socialization process and political education of the workers are halted, which ultimately cause the party electoral loss in the elections.

Categorization of the two different political parties’ socialized workers on the basis of parties’ success in influencing and convincing them in favor of party policy or strategy, is a difficult task. The basic issue in such a categorization is the party policy formulation process and the pattern of engaging its workers. JI affiliates were of the opinion that, policies in the party are formulated keeping in view the broader socialization and political education of the workers, for example the party can never make an electoral alliance with

ANP or PPP in Dir or D. I. Khan. The workers would not approve any such policy of the leadership in which their ideological values are at stake. So the leadership while devising any strategy or policy keep in mind the understanding and the nature of socialization of their workers in JI.

JUI leadership on the other hand projects a different pattern of policy formulation and decision regarding electoral alliance with other political parties and groups. Any such decision is made by the central leadership and executive council and is communicated to the workers later on. In the opinion of Maulana Gul Naseeb Khan all the affiliates are not able to understand all the political situations and the need for a specific political strategy.

Therefore, before devising and adopting any strategy (at the national level) all the affiliates are not possible to be involved. Secondly, politics has a specific meaning for JUI. The leadership believes that if the party and the affiliates gains any sort of political benefits which are not contrary to the ideological commitment of the party, political alliances can be made with any political party. In the party leadership opinion political alliance formation is a political strategy and does not necessarily affect the ideological commitment of the party, for example formation of coalition government with NAP, PPP, ANP,

PML(N) and being a part of MMA did not cause any ideological loss to the party. Rather

242 such an experience with other political parties has broadened the general perception of the common people in Pakistan regarding religio-political parties in general and JUI in particular.

The party is very much successful in convincing its workers on the formulated policies and strategies. In the opinion of Mufti Khalid, though the strategies of JUI do not seem popular and something hardly acceptable to the party affiliates at the beginning, yet, the workers accept them, mainly because of the past experience and party stance on similar issues.

Ideological commitment of the leadership in JI shapes their political strategy, while, in JUI the political strategy and alliance with other political parties are considered to be the need and requirement of the time for the safeguard of the Islamic identity of the state and political benefits of the workers. This makes the workers and leadership of JUI more accommodating in terms of electoral alliances with other political parties. JI workers can hardly agree on any such alliance and coalition with other political parties which are far from their political program and ideology. In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa after 2013 elections,

JI is a coalition partner with Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaf (PTI) which is considered to be very much similar in different aspects, but the common workers in Dir have severe concerns over this policy of the party. Irrespective of the similar stances of both the parties on social justice and anti-corruption campaign, the common workers in Dir are not in favor of any future alliance with PTI. Many instead of other political parties, preferred JUI for a grand electoral alliance for the coming general elections in 2018.

If both the parties affiliates accept electoral alliances with other political parties and groups, what makes them to accommodate and give space to the other parties programs and

(political) ideologies? There are always give and take formula in electoral alliances in Dir and D. I. Khan. If an alliance is made on the provincial level, the formula is applicable for all the regions within the province. If it is a kind of some seat adjustment within a specific

243 locality, the formula is only applicable to that area. JUI in D. I. Khan usually, does seat adjustment with other parties and individuals within D. I. Khan. The formula is normally, supporting some (other group) candidate for the provincial assembly seat, in return to get support for the National Assembly seat of Maulana Fazal-ul- Rehman. This has proved very effective for the party. The workers are convinced over such alliance and seat adjustment. In their opinion Maulana Fazul-ul-Rehman’s seat is more valuable for them as compared to provincial assembly seat.

JI affiliates are usually reluctant for any such local seat adjustment in Dir and D. I.

Khan. In some of the affiliates opinions, JI does not care much about electoral gains. It is a movement and can continue and perform its duties anywhere and everywhere. Other affiliates considered it the ideological commitment of the party and workers. In their opinion the party workers will only approve electoral alliance with a party of similar ideological program and commitment.

For JUI affiliates electoral alliance is an important and essential aspect of political strategy and ideological commitment. The party, if in power can effectively strive for

Islamic cause. Maulana Gul Naseeb Khan affirmed that any electoral alliance with individual or group is made on certain principles. The party never ever agreed on any such alliance which the workers considered to be against the party ideology and general program. So “if any alliance which is not meant to distance us from our ideological commitment, and helps us for our Islamic cause, there is no harm in going for that. The workers keep in mind the consequences and the end of any such alliance”.

