DOCSLIB.ORG

Shkidchenko Out, Marchuk in As Defense Minister

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Shkidchenko Out, Marchuk in As Defense Minister INSIDE:• Ambassador-designate to Ukraine speaks at confirmation hearing — page 4. • Ukrainian Orthodox Church remembers Patriarch Mstyslav — page 9. • Krawciw Memorial Symposium discusses literary renaissance — centerfold. Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXXI HE KRAINIANNo. 26 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JUNE 29, 2003 EEKLY$1/$2 in Ukraine PulitzerT Prize BoardU keeps information Shkidchenko out,W Marchuk in as defense minister regarding Duranty review under tight wraps by Maryna Makhnonos appointment of a civilian defense minis- Special to The Ukrainian Weekly ter,” President Kuchma said, according to the Interfax news agency. by Andrew Nynka plaints” had caused the Pulitzer Board to KYIV – President Leonid Kuchma on Interfax also reported that in address- create a subcommittee, which was done PARSIPPANY, N.J. – The Pulitzer June 25 dismissed Defense Minister ing his new subordinates, Mr. Marchuk very quietly in April. He added that the Volodymyr Shkidchenko – who submit- Prize Board, under pressure from an said that Ukraine’s armed forces “should bulk of the thousands of complaints ted his resignation last week after presi- international campaign asking to revoke be more flexible, more effective and came after the subcommittee was creat- dential criticism of his work – and a 1932 award, has kept information ready to fulfill tasks on observing ed. appointed the country’s top security offi- regarding a Pulitzer Board subcommittee Ukraine’s security, be quickly adaptable When asked what spurred the Pulitzer cial to the post. review of the award given to The New for colossal changes in Ukraine and the Board to create a subcommittee if the Mr. Kuchma introduced National York Times’ Walter Duranty locked world.” bulk of the thousands of complaints Security and Defense Council Secretary tightly behind closed doors. Mr. Marchuk, 62, was born in the cen- came after the subcommittee was Yevhen Marchuk as Mr. Shkidchenko’s “I am not going to get into confiden- tral Ukrainian region of Kirovohrad and formed, Mr. Gissler repeated that he successor at a meeting with top Defense tial proceedings of an internal review,” has a pedagogical and law education. His would not comment on the matter Ministry officials, presidential spokes- said Sig Gissler, administrator for the career spans posts from that of a KGB because “the work of the board is confi- woman Olena Hromnytska said. Pulitzer Prizes, during a June 20 tele- dential and the review is internal.” “Today I signed a decree on the (Continued on page 23) phone interview with The Ukrainian The only statement released regarding Weekly, which sought to find further the matter came on June 10 (see full text details regarding the subcommittee. Nor on page 4). In that statement Mr. Gissler would the administrator say when a deci- acknowledges that complaints regarding sion on Mr. Duranty’s prize could be Mr. Duranty’s Pulitzer Prize have “arisen Kuchma seeks constitutional amendments expected. from time to time. ... However, the board by Marina Makhnonos Mr. Gissler said that “some com- is aware of the most recent complaints islature, reduce the number of national and, like any significant complaint, we Special to The Ukrainian Weekly deputies and to have the draft law approved in a national referendum. take them seriously. They are under KYIV – About a week before review by a Board subcommittee and all “Exactly those three clashing points Ukrainians marked Constitution Day, have prompted the debate between the aspects and ramifications will be consid- President Leonid Kuchma announced on ered.” president and his opponents,” Mr. Canadian Senate adopts June 19 his proposals to amend the Kuchma said, according to the Uriadovyi Mr. Gissler went on to say in that state- supreme law and give more authority to ment that Mr. Duranty won the Pulitzer Kurier, the government newspaper that the Parliament. Opposition lawmakers, published his official address. motion on Famine-Genocide for an explicit set of stories in 1931 and however, understood the address as an by Peter Stieda “that a prize in a particular Pulitzer cate- Demonstrating his intention to share attempt to prolong the incumbent’s rule. power with the legislative branch, the OTTAWA – In a historic move, the gory is not meant to say anything