Terrorism and Crime: Critical Linkages
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The University of Arizona
Sheikhs, Salafis, and the State: The Evolution of Muslim Politics in Chechnya Item Type text; Electronic Thesis Authors Haberstock, Kara Lyn Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 02/10/2021 20:02:02 Item License http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/ Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/297597 SHEIKHS, SALAFZS, AND THE STATE KmLyn Hek A Thesis Submitted to The Honors College In Partial Fmtof the Bachelors degree With Honors in htimational Studies THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA MAY 2013 - -- - - - - - Dr. Adele Bar r Department of7 wian and Slavic Studies I , I of Mzona Elmtronlc Thmm and Dl-IWS 1, Reproducflon and Dsstrlbutlon Rights Fmm The UA Campus dissemination and prmwdon of whotarship produced by Unimaf Arizona University Ubrery, in ~~ with the Honors College, hm sstabllshad a to shere, archive, and pmerve undergrolduate More theta Campus lbpcMay are available for public vleuv. Submisdon of your Umk to the Re$Mmbry pM88an your work to graduate eehods and future smployers, It also allow8 for wr work to tm In your discipline, ambling you to contribute to tha knowkdge base in your field. Your signature on whether ywr thesis Is included in Ehe r@podmy. I hemby grant to the Un of Arizona Ubrary the nonexcluslw wofidwide rigM to reproduce and dsstribute my n, the Wemad rn~Mlsn),in whole w in part; in any and all media of dieMbutlan eveloped in the hture. -
Is the Mafia Taking Over Cybercrime?*
Is the Mafia Taking Over Cybercrime?* Jonathan Lusthaus Director of the Human Cybercriminal Project Department of Sociology University of Oxford * This paper is adapted from Jonathan Lusthaus, Industry of Anonymity: Inside the Business of Cybercrime (Cambridge, Mass. & London: Harvard University Press, 2018). 1. Introduction Claims abound that the Mafia is not only getting involved in cybercrime, but taking a leading role in the enterprise. One can find such arguments regularly in media articles and on blogs, with a number of broad quotes on this subject, including that: the “Mafia, which has been using the internet as a communication vehicle for some time, is using it increasingly as a resource for carrying out mass identity theft and financial fraud”.1 Others prescribe a central role to the Russian mafia in particular: “The Russian Mafia are the most prolific cybercriminals in the world”.2 Discussions and interviews with members of the information security industry suggest such views are commonly held. But strong empirical evidence is rarely provided on these points. Unfortunately, the issue is not dealt with in a much better fashion by the academic literature with a distinct lack of data.3 In some sense, the view that mafias and organised crime groups (OCGs) play an important role in cybercrime has become a relatively mainstream position. But what evidence actually exists to support such claims? Drawing on a broader 7-year study into the organisation of cybercrime, this paper evaluates whether the Mafia is in fact taking over cybercrime, or whether the structure of the cybercriminal underground is something new. It brings serious empirical rigor to a question where such evidence is often lacking. -
Organized Crime – Definition, Players and Global Threat
Transnational Crime MSCR 640 Regis University Week 2 Post-Soviet “Russian” Organized Crime – Definition, Players and Global Threat John Giduck © By John Giduck, all rights reserved, 1995, 2017 1 The Need of Define ROC. One of the greatest difficulties facing those individuals and organizations which must deal with the impact of Russian Organized Crime (ROC) is answering the question, exactly what is Russian organized crime? This difficulty derives in part from the extreme secrecy with which ROC members have always functioned; and has been exacerbated by both news media and law enforcement agencies, whose own particular ends are better served by sensationalized and exaggerated accounts of ROC membership, rising numbers of groups, types and frequency of various crimes. What remains missing is a clear understanding of what exactly Russian organized crime and ROC groups are. Certainly, the media of the 1990s, in reporting incidents of street crime and overall rising crime rates in Russia, utilized a liberal construction of this term, it then being in vogue to blame much on the mafiya. In reality, it will be seen that there are actually many layers of crime in Russia, a number of which are not, and have never been, mafiya controlled.1 Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in late 1991, news media accounts of an increasing crime rate paralleled rising estimates of the number of actual ROC groups and numbers. Rarely a month went by in the three years after the USSR’s collapse that some newspaper, magazine or television show did not proffer a statistic on the number of ROC groups operating across Russia that was not substantially greater than those previously reported. -
S:\FULLCO~1\HEARIN~1\Committee Print 2018\Henry\Jan. 9 Report
