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Article (Published Version) Article On the Form and Content of the Certificates of Pagan Sacrifice SCHUBERT, Paul Abstract Cloes examination of the format of certificates for pagan sacrifice found in Egypt, dating from the so-called 'persecution of Decius' of AD 250. Reference SCHUBERT, Paul. On the Form and Content of the Certificates of Pagan Sacrifice. Journal of Roman Studies, 2016, vol. 106, p. 172-198 DOI : 10.1017/S0075435816000617 Available at: http://archive-ouverte.unige.ch/unige:89489 Disclaimer: layout of this document may differ from the published version. 1 / 1 On the Form and Content of the Certicates of Pagan Sacrice1 PAUL SCHUBERT ABSTRACT Certicates of sacrice (libelli) were produced during the so-called persecution of Decius (A.D. 250), which is documented through the testimony of Christian authors and through original certicates preserved on papyrus. The aim of this article is to offer a more detailed perspective on some specic points in the procedure as regards the production of the papyri. Although Decius’ edict did not produce an instant and decisive change in the religious balance of the Empire, the procedure that was put in place nonetheless testies to the effectiveness of the existing structure, and also to the capacity of the ofcials to adapt this structure so as to obtain maximum compliance from the population. Keywords: Decius; persecution; libelli; certicates of sacrice; papyri; Roman Egypt; Theadelphia I INTRODUCTION Much has already been said — notably in this journal2 — on the so-called libelli, i.e. certicates for pagan sacrice issued under the reign of Decius in the summer of A.D. 250. By an imperial edict, all individuals in the Roman Empire were required to publicly state that they had regularly sacriced to the gods in the past; they also had to perform a sacrice before their local authorities. This was then conrmed in writing by a certicate issued in the name of every individual or his household. Besides the literary evidence provided by several Christian authors, we possess forty-six such certicates preserved on papyri from Middle Egypt.3 The aim of this article is not to reconsider the whole interpretation of the edict that led to the writing of libelli, but to offer a more detailed perspective on some specic points in the procedure as regards the production of the certicates preserved on papyrus. In order to do this, we shall combine an examination of the form and of the contents of the documents. It will be shown that, although Decius’ edict did not produce an instant and decisive change in the religious balance of the Empire, his administration is not to be blamed for this: on the contrary, the procedure that was put into place testies not only to the effectiveness of the existing structure, but also to the capacity of the ofcials to adapt this structure 1 I wish to thank Professor Adalberto Giovannini (Geneva), who read a rst version of this article. My gratitude also extends to all four anonymous readers for their helpful comments. 2 See Rives 1999. 3 All the libelli known to date were listed and numbered in the most recent publication of such a document (4 =P. Lips. II 157). Below, we shall use the same numbering; for the convenience of the reader, a list is also provided at the end of this article. JRS 106 (2016), pp. 172–198. © The Author(s) 2016. Published by The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies. doi:10.1017/S0075435816000617 Downloaded from http:/www.cambridge.org/core. University of Geneva, on 21 Nov 2016 at 12:36:55, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at http:/www.cambridge.org/core/terms. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0075435816000617 ON THE FORM AND CONTENT OF THE CERTIFICATES OF PAGAN SACRIFICE 173 so as to obtain maximum compliance from the population, down to the level of a village, in a coherent fashion. This will be made clear notably by focusing on two specic elements of the procedure, namely the consumption of sacriced meat and the request for a signature. The rst of these two elements must be considered in the light both of ancient tradition and of the Christian perception of ingestion as a reinterpretation of this tradition. Although the perspective chosen here is quite different from that followed by James Rives, the ndings do not necessarily contradict his conclusions. Rather, they allow us to better understand how, at the level of individuals in their villages, the edict was implemented by the administration. Rives gives a thorough account of the event, mostly from the wide perspective of the religion of the Empire. Some key elements should be recalled here for the sake of clarity. Rives rightly emphasizes from the outset the precedence of performance over belief: what seemed to matter was, above all, the requirement that every