about a Speaking in a televised address to the president proposed that the Parliament Senate of Canada on June 20 unanimous- winner’s body of work over time.” nation, Mr. Kuchma officially rejected appoint the prime minister from a list of ly adopted a motion calling on the gov- However, Dr. Lubomyr Luciuk, direc- his previous ideas to turn the 450-seat ernment of Canada to recognize the (Continued on page 4) Verkhovna Rada into a two-chamber leg- (Continued on page 4) Famine-Genocide of 1932-1933 which killed 7 million to 10 million people in Ukraine. The motion, originally moved by Sen. Klitschko loses to Lewis, but wins public support Raynell Andreychuk, calls for the recog- nition of the Ukrainian Famine-Genocide PARSIPPANY, N.J. – Lennox Lewis defeated Ukrainian of 1932-1933 and for the condemnation Vitalii Klitschko to retain the World Boxing Council title after of any attempt to deny or distort this his- a ringside doctor stopped their June 21 fight prior to the start of torical truth as being anything less than a the seventh round. genocide. While Lewis, 37, won the fight, it was Klitschko, 31, who It also calls for the fourth Saturday in surprised boxing experts and captured many of the 15,939 November to be designated as a day of hearts at the Staples Center in Los Angeles with his perform- remembrance for those who perished ance. during the time of the Famine; and for all Klitschko’s heart and determination had been in question Canadians, particularly historians, educa- ever since he pulled out of what many experts said was the tors and parliamentarians, to include the only true test of his career – he failed to come out for the 10th true facts of the Ukrainian Famine- round against Chris Byrd on April 1, 2000, after tearing the Genocide of 1932-1933 in the records of rotator cuff in his left shoulder in the fourth round of that fight. Canada and in future educational materi- This time, however, Klitschko, a 4-1 underdog going into al. the fight, left a strong impression on analysts and commenta- Sen. Andreychuk expressed satisfac- tors working the fight. Several, including boxing great and for- tion and appreciation that the Senate has mer heavyweight champion George Foreman and HBO’s Larry recognized the significance of this atroci- Merchant, called Klitschko the real winner in the fight and said ty. “The motion represents a great step in that questions regarding Klitschko’s heart were erased with the giving a voice to all those who fell vic- Ukrainian’s performance. tim to the famine-genocide,” she stated. Klitschko fought from the third round on with blood pouring “I cannot begin to tell you the number over the left side of his face from five different cuts. of people in Canada, Ukraine and else- Dr. Pearlman Hicks, a California-based plastic surgeon who where who are thankful for this motion. I repaired the cuts to Klitschko, said in a telephone interview want to express my appreciation to the with The New York Times that 60 stitches were required to Ukrainian Canadian Congress and others repair four cuts on Klitschko’s face and one cut in his mouth. throughout Canada for their determina- Ringside doctor Paul Wallace ordered referee Lou Moret to tion and support to ensure that all those stop the fight in between the sixth and seventh rounds prompt- AP who suffered because of this tragedy are Vitalii Klitschko in a bout for the WBC title against cham- not forgotten,” said Sen. Andreychuk. (Continued on page 16) pion Lennox Lewis. 2 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JUNE 29, 2003 No. 26 ANALYSIS NEWSBRIEFSNEWSBRIEFS Kuchma’s illusive 2004 candidate Ukrainian, Polish presidents meet Geoana said that “regardless of historic by Taras Kuzio After becoming NBU chairman head in injustice, the 1946 Paris Peace treaty December, Mr. Tyhypko began a self- Whom will President Leonid Kuchma ODESA – Ukrainian President Leonid incorporated the island into the Soviet promotion campaign that nobody in that choose as the pro-presidential candidate Kuchma and his Polish counterpart, Union contrary to any norm of interna- position had ever undertaken. for the October 2004 elections? Aleksander Kwasniewski, attended the tional justice, while political reality after Within Ukraine both Mr. Medvedchuk Discussions are under way between opening of a Polish Consulate in the 1990 confirmed this fact.” He said the and Mr. Yanukovych have drawbacks in Viktor Yushchenko, head of the pro- Black Sea port of Odesa on June 24, dispute