JI workers unlikely JUI affiliates, consider the party “a movement” (tehreek).

Politics and specifically parliamentary politics is something having secondary importance for them. They consider any political strategy acceptable and valid for them if it is in line with the ideology and broader program of the party. So a sort of flexibility, accommodation

244 and acceptance for alliance with other political parties and groups is very minimal as compared to JUI affiliates.

Political parties are considered to be the tools for articulation and aggregation of the people’s interest in a political system. Their ends are the creation of institutions of governance according to the will and choices of the common people. They are to aggregate the choices of the people so that they (people) can architect and erect a system(s) of their own.

A developed political system is based on three fundamental aspects of the citizens; first, increased and significant level of participation of the citizens in the political processes in the polity; Second, identification of their importance for the functioning of democracy; and third, their interest and inclination towards political socialization.

Political parties use different tools and agents for instilling the party ideology in the common people. These people after socialization and education, take part in the policy formulation and political strategies devising for the party. The party because of its socialized workers adopt specific policy and strategy for an event or issue. It is also important that all the members and workers may not have their consensus over a specific policy of the party. In such a situation, a worker has different choices for showing his dissatisfaction over the party policy. He shows his resentment either by voicing against the policy within the party folds. Or stay silent on the issue or in extreme cases leaves his party and join some other party or make his own party (normally a faction of his previous party).

Political socialization is generally done by four basic agents; the family, schools, peer groups and media. How political parties utilize these four agents for the socialization and political indoctrination of citizens is a significant area of research, yet with some theoretical and methodological issues.

The basic and most important issue in political socialization research is the lack of a uniform theory. As the whole process consists of different stages and different agents,

245 therefore, it is not possible to explain all with a single theory. However, the different concepts and variables used in socialization research connect the different agents of socialization to one another.

Different variables were used for the in-depth analysis of the whole process in JI and JUI. These variable were quantified with different concepts, for example the most important is Political Interest (Interest associated to political phenomenon and affairs) of the workers and other affiliates of both JI and JUI. Political interest for us is the interest of the party affiliates in the political affairs and activities in the area. The most important queries in this regard were, whether or not an affiliate attend party meetings? Does he permit his other family members (especially his children and women) to involve in party related affairs? Does he regularly deposit his monthly donation/membership fee? Is he involved in political campaign for the party candidates in elections? Has he himself ever thought of taking part in elections?

In response to attendance of party related gatherings and meeting almost all the respondents from both the parties said that they attend such meetings. However, few affiliates from JUI in D. I. Khan who were not holding any position (administrative) in the party local setup, were of the opinion that they do not attend meetings of the executive councils because they need not to attend. They only attend the general body meetings

(majlis-i-amoomi) because of their membership. In respect to general gatherings of the party they not only themselves attend, but also motivate and mobilize other people to attend.

JI affiliates in this regard were found more involved and interested in political affairs and activities. All of the respondents admitted that they submit their monthly donation/membership fee regularly (some said they submit it monthly, other six months and some, of the whole years at once, this is used to be a nominal amount ranging from

Rs.65/m to Rs.150/m based on the financial position and membership status of the affiliate

246 in the party). Another aspect of JI affiliates in this regard is the involvement of their children and women in political activities of the party. JI while holding public gathering also make arrangements for the female members of the party, for example if an affiliate in

Dir has a wife and five kids, he has to take his kids in turns to the party gatherings. JUI affiliates do not have any arrangements for gatherings and other activities in the party.

Therefore, they usually do not involve their women in political affairs. Their women are involved only during elections for casting their votes.

Regarding political campaign, JI affiliates are more involved, not only in the campaign but in fund raising for the party candidate as well. The local organizations (party setup) used to assign them different tasks, areas and days for the election campaign of the candidate. The local organization heads are required to submit the report of every member’s performance to the high ups. JUI affiliates on the other hand are not bound to such an active involvement in the election campaign. They also do not have to raise money for the campaign of the candidates.