Embargoed for Media Publication / Coverage until 6:00AM EST Wednesday, January 10. 1 115TH CONGRESS " ! S. PRT. 2d Session COMMITTEE PRINT 115–21 PUTIN’S ASYMMETRIC ASSAULT ON DEMOCRACY IN RUSSIA AND EUROPE: IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S. NATIONAL SECURITY A MINORITY STAFF REPORT PREPARED FOR THE USE OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION JANUARY 10, 2018 Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations Available via World Wide Web: http://www.gpoaccess.gov/congress/index.html U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 28–110 PDF WASHINGTON : 2018 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Publishing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate Mar 15 2010 04:06 Jan 09, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5012 Sfmt 5012 S:\FULL COMMITTEE\HEARING FILES\COMMITTEE PRINT 2018\HENRY\JAN. 9 REPORT FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER seneagle Embargoed for Media Publication / Coverage until 6:00AM EST Wednesday, January 10. COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS BOB CORKER, Tennessee, Chairman JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland MARCO RUBIO, Florida ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire JEFF FLAKE, Arizona CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware CORY GARDNER, Colorado TOM UDALL, New Mexico TODD YOUNG, Indiana CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming TIM KAINE, Virginia JOHNNY ISAKSON, Georgia EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts ROB PORTMAN, Ohio JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon RAND PAUL, Kentucky CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey TODD WOMACK, Staff Director JESSICA LEWIS, Democratic Staff Director JOHN DUTTON, Chief Clerk (II) VerDate Mar 15 2010 04:06 Jan 09, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 5904 Sfmt 5904 S:\FULL COMMITTEE\HEARING FILES\COMMITTEE PRINT 2018\HENRY\JAN. -
The North Caucasus Ways Forward for Russia and the European Union
Building Stability in the North Caucasus Ways Forward for Russia and the European Union SIPRI Policy Paper No. 16 Neil J. Melvin Stockholm International Peace Research Institute May 2007 © SIPRI, 2007 ISSN 1652-0432 (print) ISSN 1653-7548 (online) Printed in Sweden by CM Gruppen, Bromma Contents Preface iv Map of the North Caucasus vi Table A.1. Data on the North Caucasus and the Russian Federation vii 1. Introduction: instability in the North Caucasus 1 The structure of this Policy Paper 6 2. The roots of instability in the North Caucasus 7 Incorporation and pacification 7 The North Caucasus in the Soviet Union 9 World War II and Stalin 11 The post-Stalin era and perestroika 12 The North Caucasus in the Russian Federation 15 Nationalist mobilization 15 The failure of state building in the North Caucasus 17 Religious revival 18 The first Chechen war 21 3. The North Caucasus in the Putin era 24 Putin’s new course 24 Replacing local elites 26 The second Chechen war 28 Russia’s ‘war on terrorism’ 31 The role of the international community 35 4. Prospects for the North Caucasus 37 National–territorial issues 37 Islam and Islamism 40 Governance in the North Caucasus 43 Socio-economic issues 44 Russia’s security policies 45 The North Caucasus and the European Union 46 5. Recommendations 48 Recommendations for the Russian Federation 48 Recommendations for the European Union 54 About the author 59 Preface For most people, the notion of conflict in the North Caucasus—a region within the Russian Federation, as distinct from the independent states of the South Cau- casus—is synonymous with Chechnya. -
Tambovskaya (AKA: Tambov Gang, AKA: Tambov Gang, AKA: Tambovskaya-Malyshevskaya) Author: Mckenzie O’Brien Review: Phil Williams
Organization Attributes Sheet – Tambovskaya (AKA: Tambov Gang, AKA: Tambov Gang, AKA: Tambovskaya-Malyshevskaya) Author: McKenzie O’Brien Review: Phil Williams A. When the organization was formed + brief history Tambovskaya was formed around 1988/19891 by Vladimir Barsukov, (AKA: Vladimir Sergeevich Kumarin, AKA: “Kum”) and Valerii Ledovskikh, a former sportsmen. By 1990, the group had expanded in membership and its provision of “protection services,” covering ”every possible form of commercial activity, from prostitution to the importation of computers.”2 A 1990 police crackdown arrested 72 members of Tambovskaya, including Barsukov and Ledovskikh; Barsukov was sentenced to four years, but returned to continue to lead the criminal group.3 The year 1993 saw some infighting within Tambovskaya, culminating in a 1994 contracted attempt on Barsukov by a rival faction within the group. Barsukov survived but lost his right arm.4 Following this “internal war,” Barsukov, according to a premier scholar on Russian organized crime, “consolidated the leadership of the Tambovskaya group and began to create a new structure that would allow it to transform itself into a legitimate financial-industrial group. By the end of 1994 the group had already invested in the timber trade, computers, and entertainment facilities, and had set up a number of banks.”5 In the 1990s, Tambovskaya began expanding its portfolio, moving into the energy sector by taking control of Petersburg Fuel Company (PTK). In 1994, Vladimir Putin (then deputy mayor of St. Petersburg) awarded to PTK the right be the sole supplier of gasoline to the city. Tambovskaya, given the control of gasoline to all of St. -
Shifting Faces of Terror After 9/11: Framing the Terrorist Threat