with Ukraine is not over which relation to Mr. Tyhypko. Mr. reform Our Ukraine bloc, and two radical Ukrainian news agencies reported. The country the island belongs to, but on the Medvedchuk has made even more ene- opposition groups, Oleksander Moroz’s two presidents took part in a Ukrainian- delimitation of the Black Sea’s continen- mies than he already had prior to becom- Socialists (SPU) and Yulia Tymoshenko’s Polish business forum in Odesa later the tal shelf. Romania regards the island as ing presidential administration head in bloc, to unite behind Mr. Yushchenko. same day. (RFE/RL Newsline) uninhabited, while Ukraine claims it has May 2002. The Social Democratic Party- Mr. Yushchenko has maintained his “an economic life of its own,” Mr. united (SDPU), which is led by Mr. New deputy joins Verkhovna Rada position as Ukraine’s most popular politi- Geoana said. Should Ukraine stick to its Medvedchuk, is the only oligarch party cian since he was prime minister from KYIV – The Central Electoral claim, he added, Romania might take the unpopular in its home base, in Kyiv.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Public Opinion in Ukraine 1999
    Public Opinion In Ukraine 1999 A Publication in the VOICES OF THE ELECTORATE Series Gary A. Ferguson October 1999 SAMPLE: 1,200 OVERSAMPLES IN KYIV (100) & CRIMEA (300) FIELDWORK: JUNE 16 – JUNE 23, 1999 DUCTED BY: SOCIS-GALLUP, KYIV Prepared for International Foundation for Election Systems 1101 15th Street, NW, Third Floor Washington, DC 20005 phone: (202) 828-8507 fax: (202) 452-0804 Public Opinion In Ukraine 1999 Opinion Research at IFES is a global program seeking to develop reliable and accurate opinion indicators. Results from IFES-sponsored surveys and focus group discussions are published in the IFES Voices of the Electorate series. For more information on opinion research at IFES, please call the IFES Development and New Initiatives Office. Use of information from this publication is permitted, provided the following statement is attached in 10- point type: "Source: International Foundation for Election Systems." As a courtesy only, we request that you advise us when using any data from this report This Publication was made possible through support provided by the Office of Democracy and Governance, Bureau for Europe and the New Independent States, U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), under the terms of Cooperative Agreement No. EE-A-00-97-00034-00. The opinions expressed herein are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or IFES. International Foundation for Election Systems, Washington, DC 20005 Public Opinion in Ukraine: 1999 Published October 1999 Printed in the United States of
    [Show full text]
  • General Information About Ukraine
    General Information about Ukraine Introduction The purpose of this document is to give a general overview of Ukrainian economy and the city of Slavutych to potential investors. The information provided covers a broad range of subjects to help potential investors understand Ukraine’s developing economy and was gathered from a variety of sources, including the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund. Ukraine is rich in culture, history and natural resources. The government of Ukraine is transforming its economic structure to a western market economy and continues solving problems related to this change. More detailed information about Slavutych, the hometown of Chornobyl Nuclear Power Plant workers, is provided. As the date of the Chornobyl NPP closure approaches, the Ukrainian government is taking steps toward economic diversification, including educating and attracting foreign and domestic investors. This guide aims to provide valuable information about investment opportunities, geography, people, government, and the economy of Ukraine and Slavutych. Geography Ukraine sits at a favorable strategic position between Europe and Asia and is the second-largest country in Europe. The contemporary city of Kyiv is Ukraine’s capital and one of the biggest cities in Europe. With a population of almost 3 million, it stands preeminent as the administrative, economic, research, cultural and educational center. The President, Supreme Council (Verhovna Rada), all ministries and government departments are all located in Kyiv. Location Eastern Europe, bordering the Black Sea, between Poland and Russia Time zone GMT +2:00 Area Total 603,700 sq. km (slightly smaller than Texas ) Land 603,700 sq.