In context to interest in contesting elections, most of JUI affiliates were interested in contesting elections at different levels. However, their main concern was the unavailability of financial resources. Very few of the JI affiliates showed their interest and desire of contesting elections. Some said that it is the party which has to decide that who has to contest election. If at any level the party puts this responsibility on their shoulder, they would not refuse. Some others said that they do not want to contest elections

(probably because of their government jobs).

Regarding political discourse, JUI affiliates were more concerned about the political situation and unrest in the country. Many respondents said that they discuss the political situation of the country with other people in the area. They try to debate and make the people understand about the possible consequences of the current unrest created by the opposition political parties especially Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaf. They consider the opposition

247 protest as something which only aimed at sabotaging democracy and democratic culture in

Pakistan, for example the provincial head of the party Maulana Gul Naseeb Khan opined that PTI has been doing all this on the direction of someone else. He did not mention “that someone” but he certainly was talking about the military.

JI affiliates on the other hand talk about JI’s different initiatives and strategies regarding different issues. For example the most important and burning topic for them was corruption of the ruling elites i.e. Nawaz Sharif and his family. JI has involved itself so much in the campaign against the corruption that many respondents while narrating the positive points and aspects of JI, put “free of all types of corruption” on the top of the list.

Some prominent political workers in Manyaal, Maidan, were of the opinion that the party would probably contest the next general elections (2018) with this slogan. In their opinion people are discussing this political issue (corruption) more than other.

For the JUI affiliates the most important and most debated topic regarding government policies is the PTI led Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provincial government. In the opinion of the majority of the affiliates the provincial government policies as a whole are disastrous. The affiliates were neither satisfied with the much projected and promoted police reforms nor with education or health reforms. Many of them connected such reforms to a foreign agenda or a demand of NGOs, who in their opinion, are running the provincial government instead of PTI and other allies.

JI affiliates also discuss the provincial government policies in their circles.

However, some very staunch affiliates (who were more ideological and somehow not in favor of electoral politics) were of the opinion that the common people and affiliates of JI in Dir are not much satisfied with the overall performance of the government. They also showed their concerns regarding the un-natural alliance of JI with PTI, especially, their concern was about the public gatherings of PTI with mixed participation of male and

248 female and the open musical shows. They said that they discuss all these issues with one another and even in the party meetings.

Regarding political discussions and debates with their children and women, JI affiliates affirmed that they discuss political issues in their families. Their woman also participate in such discussions. In this regard the Ijtima-i-ihl-i-Khana is the most important forum. This forum is normally reserved for religious discussions, yet it is also used for the political training and education (tarbiyat) of the children and women. They are made aware about different political issues in the country and also the JI policy and strategy regarding those issues.

JUI affiliates do not have any such general customary gathering in the family.

However, many respondents told me that they do Taleem (associated with affiliates of

Tableghi Jamaat, in which someone reads some Hadith or story from Fazail-i-Amaal. They call it their syllabus of the organization). This is also an important forum for family gatherings, not such political, yet very significant in terms of making the family members more religious. However, every family is not supposed to do Taleem unlike the Ijtima-i-Ihl- i-Khana in JI.

Political Efficacy was coupled with different questions with the broader theme revolves around the belief of the affiliates that they can affect the political outcomes within a political system with the help of their political activism through their parties. The most significant query in this regard was the affiliates’ belief on political processes. A set of questions for this variable were regarding the satisfaction of the affiliates with the prevailing political system in Pakistan. Their opinion on the (suitable) procedure for the implementation of their desire political system. Their understanding regarding JI or JUI

(successful political struggle) for an Islamic system in Pakistan. And most importantly, the affiliates’ satisfaction with their affiliation to JI or JUI.

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Regarding the prevailing political system of the country JUI affiliates were satisfied with the desire for implementation of Islamic Ideological Council recommendations for the

Islamization of the constitution. In their opinion the system was adopted with the mutual consensus and understanding of learned Ulema and religious scholars during the process of framing the 1973 constitution of Pakistan. They have done their work and provided us a constitution, the nature of which is more Islamic. It is now the duty of rulers to implement the recommendation of Islamic Ideological Council.

JI affiliates on the other hand are considered to be more revisionists. In the opinion of many affiliates, the present system was not truly an Islamic system. It drastically needs overhauling. Furthermore, the democratic setup so far has been failed in introducing

Islamic system in the country. Therefore, they were not satisfied with it. Other affiliates were of the opinion that though the present democratic system was a complete failure in

Pakistan, but we (the people) have to revive and refine it. We do not have any other option except to recognize this system of government.