citizen should accomplish a sacrice in a prescribed way, and that the sacrice be duly recorded. The insistence on active involvement, however, ‘ran counter to traditional religious organization’.4 Neither the testimony of Christian authors nor the papyri have preserved the wording of Decius’ edict in any detail.5 A comparison of the certicates preserved on papyri should, however, allow us to identify some key elements that were no doubt included in the text of the edict. Although our Christian sources mention harsh punishment inicted on those who did not comply with the orders, we cannot tell for sure if repression was explicitly mentioned in the edict. It may have been caused by over-zealous ofcials who acted beyond the call of duty. Certicates were issued not only in Egypt, but also in North Africa and in Rome, which makes it likely that the procedure was in fact applied throughout the Empire.6 Graeme Clarke states that ‘in making his sweeping edict Decius may have given little serious forethought to the practical administration of his orders in, say, the backwoods of Britannia or the wilds of Mauretania: such problems were to be left to the local administration in the provincial civitates to be dealt with in such a way as they could’.7 Examination of the procedure as it appears in the libelli preserved on papyri will conrm both the reliability of the emperor’s administration, and the degree of exibility on the part of the ofcials who had to enforce the orders. Rives states that ‘it remains very likely that [Decius’] motivations in issuing the decree were largely traditional’.8 The brevity of his reign, the rather sudden stop of the operation after the summer of 250, as well the paucity of our sources make it difcult to understand why this measure was initiated and what the general feeling in the population of the Empire could have been.9 That the perfomance of a sacrice was ordered throughout the Empire seems clear enough; but Rives rightly points out that ‘none of the evidence, not even the certicates of sacrice, provides any hint about the reason for the sacrice’.10 He nonetheless states that ‘by dening the minimal cult behaviour expected of all Romans, Decius was in effect establishing a kind of orthopraxy’.11 The papyri do not help to better understand the reasons that lay behind Decius’ edict, but they show that the emperor was able to turn this into a huge administrative operation. To that effect, he was able to rely on a tested machinery that allowed some degree of exibility at the local level, provided 4 See Rives 1999: 135 and 145. 5 See Clarke 1984: 25. There is little doubt that this was an edict; see Rives 1999: 137, n. 12. 6 See Rives 1999: 141. Clarke 1984: 28 cites evidence for an impact of the edict ‘in Spain, Gaul, Italy, Sicily, Africa, Egypt, Palestine, Syria, Pontus and almost certainly Asia’. 7 See Clarke 1984: 30. 8 See Rives 1999: 143. 9 Clarke 1969: 63, n. 1: ‘How the persecution ended is a mystery — there is no hint of a sudden, general amnesty. Cyprian’s wording suggests it merely petered out.’ 10 See Rives 1999: 147. 11 See Rives 1999: 153. Downloaded from http:/www.cambridge.org/core. University of Geneva, on 21 Nov 2016 at 12:36:55, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at http:/www.cambridge.org/core/terms. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0075435816000617 174 PAUL SCHUBERT that the general purpose was attained. In this particular case, the general purpose was to get every citizen of the Empire to declare a kind of allegiance to the traditional custom of sacrice, insisting both on past conduct and on present performance. The administrative infrastructure was in place and had served other purposes in the past; now Decius was able to use it for this Empire-wide sacrice. II LIBELLI: AN OVERVIEW OF PAST RESEARCH The Decian Persecution in the Christian Sources Until the end of the nineteenth century, our knowledge of the events mentioned above was limited to the testimony of three Christian writers: Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage, a contemporary witness who suffered personally from the consequences of the edict; Eusebius of Caesarea (c. A.D. 260–339) who, in his History of the Church, quoted the correspondence of Dionysius, Bishop of Alexandria at the time and a self-described victim of the imperial order; and the Passio Pionii, the account of a martyrdom that took place in Smyrna.12 Understandably, those Christians who suffered through Decius’ edict not only resented the treatment, but also claimed that this was a case of persecution directed specically at Christians. This took place in a context where the Empire was still resisting the fast growth of a religious phenomenon that would cause, a few years later, an undeniable persecution against the Christians (in A.D.
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