    [Show full text]
  • Abuse of Power – Corruption in the Office of the President Is His Most Recent Book
    Contents 1. Preface 2. 1 “Evil has to be stopped” 3. 2 Marchuk, the arch-conspirator 4. 3 Kuchma fixes his re-election 5. 4 East & West celebrate Kuchma’s victory 6. 5 Kuchma and Putin share secrets 7. 6 Corruption 8. 7 Haunted by Lazarenko 9. 8 Bakai “the conman” 10. 9 “Yuliya must be destroyed” 11. 10 Prime minister’s wife “from the CIA”? 12. 11 Kidnapping Podolsky & killing Gongadze 13. 12 Covering up murder 14. 13 Marchuk’s “secret coordinating center” 15. 14 Kolchuga fails to oust Kuchma 16. 15 The Melnychenko-Kuchma pact 17. 16 “We can put anyone against the wall” 18. 17 Fixed election sparks Orange Revolution 19. 18 Yanukovych’s revenge 20. Bibliography 21. Acknowledgements 22. A note on the author 23. Books by JV Koshiw Artemia Press Ltd Published by Artemia Press Ltd, 2013 www.artemiabooks.com ISBN 978-0-9543764-3-7 Copyright © JV Koshiw, 2013 All rights reserved. Database right Artemia Press Ltd (maker) The photograph on the front cover It shows President Leonid Kuchma and Viktor Yushchenko clasping hands, while his rival Viktor Yanukovych looks on. Yushchenko’s pot marked face bears witness to the Dioxin poisoning inflicted on him a few weeks earlier during the 2004 presidential election campaign. Photo taken by Valeri Soloviov on Nov. 26, 2004, during the negotiations to end the Orange Revolution (Photo UNIAN). System of transliterations The study uses the Library of Congress system of transliteration for Ukrainian, with exceptions in order to make Ukrainian words easier to read in English. The letter є will be transcribed as ye and not ie.
    [Show full text]
  • Yanukovich´S Ukraine After the Orange Revolution: Mere Parenthesis Or on Its Way Back to Normalcy?1
    UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 27 (Octubre / October 2011) ISSN 1696-2206 YANUKOVICH´S UKRAINE AFTER THE ORANGE REVOLUTION: MERE PARENTHESIS OR ON ITS WAY BACK TO NORMALCY?1 Eric Pardo2 UNISCI / Universidad Complutense de Madrid (UCM) Abstract: Six years after the Orange Revolution Viktor Yanukovich´s victory in 2010 came as a shock for those expecting democracy in Ukraine. Had Yushenko been a mere democratic parenthesis or would be Yanukovich on the contrary an authoritarian parenthesis? By considering theories put forward so far to explain the Orange Revolution (along with similar phenomena in the post-Soviet space), this paper will examine the origins of the Orange Revolution. Understanding the degree of dependence of the Orange Revolution on either civil society or elite division, should provide us with insights about the prospects of authoritarianism consolidation in the wake of Yanukovich´s presidency. The onset of the Orange Revolution points to the determinant importance of elite division, whereas the prospects for a similar elite division seem much more unlikely now than was the case in 2004 and the years before which led to the Orange Revolution. Keywords: Orange Revolution, Democratization, Authoritarianism, Elites. Resumen: La elección de Viktor Yanukovich en 2010 seis años después de la Revolución Naranja supuso un shock para los que preveían la consolidación de la democracia en Ucrania. ¿Fue Yushenko un mero paréntesis, o lo es Yanukovich? Una vez repasadas las diversas teorías sobre el fenómeno de la Revolución Naranja (y revoluciones similares en el espacio post-soviético), consideramos la génesis de tal fenómeno. El que la Revolución Naranja dependiese en menor o mayor medida de la participación de la sociedad civil o de la división de las élites, debería de ser importante para considerar las posibilidades de que la presidencia de Yanukovich derive en un régimen autoritario.