Regarding the desired political system both JI and JUI affiliates agreed that it is a

Sharia based Islamic system. JUI affiliates are more inclined towards the political process for this purpose. They consider it the only possible way in the 21st century. In their opinion without a proper political process, the sharia based Islamic system in Afghanistan was not accepted and recognized by the outer world (even including Muslim countries). So they are determined to continue their struggle for an Islamic cause. Their approach is more of a bottom-up approach in which they are to convince the common people regarding the

Islamic system and then with the help (vote) of these people, reach the helm of affairs and change the system accordingly.

JI affiliates on the other hand were of the opinion that the whole system need an extensive overhauling which is not possible with an evolutionary process of democracy.

They still believe that revolution of the Islamists is the only possible solution. However,

250 none of the members advocated violent means for such a revolution. In their opinion, the political elites and those who controll the affairs of the state are required to be focused. If they accept and recognize Islamic system as the ultimate solution for the country, revolution is obvious. Their approach is more of a top-down approach.

JUI affiliates regarding the success of JUI politics were found satisfied. In their opinion, their significant success is the safeguard of the constitution of 1973. They consider this constitution an Islamic constitution which need to be accepted upon and be protected from any kind of distortion and other changes contrary to Islam and sharia. In their opinion

JUI alone is performing this sacred duty in the parliament.

For JI affiliates the present Islamic clauses in the constitution are because of JI efforts during Zia era. They have done much for Islamization of the constitution and are still working for this cause.

Satisfaction with the party affiliation proved to be a bit difficult and challenging as all the affiliates were found satisfied with their parties. In that those (ex)-affiliates who have left their parties (JI and JUI) were focused. There were many such former affiliates of both the parties in Dir and D. I. Khan who left their parties on different grounds. Some left their parties on the grounds of their un-satisfaction with their parties political program and strategies for the cause of Islam. For example many ex-affiliates in D.I. Khan were of the opinion that JUI remained no more a party for an Islamic cause. Ideally, it is still seeking the support of common people in the name of Islam, but in reality it became only a political party just like other political parties. The affiliates are more concerned with their personal gains. Some have also personality (leadership) issues with the local leadership, other criticized the single family (Maulana Fazal-ul-Rehman family) role and hold on the party.

Similarly, in Dir due to their grievances and other differences with the local party leadership, some of the JI affiliates have also left the party. They accused the party for being diverted from its main cause “the Islamization of society”. In their opinion the party

251 is no more up for its sacred mission for the cause of Islam. In the beginning it was a movement, but now it has become purely a political party, whoes main aim is to win elections and come in government. The party damn care about the ideology. It only strives for power.

Civic Tolerance variable is related to, support and acceptance for the rights of all within an area or polity, due process of law, freedom of speech, recognition of lawful and legitimate diversity with the society and all the basic rights of the citizens. Affiliates of both the parties affirmed their unconditional respect for the law of the land and the political and ethnic diversity (based on religion).

JUI affiliates in D. I. Khan said that due to significant presence of Shiite Muslim sect, have close relations with them in terms of electoral alliance and seat adjustment in elections. Though a banned organization Sipah-i-Suhaba Pakistan (perceived to be involved in killing of Shiite in different parts of Pakistan) has its origin from JUI, yet today

(all) the affiliates and leadership have distanced themselves from that organization.

Similarly, they also have close electoral relations with Brelvis in D. I. Khan. Regarding

PTI, the affiliates were very aggressive and a kind on non-tolerant.

In Dir however, JUI affiliates showed their concern over the growing influence of

Ahl-i-Hadith. In the opinion of JUI district general secretary, these people are more extreme in their day today affairs. They are non-political and do not believe in political struggle. Because of them the peaceful environment may deteriorate once again in Dir.

For JI affiliates in Dir, Awami National Party and JUI affiliates are not much acceptable. Awami National Party poses a serious threat to them in different areas. JUI on the other hand is their competitor for religious vote and also because it was in electoral alliance (on different seats) with ANP in the last elections of 2013 and local government elections 2015.

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Political Knowledge variable is referred to the affiliates knowledge about different political events and issues within their parties and their knowledge about the political system of Pakistan.