SHIFTING FACES OF TERROR AFTER 9/11: FRAMING THE TERRORIST THREAT A dissertation submitted to Kent State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Elena Pokalova Dissertation written by Elena Pokalova B.A., Ural State Pedagogical University, 2002 M.A., Kent State University, 2010 Ph.D., Kent State University, 2011 Approved by Andrew Barnes, Ph.D., Co-Chair, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Landon Hancock, Ph.D., Co-Chair, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Steven Hook, Ph.D., Member, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Karl C. Kaltenthaler, Ph.D., Member, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Accepted by Steven Hook, Ph.D., Chair, Department of Political Science John R.D. Stalvey, Ph.D., Dean, College of Arts and Sciences ii TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS...................................................................................................iii LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................ v LIST OF TABLES............................................................................................................. vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ................................................................................................ vii Note on Transliteration ....................................................................................................viii List of Frequently Used Abbreviations.............................................................................. ix 1. Introduction.................................................................................................................... -
Radical Islam in Chechnya
RADICAL ISLAM IN CHECHNYA Mr. Artem Kroupenev (Researcher, ICT) 23/1/2009 ABSTRACT The permeation of radical Islam in Chechnya has served a multi-faceted function. It has been the vehicle of separatist resistance, a platform of political strife and conflict, a source of funding and external support and a unifying ideological principle that, in its various interpretations, has brought both hope and destruction for the Chechen society. More often than not, Islam served as a political-ideological tool that brought the promise of legitimacy and was the main source of contention between the Chechen political factions. For 21st century Russia, radical Islam in Chechnya provided a different type of challenge – one that turned into an opportunity for justifying its counter-terrorist operations in the Caucasus. * The views expressed in this publication are solely those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Institute for Counter-Terrorism (ICT). 2 Radical Islam in Chechnya Modern Origins of Chechen Islamization Since 1989, radical Islam has gradually permeated the fabric of Chechnya’s socio-political environment. This process was aided by internal changes in the Soviet Union – the disintegration of the communist ideology and its supporting governmental structure; and the course of Perestroika, which allowed various factions to freely propagate their moral and religious values. The resulting ideological and political vacuum in Chechnya was rapidly filled by radical Islam. From the onset of its post-Soviet attempts to achieve independence, the new secular government in Chechnya took steps that indicated an aspiration to restore Islamic traditions. In this regard, during his initiation as Chechen president on November 9, 1991, retired Lieutenant-General of Soviet Air-Forces, Djohar Dudayev was sworn in holding a Koran in front of numerous representatives of Islamic religious institutions. -
Max Freidzon V. OAO LUKOIL, LUKOIL NORTH AMERICA, LLC, OAO GAZPROM, JSC GASPROM NEFT, and GASPROMNEFT- AERO Soon to Be Amended to Become V
Max Freidzon v. OAO LUKOIL, LUKOIL NORTH AMERICA, LLC, OAO GAZPROM, JSC GASPROM NEFT, and GASPROMNEFT- AERO soon to be amended to become v. ALEXEY BORISOVICH MILLER. ALEXANDER VALERYEVICH DYUKOV, GRAHAM SMITH, ALI IZMAILOVICH BEGLOV, OAO LUKOIL, LUKOIL NORTH AMERICA, LLC, OAO GAZPROM, JSC GASPROM NEFT, and GASPROMNEFT-AERO Case Number: 1:2014cv05445 Filed 07/18/14 Office Foley Square Office Court New York Southern District Court Presiding Judge Analisa Torres Nature of Suit: RICO - Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Justia Dockets Link: http://dockets.justia.com/docket/new-york/nysdce/1:2014cv05445/429816 Overall Presentation of the case: Document 1: Who is Max Freidzon? 1 page Document 2: Background Information “Putin's original RICO model: Setting up fuel distribution in Northwestern Russia (Saint Petersburg)”, 3 pages Document 3: Case: Max Freidzon vs. LUKOIL, Gazprom, Miller, Dyukov, et al. Executive Summary 2 pages "MATERIAL FACTS, LOSS & CLAIMS", 11 pages Document 4: A separate file of Appendixes, 85 pages; upon request Disclaimer: Do not publish, print, or use information in this essay in any kind of publication, interview, or other forms of media without first obtaining written permission from Max Freidzon. Precautionary Comment: The following documents represent Max Freidzon's interpretation of events to the best of his knowledge. Max actively participated in most of the events of 1993-95 but he was an interested observer thereafter. Feel free to contact Mr. Max Freidzon at tel: (408 771 4450) email: [email protected] for any follow up questions. 1 Case Executive Summary Max Freidzon is a religious Jew, he lives in Jerusalem and specializes in developing high tech projects. -
Armed Violence and Poverty in Chechnya: a Mini Case Study for the Armed Violence and Poverty Initiative