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine Chornobyl Chronology
    Chornobyl Chronology Last update: December 2008 This annotated chronology is based on the data sources that follow each entry. Public sources often provide conflicting information on classified military programs. In some cases we are unable to resolve these discrepancies, in others we have deliberately refrained from doing so to highlight the potential influence of false or misleading information as it appeared over time. In many cases, we are unable to independently verify claims. Hence in reviewing this chronology, readers should take into account the credibility of the sources employed here. Inclusion in this chronology does not necessarily indicate that a particular development is of direct or indirect proliferation significance. Some entries provide international or domestic context for technological development and national policymaking. Moreover, some entries may refer to developments with positive consequences for nonproliferation. Nuclear Waste: 2008-1995 OVERVIEW Spent fuel is generally stored on site in cooling ponds at the nuclear power plants at which the fuel assemblies were used. Ukraine previously sent its spent fuel to Russia to be reprocessed, but this course became a contentious issue after Russia passed a law in 1992 prohibiting the import of radioactive material into Russia. This action resulted in storage crisis at Ukrainian power plants. In 6/93, however, Russia passed a new law that allows Ukrainian spent fuel to be reprocessed, but not stored, in Russia. The law does not allow the import of nuclear waste into Russia, but allows the import of Russian-origin spent fuel as long as the resulting waste is returned to the territory of the state which delivered it.
    [Show full text]
  • Understanding Ukrainian Politics Power, Politics, and Institutional Design
    Understanding Ukrainian Politics Power, Politics, and Institutional Design Paul D’Anieri M.E.Sharpe Armonk, New York London, England 2 UNDERSTANDING UKRAINIAN POLITICS Copyright © 2007 by M.E. Sharpe, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form without written permission from the publisher, M.E. Sharpe, Inc., 80 Business Park Drive, Armonk, New York 10504. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data D’Anieri, Paul J., 1965– Understanding Ukrainian politics : power, politics, and institutional design / by Paul D’Anieri. p. cm. Includes index. ISBN-13: 978-0-7656-1811-5 (cloth: alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-7656-1811-7 (cloth: alk. paper) 1. Ukraine—Politics and government—1991– 2. Power (Social sciences)—Ukraine. I. Title. JN6635.D365 2006 320.9477—dc22 2006016004 Printed in the United States of America The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z 39.48-1984. ~ BM (c)10987654321 ———— Contents ———— List of Tables, Figure, Appendices, and Maps vii Acknowledgments ix 1. Introduction 3 2. Institutions and Democracy: Questioning the Connections 23 3. Power and Institutions: Overview of the Argument 48 4. The Evolution of Ukrainian Politics, 1989–2006 74 5. Societal Divisions and the Challenge of Liberal Democracy in Ukraine 103 6. The Constitution and Executive-Legislative Relations 125 7. The Electoral Law: Cause or Effect of Weak Parties? 148 8. Parliamentary Rules and Party Development 174 9. How Power Politics Trumps Institutional Design 192 10. Ukraine in Comparative Perspective: Electoral Authoritarianism in the Former Soviet Union and Beyond 215 11.
    [Show full text]
  • UKRAINE: Gongadze Convictions Are Selective Justice
    UKRAINE: Gongadze convictions are selective justice Tuesday, March 25 2008 EVENT: The Gongadze file is not closed until the instigators of his murder have been held to account, Council of Europe rapporteur Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger said on March 19. SIGNIFICANCE: The three-year trial of three former policemen accused of killing journalist Georgii Gongadze has ended in jail terms of 12-13 years, but inside and outside Ukraine there have been calls for the investigation to move onto those behind the murder. One of the main factors why former supporters are so disillusioned with President Viktor Yushchenko -- who now has approval ratings of just 10% -- rests on his poor handling of the investigation of a murder that he promised as a matter of honour to resolve. ANALYSIS: The origins of the November-December 2004 wave of protests against election fraud that became known as the Orange Revolution lie in the 'Kuchmagate' crisis of four years earlier. In November 2000, Socialist Party leader Oleksandr Moroz, an opponent of President Leonid Kuchma while Moroz was parliamentary speaker in 1994-98, revealed to parliament tapes made in the president's office. They were part of hundreds of hours recorded by a Security Service (SBU) officer in the presidential guard, Mykola Melnychenko, in 1999-2000. Melnychenko was working for former SBU Chairman Yevhen Marchuk, who had a poor relationship with the then SBU head, Leonid Derkach. Marchuk accused Derkach and the SBU of involvement in Ukraine's illegal arms trade, and campaigned in the 1999 elections on an anti-Kuchma platform. The compromising intelligence on the tapes could have been used to force Kuchma to step down early and appoint a strongman, such as Marchuk, just as power was transferred in Russia from President Boris Yeltsin to Vladimir Putin in 1999-2000.