In this regard JI affiliates had significant knowledge about different issues in JI.

Some of the affiliates connected that with the required readings and syllabus for the JI affiliates. The workers have been keep updated about the party history and its role in different political events. Majority of the affiliates are the permanent readers of the JI official magazine Tarjuman-al-Quran, which not only gives them Jamaat perspective on contemporary issues but also provides them insight of the historical issues and JI responses to those issues. The respondents were quite capable of presenting and depending the party stance on different issues.

JUI affiliates on the other hand do not have any required syllabus for their members and affiliates. Though they had excellent knowledge about the present political situation and political system of Pakistan, yet, all of them were not quite able to defend and present their party stance on different historical issues and events.

The Spectator Politicization was to show that how much contents (essentially political) is consumed by an individual in the media i.e. print, electronic and social media.

The most striking query in this regard was whether or not an affiliate is attached to media

(any kind). The trend of the use of social media in both the parties’ affiliates was also focused. In this regard JI affiliates showed more interest than JUI affiliates. For example they were regular reader of Trajuman-al-Quran and other party related literature. On the other hand JUI monthly magazine Al-Jamiah was not read by every member and affiliate of the party. Similarly, it was found that many of the JUI affiliates consider watching television a sin and forbidden in Islam. JI affiliates held the opinion that it is a modern communication tool and is unavoidable. In their opinion it can be and should be used in a positive way.

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The level of use of social media was also very different. Though the young generation (youth) affiliated to both the parties actively engaged in social media, but the elder or the affiliates older than forty years of age are not that active and involved in social media. In JUI majority of that age group affiliates are not acquainted and familiar with the modern communication tools. JI affiliates were found familiar but many said that social media kills lot of precious time of an individual. Therefore, they gave it very less time.

They however, held an opinion that interaction on social media with the affiliates of other political parties may produce positive impacts on social media users. It can promote consensus among the different users if used for discussions and debates based on rational and logical arguments.

The difference in the acceptance and accommodation of other political parties in terms of electoral alliance and coalition is rooted in the socialization process of the two.

Although the agents of socialization of both the parties are the same, yet, the differences in approach and procedure of agents make the two different and distinct politico-religious parties in Pakistan. For example family and parents are considered to be the most important agent of socialization. JI families are much concerned about the socialization (siyasi tarbiyaat) of their children. They provide them party literature and involve them in political activities (bringing them to political meetings and gatherings). The gathering of the family

(ijtima-i-ihle khana) is one of the important aspect of family socialization within JI affiliated families.

JUI affiliated families are not having any such family gatherings, yet, they also give much attention to the socialization (tarbiyyat) of their children. As majority of these families are having ulema and hafiz, so the children are also persuaded to carry on their religious education in mosques and madrassas.

Families of the affiliates of both the parties decide about the future endeavors of their children. They decide what their children are to read, whether they are to go to a

254 madrassa or to a school and which school or madrassa they are to go. The families also control the friend circle of their children. The voting behavior and preferences are also set by the families and the elders.

Family socialization was found much stronger in JI families in Dir. None of the respondent identified any individual who is socialized in the family and had left the party afterward. In JUI few individuals and their families were identified by the respondents in

Dir, D. I. Khan and many other part of the province (though any of such individuals and their families could not be accessed and could not be verified independently). So for JI it is producing the real ideological workers.

Teachers’ (affiliated to JI or JUI) role are undeniable in the socialization process in the educational institutions. They effectively manipulate the school/madrassa environment and the syllabus and socialize the students in their own way and procedure. Student’s organization in schools and colleges and madrassa are providing future leadership and socialized workers to both the parties. IJT in this regard is more organized and successful as it has a proper socialization program for the political and ideological indoctrination of the students. JTI though non-visible in colleges, yet has a strong network in JUI affiliated and supervised madrassas across the country.

JI is ahead of JUI in using modern communication tools. Its workers are more involved in social media and conventional media. They are more aware of the advantages of the usage of modern communication tools. The social media official accounts and pages of the party and leaders are more effectively used by JI affiliates. JUI affiliates are still to decide whether the usages of internet and modern communication tools are halal or haram in Islam (many respondents (above 40 years of age) from JUI considered it haram).

