Extensions of Remarks

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Extensions of Remarks February 25, 1982 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS 2529 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS THE NICARAGUAN REVOLUTION and outright gifts this year, the country is destined to strangle and then eliminate pri­ unable to import vital machinery, basic vate enterprise from the country, and to goods, medicine, spare parts, and other ne­ create in its stead a type of Marxist-Leninist cessities. Julio Cesar, the head of the cen­ state capitalism." HON. ROBERT J. LAGOMARSINO tral bank, admitted in the September 15 OF CALIFORNIA Wall Street Journal that Nicaragua will CONTEMPT FOR BUSINESSMEN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES have to find $750 million abroad to finance The Sandinistas make no secret of their Thursday, February 25, 1982 its 1982 import bill. contempt for Nicaragua's businessmen. De­ The lack of hard currency is a more imme­ fense Minister Humberto Ortega said in a e Mr. LAGOMARSINO. Mr. Speaker, diate crunch for Nicaragua's private busi­ speech published on August 25 that "we are the Council for Inter-American Securi­ ness sector. Although the Sandinista gov­ against the burgeois," and added that "it ty Education Institute has prepared a ernment contends that over 60 percent of has to be clear that the bourgeoisie, which study describing the evolution of the the gross national product comes from pri­ sells out its own country, is here because we revolution in Nicaragua. It concludes vate industries, businessmen and producers want them to be. In any moment, we can that the Sandinista regime is nearing report they can't get credit from the central take their factories without firing a shot." completion of the consolidation of a bank with which to produce and conduct The Defense Minister later vowed to "hang business. by the roadside" those businessmen who, military-oriented Marxist-Leninist dic­ "The problem is that the state controls among other things, obstruct the govern­ tatorship. The study also describes the the mechanisms that allow the private ment's plan to organize militias within the reasons why Nicaragua's economy is sector to operate: the banking, transporta­ nation's factories, since this would impede not working. The text of that study tion, and foreign exchange systems," said the Sandinistas' efforts against "conspiracy follows. I urge my colleagues to give it William Baez, Nicaraguan economist and di­ and aggression.'' their serious consideration. rector of the Foundation for Cooperative But froni the beginning, the Sandinista WHY ISN'T NICARAGUA'S ECONOMY WORKING? Development in Nicaragua, in the October policy to eliminate private enterprise was Two and a half years after launching its 17, Diario Las Americas. "If you engage in made known in something called the "72- "era of reconstruction," the Sandinista gov­ business transactions and cannot obtain hour document," a clandestine Sandinista ernment appears to have wrought instead credit, the deal is dead." paper that was circulated among Nicara­ an era of economic ruin. COSEP BLAMES GOVERNMENT gua's leading businessmen shortly after the "The national economy is collapsing," According to Nicaraguan business leaders, overthrow of Somoza. The paper set forth, wrote the Superior Council of Private En­ the Sandinistas' "doctrine of Marxism-Len­ according to the February 16 issue of Time, terprise <COSEP> in an October 19 letter to inism" and their ideological assault upon Ni­ the Marxist regime's strategy of tolerating junta coordinator Daniel Ortega. "Produc­ caragua's private sector are to blame for the the "private sector only until the govern­ tion shows no signs of recuperation. The country's deepening economic crisis. The ment was able to take over the economy and country is becoming indebted in a spiral Superior Council for Private Enterprise throw out the capitalists." that seems endless ... We are at the doors <COSEP> in its October 19 letter to Daniel The Sandinistas' intention to eliminate of the destruction of Nicaragua. Ortega accused the government of egregious private enterprise was also revealed by a The country already owes almost $3 bil­ economic mismanagement. COSEP ascribed high-ranking official in Nicaragua's Justice lion to foreign creditors, and this debt in­ the crumbling economy, the spiraling debt, Department, Nevardo Arguello, who defect­ creases at an average of $2.5 million a day, and the social turbulence in Nicaragua to ed to the U.S. last February. Arguello had according to the Coordinator of Nicaragua's the Sandinistas' "Marxist-Leninist adven­ been responsible for enforcing a decree Human Rights Commission, Jose Esteben ture." issued by the junta ordering the confisca­ Gonzalez. He wrote a letter to Ortega on The Sandinista government, denouncing tion of the property of the Somoza family, October 17 asking him to explain why the the letter as "an outrageous provocation," of persons who had supported Somoza, and Sandinistas in only two years have incurred moved quickly against COSEP. The text of of people who had embezzled public funds. "a foreign debt practically equal to the the letter had been revealed in a press con­ Arguello told the Council for Inter-Ameri­ giant indebtedness accumulated by the cor­ ference called by COSEP on October 19. can Security in an interview on February 26 rupt Somoza regime in 43 years of systemat­ Thirty hours later, around midnight, state that he had complained to the Minister of ic pillage." security forces arrested four COSEP leaders Justice that some of the confiscations were The nation's trade balance, which stood at in their homes for having "violated the eco­ illegal. The Minister admitted that this was a surplus of $160 million in 1979, plummeted nomic and social emergency law." Three of true, Arguello said. However, the Minister to a $215 million deficit in 1980. Inflation them were sentenced to seven months im­ told Arguello that "the property would not rages at 35 percent, and the Wall Street prisonment on October 30. be returned regardless of whether or not Journal says it could hit 50 percent this Those sent to jail were the President of the confiscation was legal. He said that the year. Unemployment stands at 30 percent, the