    [Show full text]
  • Institutional Change, Power, and Political Executives in Ukraine Under the Kuchma Presidency
    Studies of Changing Societies: Comparative and Interdisciplinary Focus Vol. 1'(2)2012 SCS Journal INSTITUTIONAL CHANGE, POWER, AND POLITICAL EXECUTIVES IN UKRAINE UNDER THE KUCHMA PRESIDENCY ©Martin Carrier, University of Montreal To assess how and why some institutions may be more efficient in promoting change without disrupting the initial institutional design, this article proposes to analyze the evolution of the power relationship between the political executive in the semi- presidential regime of Ukraine under the presidency of Leonid Kuchma. The analysis of the power relationship between political executives in Ukraine reveals the hazard of understanding the political process solely through institutional lenses. The results show that in this consolidating democracy, executive power is often a function of non-institutional and partisan explanations, and that state weaknesses in its autonomy and capacity are core explanations, since it allows important societal divides, such as ethnic and regional affiliation, and network competition to polarize the political sphere and make political competition between political executives a zero-sum game. Keywords: semipresidentialism, institutional change, institutional design, Ukraine, Kuchma. Traditionally, political scientists interested in institutional change have focused on research questions pertaining to issues of institutional design performance or of determinants of political behavior in selected institutional settings. For instance, a large section of the literature on democratization
    [Show full text]
  • Six More Deputies Elected to Parliament
    INSIDE:• Dr. Borys Gudziak speaks on the revival of religion in Ukraine — page 3. • Canadian government to participate in trade mission to Ukraine — page 4. • On the road to Atlanta: U.S. women’s basketball team defeats Ukraine — centerfold Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXIV HE KRAINIANNo. 15 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, APRIL 14, 1996 EEKLY$1.25/$2 in Ukraine IMF halts loan installment, emergency mission travels to Kyiv to negotiate ïêàëíéëT U W by Marta Kolomayets cussions with President Leonid Kuchma The budget includes a deficit of 6.2 percent, ÇéëäêÖë! Kyiv Press Bureau and Ukraine’s top government officials dur- two-tenths higher than what the IMF had pro- ing meetings in Washington in February of posed, and an inflation rate of 40 percent, as KYIV – An emergency mission from the this year, and Ukraine had expected $100 compared to 183 percent last year. International Monetary Fund arrived in The IMF also expressed concern that Kyiv on April 9 to negotiate a new stand-by million a month for the next nine months. At that time, with U.S. assurances, IMF Ukraine had exceeded its spending promis- loan agreement after the initial $1.5 billion es for the first quarter by about $57 million (U.S.) credit had expired on April 6. funding was increased from $1.5 billion to $1.7 billion, and the international financial (U.S.), or roughly 1 percent of the gross The Ukrainian government, which had domestic product for that quarter. received almost $800 million (U.S.) of the institution also promised to negotiate a pro- gram with Ukraine to run until the end of Anders Aslund, a Swedish economist and stand-by loan in 1995, had expected anoth- adviser to the Ukrainian government, told the er $900 million in 1996.
    [Show full text]
  • How Ukraine Became a Market Economy and Democracy Chapter
    ch04_16071_Peterson_Ukraine:ch04_16071_Peterson_Ukraine 8/28/09 5:50 PM Page 93 4 Kuchma’s Stagnation, 1996–99 By the summer of 1996 Leonid Kuchma’s strategic outlook was clouded. He had introduced elementary market economic reform and the national currency, the hryvnia. Although he desired to pursue more privatization, his reformist endeavors had to a large extent been accomplished. After long and hard work, a Ukrainian constitution was finally adopted in June 1996. National integrity seemed safer. But Ukraine’s foreign policy was not set- tled, and no great deed, such as membership of the European Union, was within reach. Kuchma started devoting a lot of time to foreign policy. Polit- ically, he was at his peak, but he had no real vision or major goals to accom- plish. His strategy seemed to have evaporated, and tactics took its place. As so often happens with politicians who have enjoyed early success, Kuchma focused on his own political survival, which took five expres- sions, best summarized as standard divide and rule with limited policy ambitions. First, he checked the power and ambitions of his prime minis- ter. Second, he devoted great efforts to both parliamentary and presiden- tial elections. Third, he played different business and regional groupings against one another. Fourth, he also played different branches of law en- forcement against each other. Fifth, the presidential administration in- creasingly disciplined and controlled media. These were tactics without strategy. This period was not pretty. In 1996– 97 Pavlo Lazarenko was prime minister but acted like a businessman. Deputy Prime Minister Viktor Pynzenyk undertook a brave but hopeless attempt at renewed economic reform for the sake of economic growth.