Regarding the socialized workers’ contribution in the broader political culture, democracy and consensus development in the country, the different approaches and procedure in socialization of the workers, both the parties are promoting different cultures

255 of democracy and consensus building in the country. Due to a more “political stance and strategies” of JUI leadership, the workers are open to accommodate any other political party for electoral alliance or coalition government. The workers believe that they can more effectively strive for an Islamic cause while in power. They also project that their alliance with others are always under clear principles which they never compromise. They are convinced that any political strategy which is not against the democratic system in Pakistan can be workable for them. The party even being in coalition government have time and again differ with the government policies on different issues. The central Amir Maulana

Fazal Ul Rehman is considered to be the most successful political mediator in different political issues between the government and the opposition parties. He has solved many political issues and resolved deadlocks between political parties. He has therefore, earned a good name in the political spectrum of Pakistan.

JI affiliates seems to be more concerned about their own ideological commitment.

For example they boycotted the general elections in 1997 and in 2008 when it was realized to them by the leadership that taking part in these elections was not helpful for their political and ideological objectives. The workers believe that ideology of the party comes first. It, itself is the mean and an end to a mean. Political strategy of an alliance with another political party or a group can only be acceptable to the workers if the ideology and political approach of the other party is to a great extent similar to that of JI. So in such a case a pure political alliance (not ideological) is very hard for the workers to accept. The revisionist nature of the party leadership (historically) and their commitment for an Islamic revolution are the two basic factors in the way of accommodating other parties for purely political strategies (alliances and coalitions).

256

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INTERVIEWS

1. Daud Jan, IJT affiliate in University of Peshawar. December 15, 2017, Peshawar.

2. Fazal Rehman Baluch, JI district Amir D. I. Khan. December 6, 2016, D. I. Khan.

3. Hafiz Jamshid, JI Naib Amir Lakki Marwat, also remained Jamiat Talba Islam

provincial general secretary. December 5, 2016, Lakki Marwat.

4. Hassan Ali Shah, Tehsil Naib Nazim Monda, Dir. October 26, 2016, Monda, Dir.

5. Humayun Khan, Tehsil Nazim Monda Dir, also remained JI Tehsil Amir Monda.

October 26, 2016, Monda, Dir.

6. Khwaja Faiz ul Ghafoor, president trade union (Anjuman-i-Tajiraan) Chakdara

Bazara, Dir. He was the first Nazim of IJT in University of Malakand. October 24,

2016, Chakdara, Dir.

7. Malak Rahat Ullah, a local PTI leader tehsil Timargara. October 25, 2016,

Timargara Dir.

8. Manzar Javid, a local JUI leader district Karak. October 14, 2016, Karak.

9. Maulana Abdul Hakim Akbari, a central shura member of JUI. December 09, 2016,

D. I. Khan.

10. Maulana Gul Naseeb Khan, provincial Amir JUI Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. November

25, 2016, Peshawar.

11. Maulana Hamdullah, head teacher in Madrassa Eid Gah D. I. Khan and member

central shura of the JUI. December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan.

12. Maulana Sami Ur Rehman, farmer JI district Karak Amir. November 02, 2016,

Karak.

278

13. Maulana Shareer Khan, head teacher Jamia Ahya ul Uloom Blambat. He is a

member provincial Shura of the party (JI). October 25, 2016, Blambat, Dir.

14. Miraj Khan, JI youth Tehsil Blambat general secretary. October 24, 2016,

University of Malakand Chakdara, Dir.

15. Mohammd Tayyeb Akbari, provincial general secretary JTI Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

December 08, 2016, D. I. Khan.

16. Mufti Khalid Mehmood, press secretary JUI district Dir. December 25, 2016,

Talash Dir.

17. Naseer Khan, teacher in a private college in D. I. Khan and information secretary

Tehsil Kulachi, D. I. Khan. December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan.

18. Qamar Zia, former campus general secretary of JTI Gomal University D. I. Khan,

in 2002-2003. October 05, 2016, Peshawar.

19. Rafi Ullah, former IJT member and president D. I. Khan 2006-2007. He is currently

associated with JUI. December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan.

20. Rahim Shah, head librarian, Jamia Ahya ul Uloom Blambat Dir. October 25, 2016,

Blambat, Dir.