Armed violence and poverty in Chechnya: a mini case study for the Armed Violence and Poverty Initiative Item Type Report Authors Peimani, Hooman Citation Peimani, H. (2004). Armed violence and poverty in Chechnya: a mini case study for the Armed Violence and Poverty Initiative. Bradford, Centre of International Cooperation and Security, Department of Peace Studies, University of Bradford. AVPI CAse Studies. Rights © 2004 University of Bradford. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-Share Alike License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.0/uk). Download date 24/09/2021 19:55:07 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10454/993 Armed violence and poverty in Chechnya A mini case study for the Armed Violence and Poverty Initiative November 2004 Hooman Peimani Centre for International Cooperation and Security Department of Peace Studies Armed violence and poverty in Chechnya, Peimani, November 2004 The Armed Violence and Poverty Initiative The UK Department for International Development (DFID) has commissioned the Centre for International Cooperation and Security (CICS) at Bradford University to carry out research to promote understanding of how and when poverty and vulnerability is exacerbated by armed violence. This study programme, which forms one element in a broader “Armed Violence and Poverty Initiative”, aims to provide the full documentation of that correlation which DFID feels is widely accepted but not confirmed. It also aims to analyse the processes through which such impacts occur and the circumstances which exacerbate or moderate them. In addition it has a practical policy-oriented purpose and concludes with programming and policy recommendations to donor government agencies. -
A Short History of Islamic “States” in the North Caucasus
AMERICAN UNIVERSITY OF BEIRUT THE CAUCASUS EMIRATE IN THE AGE OF ISIS: A SHORT HISTORY OF ISLAMIC “STATES” IN THE NORTH CAUCASUS by SUSANNAH JANE STEPHENS A Project submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts to the Center for Arab and Middle East Studies of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences at the American University of Beirut Beirut, Lebanon April 2016 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would first like to acknowledge the extraordinary teachers who have inspired and encouraged me during the course of my education. I have been profoundly lucky to study under such sagacious and passionate individuals. Specifically, I want to thank Michael Schaffer for believing in me at a crucial moment and giving me my first transformative abroad experience, Dr. Jay Holstein for making learning fantastically exciting and for awakening a lifelong passion for religious studies, David Gould, for talking me through my last year of undergraduate and for patiently and softly guiding me towards the my most correct path, and Dr. Paul du Quenoy for his invaluable advice and attention during the process of producing this project. Thank you all, you have changed my life. I would next like to thank the great friends who have enriched my life and taught me so much. I would especially like to thank Kelsey Williamson, the most selfless and trustworthy friend a person could hope to have. Thank you for taking care of me, for helping me, and for always going above and beyond. Thank you Max Gardiner for being patient with me and for loving me so well. -
Russia's Private Military Contractors: Cause for Worry?
Working Paper October 2020 Authors Dr. Sergey Sukhankin Alla Hurska Russia’s Private Military Contractors: Cause for Worry? About the Authors Dr. Sergey Sukhankin is a Fellow at the James- Alla Hurska is an associate expert at the International town Foundation, an Advisor at the Gulf State Center for Policy Studies (Kyiv), and a research assis- Analytics (both – Washington DC) and an Asso- tant at the University of Alberta. Hurska’s research ciate Expert at the International Center for Policy at the University of Alberta concerns geo-econom- Studies (Kyiv). His areas of scientific interest pri- ic and geopolitical issues in the post-Soviet area, marily concern socio-economic developments including the Arctic region and geopolitics of gas in the Baltic Sea region, Russian information and and oil. She is also interested in the role of Rus- cyber security, A2/AD concept and its interpre- sian propaganda campaigns in influencing public tation in Russia, as well as the development of opinion and decision-making in post-Soviet coun- Russia Private Military Companies (geo-econom- tries. Her articles and expert comments have been ic compound) as an instrument of “power eco- solicited by international think tanks, research in- nomics”. Dr. Sukhankin has consulted/briefed stitutions, and news outlets, including Diplomaatia such top-notch institutions as the EU Parliament (Estonia), ICPS (Ukraine), Kyiv Post (Ukraine) and, in (Brussels), CSIS (Ottawa), DIA (Washington DC). Spain, CIDOB, Autonomous University of Barcelo- na, El Periódico de Catalunya, and El Confidencial. Funding Acknowledgment This Working Paper was funded by the Defence and Security Foresight Group which receives fund- ing from the Mobilizing Insights in Defence and Security (MINDS) program designed to facilitate collaboration and mobilize knowledge between the Department of National Defence, the Canadian Armed Forces, and academia and other experts on defence and security issues.