    [Show full text]
  • From Kuchma to Yushchenko Ukraine’S 2004 Presidential Elections and the Orange Revolution
    From Kuchma to Yushchenko Ukraine’s 2004 Presidential Elections and the Orange Revolution Taras Kuzio The elections of 2004 KRAINE’S presidential election on October 31, U2004, had far greater political significance than completed Ukraine’s transition merely selecting the country’s third post-communist president. The election also represented a de facto ref- from a post-Soviet state to a erendum on President Leonid Kuchma’s ten years in European state. office, which were marred by political crisis and scan- dal throughout most of his second term. The principal scandal—Kuchma’s complicity in the murder of an op- position journalist, Heorhiy Gongadze—began in Novem- ber 2000 and has come to be known as “Kuchmagate.”1 Hostility to Kuchma helped to revive and bolster civil society and opposition groups, giving them four years to organize and prepare for the 2004 elections. Much of this groundwork became apparent during the Orange Revolution—named for Yushchenko’s campaign color—that followed the November 21 runoff between Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych and the opposition candidate, Viktor Yushchenko. In April 2001, after parliament voted no confidence in Yushchenko’s government, the locus of opposition to Kuchma shifted from the Communist Party (KPU) to Yushchenko’s Our Ukraine party and the Yulia Tymoshenko bloc. The KPU and its Socialist Party (SPU) allies had been the main source of opposition to Kuchma from 1993, when the KPU was again legal- ized as a political party, until 2000–2001, when national democrats and centrists joined forces under the Yushchenko government. Yushchenko’s shift to opposition against Kuchma and his oligarchic allies set the stage for the electoral TARAS KUZIO is a visiting professor at the Institute for European, Rus- struggles in 2002 and 2004.
    [Show full text]
  • The Dismissal of Ukraine's Minister of Defence
    Conflict Studies Research Centre Central & Eastern Europe Series 04/26 Into Reverse? The Dismissal of Ukraine's Minister of Defence James Sherr Key Points * Defence Minister Marchuk was closely identified with Ukraine's bid for NATO membership, and with Ukraine's commitment of forces to Iraq. His dismissal is a snub to the West and a major blow to Ukraine's developing relationship with NATO. * His replacement by former Defence Minister Kuzmuk reflects President Kuchma's determination to have a loyalist in charge of the MOD in the run-up to the 31 October presidential elections. * Kuzmuk's appointment will also reassure those opposed to Marchuk's force reductions and efforts to bring the MOD's commercial interests under control. * NATO's failure to recognise Ukraine's aspirations and efforts by holding out the promise of eventual access to the Membership Action Plan (MAP) – reinforced by the EU's cool attitude towards Ukraine – fatally weakened NATO's standing in Kuchma's eyes and reinforced the trends towards Russia and authoritarianism. * This is reinforced by Putin's use of political and economic levers to ensure that a pro-Russian candidate wins the forthcoming presidential election. 04/26 Into Reverse? The Dismissal of Ukraine's Minister of Defence James Sherr President Leonid Kuchma of Ukraine dismissed the country’s sixth Minister of Defence, Yevhen Marchuk, on Wednesday 22 September. On 24 September, he reinstated his longstanding ally, Oleksandr Kuzmuk, to the post. These decisions are a blow to Ukraine’s relationship with NATO. They reflect the President’s deep discontent with the results of the NATO Istanbul summit, as well as his determination to have a loyalist in charge of the country’s pre-eminent power ministry before the presidential elections, scheduled for 31 October.
    [Show full text]