21. Rahim Ullah, former Amir JI Malakand division. October 24, 2016, Chakdara, Dir.

22. Rehan Ullah, student in Jamia Ahya ul Uloom Blambat and associated with Jamiat

Talba Arabia. October 25, 2016, Blambat, Dir.

23. Sadaat Ullah, first cousin of JUI Amir Maulana Fazal ur Rehman and former JUI

district Karachi (East) Amir. December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan.

24. Salman Khan Khattak, lecturer political science, government degree college Lal

Qala Maidan. October 27, 2016, Lal Qala Maidan.

25. Sheer Zamin Kaka, one of the founding members of JI in Dir, a honorary member

of the central shura of the party. October 25, 2016, Blambat, Dir.

279

26. Sultanat Yar, JI runner-up contestant in 2013 general elections PK-95. October 24,

2016, Chakdara, Dir.

27. Wasif Ullah, member IJT social media team University Campus Peshawar.

December 20, 2017, Peshawar.

28. Zaid Mohibulla, president JI lawyer’s wing D. I. Khan, and former district Amir JI

D. I. Khan. December 8, 2016, D. I. Khan.

29. Zarawar Khan, former president Tanzim-i-Asatiza Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. October

27, 2016, Lal Qala Maidan.

30. Zia Ullah, Nazim IJT University of Malakand. October 24, 2016, University of

Malakand Chakdara, Dir.

280

APPENDICES

Appendix – I

Syllabus for Rifaqat (Friends)

Hifz (Memorization): Nimaz (prayer) along with Dua-i-Qunoot, Nimaz-i-Janaza with translation, Sorah-i-Fatiha, Al-Takasur till Sorah Al-Nass.

Tafseer: Sorah-i-Fatiha, Sorah Al-Zilzaal till Sorah Al-Nass

Hadith: Mashal-i-Rah by Abdul Razzaq Kodwawi, Forty Selected Ahadith by Khuram Murad

LITERATURE

S.No Book Author

1 Khutbaat (1st, 2nd) Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi

2 Denyaat Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi 3 Shahadat-i-Haq Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi 4 Dawat-i-Islami aor Es Ka Tariqa-i-Kaar Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi 5 Banao Aor Bighaar Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi 6 Jihad Fi Sabeel Lillah Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi 7 Mohammad Arabi Inayat Ullah Subhani 8 Nabi-i-Karim ki Nimazain Tahir Rasool Qadri 9 Taamir-i-Serat kay Lawazim Naeem Siddiqui 10 Apni Islah App Naeem Siddiqui 11 Taleem Al-Islam Mufti Kifayat Ullah 12 Khalid kay Naam Zafar Jamal Baluch 13 Main Jamiat Ka Hissa Kiyo Bano Akhtar Abbas 14 Main Nay Jamiat say Kiya Paya Khuram Murad/Khurshid Ahmad 15 Haqooq-Al-Ibaad Bint Al-Islam 16 Addab Zindagi kay Akhtar Abbas 17 Geography and History of Pakistan CD, DVD

281

Appendix – II

SYLLABUS FOR RUKNIYYAT/OMEDWAR-I-RUKNIYYAT (CANDIDATE FOR MEMBERSHIP)

Quran: Proper and correct recitation of Quran with translation (Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi).

Hifz (Memorization): Sorah-i-Baqara (last section i.e. Roku), Sorah Al-Furqan (last section), Sorah-i-Luqman (2nd section), Sorah Ha’a Meem Sajda (Ayat 30 to 36), Sorah Al-Infitaar, Sorah Al- Ala, Sorah Wadduha till Sorah Al-Naas

Tafseer: Muqddima Tafhem Al-Quran, Sorah Al-Fatiha, Sorah Al-Baqara, Sorah Al- Anfaal, Sorah Al-Yousaf, Sorah Al-Noor, Sorah Al-Ahzaab, Sorah Al-Hujraat, Sorah Al- Saff, Sorah Infitaar, Sorah Al-Aala, , Sorah Wadduha till Sorah Al-Naas.

