CONSENSUAL AND CONFLICTUAL POLITICAL CULTURE IN PAKISTAN: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF JAMAAT-I-ISLAMI AND JAMIAT ULEMA-I-ISLAM SOCIALIZATION PROCESS BY WAJID MEHMOOD DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR (September, 2017) CONSENSUAL AND CONFLICTUAL POLITICAL CULTURE IN PAKISTAN: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF JAMAAT-I-ISLAMI AND JAMIAT ULEMA-I-ISLAM SOCIALIZATION PROCESS Thesis submitted to the Department of Political Science, University of Peshawar, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Award of the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN POLITICAL SCIENCE (September, 2017) i ABSTRACT This study reflects on the consensual and conflictual political culture in Pakistan and specifically in two religio-political parties i.e. Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamiat Ulema-i- Islam. It validates the argument that consensus and conflicts within political parties are because of the socialization process of their workers. It fundamentally tries to investigate the questions of “how a culture of consensus or conflict is developed through the process of socialization”. How JI and JUI socialize their workers? And “how far socialized workers in JI and JUI accommodate people of other political parties and ideologies”? The scarce literature on Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam failed to explain the political behavior of the workers of these two parties. In the political socialization scholarship, socialization is a continuous process and different agents and factors have significant roles during the whole process, which shape specific preferences of the “socialized” workers. For JI and JUI, socializing and politically educating the future citizens of the polity is the primary duty of the family. Political and social conceptions along with religious ideas and values found among members of JI and JUI are thus transmitted through, especially, parents’ in the family, more than schools, peer groups and mass media. Family transmits the parents political values and disposition to the coming generation, thus provides a continuous ideological commitment and man power to the parties. It also validates the argument that certain aspects of children’s lives, such as civic participation, shaping voting behavior and party identification etc. are in the domain of families and parents in JI and JUI affiliated families. Educational institutions established by the workers of these parties also socialize and indoctrinate the ideology of JI and JUI in the children. In terms of communicating the curricula contents and messages to the students, the role of teacher is much important. His personal values, likes and dislikes and political affiliation greatly affect the classroom discussion, learning and the intellectual growth of the youth. Student ii organizations (IJT and JTI) in the education institutions across Pakistan are providing a significant environment to the students and prepare them for their active political roles in the society. They work as nurseries for JI and JUI by providing them man power (socialized workers) and future leadership. Both the organizations are having regular systematic training and socialization procedures, which are missing in other contemporary student’s organizations in Pakistan. However, both JI and JUI are not much successful in utilizing the modern communication tools as compared to other political parties. The excessive commercial nature of the traditional media caught up both the parties to get maximum advantage of it in terms of propagation of their ideology and political program. Though JI is trying to fill this gap with the maximum use of social media, JUI affiliates and leadership is neither that familiar with the modern social media and communication tools nor having much involvement in the social media. D. I. Khan and Dir districts were selected for this study primarily on the basis of the parties overwhelming presence, their extensive activities in engaging their workers, their electoral gains as compared to other political parties, and lastly, in addition to belonging of the central leadership of both the parties and their electoral constituencies in these regions. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract.................................................................................................................................i Acknowledgments.................................................................................................................vi Chapters 1. Introduction.......................................................................................................................1 2. Socialization to Politics: a Theoretical Perspective........................................................22 3. Political Culture in Pakistan: An Historical Analysis of Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam Pakistan.............................................................................................59 4. Role of Family in Political Socialization..........................................................................96 5. Role of Educational Institutions in Political Socialization.............................................132 6. Political Socialization in the Student’s Organizations....................................................165 7. Political Socialization and Media...................................................................................201 Conclusion..........................................................................................................................235 Selected Bibliography.........................................................................................................256 Appendices .......................................................................................................................280 iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First of all I am thankful to Almighty Allah for His blessings in completing this thesis. This research work would not have been possible without the help, support and encouragement of numerous people and institutions. Primarily, the gratitude goes to those outstanding institutions that substantially contributed to this project. The Higher Education Commission of Pakistan (HEC) deserves credit in first place, for granting me an ‘Indigenous PhD Scholarship. I was fortunate enough to get Higher Education Commission IRSIP scholarship, and spent six months in University of Massachusetts Boston. Jahanzeb Khan and Rehman Khattak in HEC Islamabad deserve credit and my gratitude for their help and cooperation. In University of Massachusetts Boston, I am highly obliged to Dr. Sana Haroon my host supervisor. Her cooperation, help and intellectual insights made my stay at Boston more effective and fruitful. The director International Student office Susan Leigh Connors needs special mention for her extended support and cooperation. It would be injustice if I do not mention Kristen L. Halbert (office assistant Asian Studies department). She is a wonderful lady and I am highly obliged to her, for the unconditional love, help and support. University of Peshawar (Pakistan), being my Alma Mater also deserves appreciation. I am thankful to the staff at Department of Political Science, University of Peshawar for their support throughout this study. The entire staff deserves special appreciation for facilitating me in my studies. During the entire duration of this study many individuals contributed to this work by providing support, guidance and encouragement. First and foremost, my gratitude goes to Dr. Abdul Rauf who not only passionately supervised this work by contributing intellectually but also encouraged me in my moments of despondency. He was also extremely helpful in matters indirectly related to this study. Dr. Muhammad Ayub Jan also needs special mention and appreciation. He helped me a lot v in understanding my topic and provided me relevant material. I am also thankful to the other faculty members of the Department of political Science University of Peshawar, Dr. Taj Muharram Khan, Dr. A. Z. Hilali, Dr. Zahid Anwar, Dr. Shahida Aman, Dr. Noreen Naseer, Dr. Mohammad Zubair and Dr. Sami Raza for their direct and in-direct role in this thesis. Above all Aamer Raza needs special mention and appreciation for his extended help and cooperation during my stay at Boston. My gratitude also goes to Dr. Andrea Fleshinberg (DAAD long term guest professor at QAU Islamabad), Dr. Sanaa Alimia, Dr. Jan Peter Hartung, Dr. James Caron (SOAS London) and Dr. Husnul Amin (IIUI). The clerical staff in the University of Peshawar and specifically at the Department of Political science was extremely supportive. Israr Lala in the account section deserves special appreciation. Among other Murad Khan, Saeed Ullah and Shams ul Amin were very much helpful and cooperative. My sincere thanks and gratitude goes to four of my close friends Sajjad Hussain (Bajaur), Syed Wasif Azim (Shabqadar), Hassan Shah (Tangi Charsadda) and Faiz-ul-Ibrar Khattak (Karak). Their appreciation, encouragement, unconditional love and valuable suggestions helped me a lot in completing this thesis. Field work was the most challenging aspect of this research project. My sincere thanks and gratitude goes to Usman Khan (Lecturer University of Malakand) for introducing me to his students and other people who proved very helpful during my field work in Dir. My gratitude also goes to Tayyeb Akbari, who introduced me to many people and arranged interviews for me in Dera Ismail Khan. Zahid Hussain (Bajauar), Akbar Hussain (Monda, Dir), Zia Ullah and Miraj Khan (University of Malakand) also deserve