Hadith: Zad-i-Rah, Rah-i-Amal, Intihab-i-Hadith

Fiqh: Asaan Fiqa (1st and 2nd)

Literature

S.No. Book Author 1 Islami Nizam-i-Zindagi aor Us kay Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi Bunyadi Tassaworaat 2 Sunnat Ki Aaeini Haisiyyat Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi 3 Tanqihaat Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi 4 Tehrik aor Karkun Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi 5 Tajdeed-o-Ahya-i-Deen Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi 6 Al-Jihad Fil Islam Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi 7 Taalimaat Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi 8 Muhsin-i-Insaniyyat (PBUH) Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi 9 Fariza Iqamat-i-Deen/ Maaroof-o- Sadruddin Islahi/Sayyed Jamal-ud- Munkar Din Omri 10 Al-Farooq/ Shaheed-ul-Mihraab Alama Shibli Naumani/ Sayyed Omer Talmsani 11 Deen may Tarjihaat Dr. Yousaf Al-Qardawi 12 Islami Nizam (Ek Fariza, Ek Zarurat) Dr. Yousaf Al-Qardawi 13 Haqiqat-i-Bayyat Prof. Ghulam Azam 14 Deen par Istiqamat kay Lawazim Mohammad Salih Al Manjad 15 Karkuno kay Bahmi Taaluqaat Khuram Murad 16 Assas-i-Deen ki Taameer Sadruddin Islahi 17 Adaab-i-Zindagi Maulana Yousaf Islahi 18 Jab wo Nazim-i-Ala Thay (1st, 2nd) Tareekh-i-Jamiat Committee 19 Roodad-i-Jamaat-i-Islami (1st, 2nd) 20 Inqilabaat-i-Aalam, Dastoor-i-Jamiat and

282

Dastori Safar 21 Iqbalyaat (Shikwa, Jawa-i-Shikwa, Alama Iqbal Iblees ki Majlis-i-Shura) 22 A short History and Geography of CD, DVD Muslim world

283

Appendix – III

SYLLABUS AFTER RUKNIYYAT (MEMBERShip)

Hifz (Memorization): Sorah-i-Baqara (First section i.e. Roku), Sorah Aal-Imran (last section), Sorah Bani Israel (9th section), Sorah Al-Jasiah, Sorah Al- Saaf, 30th Para (Chapter, Complete).

Tafseer: Tafhem Al-Quran (Complete),Tadabbur-i-Quran (complete).

Hadith: Maarif-Al Hadith, (complete), Riyad-al-Saliheen (complete)

LITERATURE

S.No. Book Author 1 Al Rahiq Al Makhtoom Safi Ur Rehman Mubarakpori

2 Dawaat-i-Islami aor os Kay Mutalbaat Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi 3 Islami Tehzib aor os Kay Osool-o-Mubadi Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi 4 Parda Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi 5 Khilafat-o-Molukiyyat Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi 6 Tehrik-i-Azadi-i-Hind aor Musalman (1st, 2nd) Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi 7 Tehzibi Kashmakash may Ilm-o-Tehqeeq ka Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi Kirdaar 8 Tasrihaat Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi 9 Maashyaat Islam Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi 10 Al-Quds Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi 11 Tafhimaat (1st, 2nd, 3rd) Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi 12 Islam may Halaal aor Haram Dr. Yousaf Al-Qardawi 13 Bighaar Kaha? Dr. Yousaf Al-Qardawi 14 Islam aor Jadeed Zihn kay Shubhaat/ Islam aor Mohammad Qutb Maghrib kay Tehzibi Masaail 15 Hasan Al Bana ki Dairy Khalil Ahmad Hamdi 16 Rasool-i-Khuda ka Tariq-i-Tarbiyyat Siraj Uddin Nadwi 17 Secularism, Mubahis aor Mughaltay Tariq Jan 18 Islami Riyasat may Nizam-i-Taleem Muslim Sajjad 19 Sayyed Badshah ka Qafila Abad Shah Pori 20 Islam ki Daawat Sayyed Jalal ud Din Omri 21 Islam, Insani Haqooq ka Pasbaan Sayyed Jalal ud Din Omri 22 Aorat aor Islam Sayyed Jalal ud Din Omri 23 Musalman Aorat kay Haqooq Sayyed Jalal ud Din Omri 24 Dawlat may Khuda ka Haq Sayyed Jalal ud Din Omri 25 Infaaq fi Sabeel Lillah Sayyed Jalal ud Din Omri 26 Iqbalyaat (Kulyaat-i-Iqbal) Alama Iqbal 27 World geography and short history CD, DVD