Higher Council for Private Enterprise, property would be owned by the state." Ar­ and this is sure to worsen if the economy Enrique Dreyfus; the President of the guello added, "To justify his argument, the continues to deteriorate. Chamber of Construction, Benjamin Lanzas; Minister said that private enterprise would STATE OF EMERGENCY and the President of the Federation of Nica­ soon disappear in any case, and since there So severe is this economic crisis that the raguan Professionals, Gilbert Cuadra. Simi­ would be little private property remaining, government imposed a one-year "state of lar prison sentences were handed down to the shock would not be as great." economic and social emergency" in Septem­ three businessmen who the secret police ber, banning strikes and unauthorized price were unable to capture, and who are said to NATIONALIZATIONS increases, raising import taxes by as much be in hiding. All six men were signatories of The Sandinistas' anti-capitalist rhetoric as 100 percent, and threatening imprison­ the October 19 COSEP letter. has been accompanied by wholesale nation­ ment of up to three years for anyone "ar­ The regime's anti-free enterprise orienta­ alizations of industries and massive confis­ rested on suspicion" of "economic sabo­ tion is also criticized by many of the Nicara­ cations of private property. Charging the tage," which includes the publishing of eco­ guan businessmen who have fled the coun­ private sector with attempting to under­ nomic data affecting "state security." try. One of these is Jose Francisco Cardenal, mine Nicaragua's economy by "imposing the Bankrupt, Nicaragua has become entirely former President of Nicaragua's Chamber of power of those who rob and oppress," dependent on foreign aid. One Western Construction and a long-time opponent of Daniel Ortega marked the July 19 second economist in Managua, quoted in the Sep­ the Somoza dictatorship. anniversary of the Sandinista victory by an­ tember 28 issue of Newsweek, stated that Cardenal said at a July conference in nouncing far-reaching reform laws that "Nicaragua has proven to be one of the Washington, D.C., that "the economic result threaten most of Nicaragua's private sector world's great beggar nations." of the Sandinista ideological philosophy and with expropriation. A prominent Nicara­ The reason: Nicaragua's foreign currency its attacks on private enterprise has been guan industrialist, featured in the August 23 reserves are virtually gone. Even after re­ the virtual ruin of Nicaragua's economy . Los Angeles Times, asserts that "the Sandi­ ceiving nearly $450 million in foreign aid The Government has continued its policy nistas have already enough laws to confis- e This "bullet" symbol identifies statements or insertions which are not spoken by the Member on the floor. 2530 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS February 25, 1982 cate 80 percent of the private property of confiscations, and of the irresponsible im­ WHERE IS PASTORA NOW? Nicaragua.'' provisations, of the paralyzing bureaucracy, Pastora's whereabouts remain a mystery. None of these confiscated lands, however, and, in general, of the programmed, pro­ Ariel Remos wrote in Miami's Diario Las have been delivered to the people. Frank gressive strangulation of the economic Americas on October 2 that Pastora was still Bendana, exiled President of Nicaragua's sector that is not part of the state." "under a kind of house arrest in Cuba, on Union of Coffee Associations and Coopera­ Increasing number of Nicaraguans are be­ account of disagreements about the almost tives, told the Council for Inter-American coming restless and frustrated with the eco­ absolute control of Fidel Castro over the Security last July that "ever since the San­ nomic mess. To bolster public morale, the Sandinista government" and that Castro dino-Communists have assumed power, they government has launched a campaign of has decided to send Pastora to Chile to lead have done nothing more than seize the rhetoric and propaganda.
Recommended publications
  • Nicaragua: in Brief
    Nicaragua: In Brief Maureen Taft-Morales Specialist in Latin American Affairs September 14, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44560 Nicaragua: In Brief Summary This report discusses Nicaragua’s current politics, economic development and relations with the United States and provides context for Nicaragua’s controversial November 6, 2016, elections. After its civil war ended, Nicaragua began to establish a democratic government in the early 1990s. Its institutions remained weak, however, and they have become increasingly politicized since the late 1990s. Current President Daniel Ortega was a Sandinista (Frente Sandinista de Liberacion Nacional, FSLN) leader when the Sandinistas overthrew the dictatorship of Anastasio Somoza in 1979. Ortega was elected president in 1984. An electorate weary of war between the government and U.S.-backed contras denied him reelection in 1990. After three failed attempts, he won reelection in 2006, and again in 2011. He is expected to win a third term in November 2016 presidential elections. As in local, municipal, and national elections in recent years, the legitimacy of this election process is in question, especially after Ortega declared that no domestic or international observers would be allowed to monitor the elections and an opposition coalition was effectively barred from running in the 2016 elections. As a leader of the opposition in the legislature from 1990 to 2006, and as president since then, Ortega slowly consolidated Sandinista—and personal—control over Nicaraguan institutions. As Ortega has gained power, he reputedly has become one of the country’s wealthiest men. His family’s wealth and influence have grown as well, inviting comparisons to the Somoza family dictatorship.
    [Show full text]
  • The Lyndon B. Johnson Administration and Nicaragua
    1 Dolph Briscoe IV Cold War and Contempt: The Lyndon B. Johnson Administration and Nicaragua Introduction In a 1967 report from Ambassador William Crockett to the U.S. State Department the diplomat commented on the leader and government of Nicaragua. Crockett lamented: “All of us who presume to know something about Nicaraguan politics wondered from the beginning how Anastasio Somoza Debayle could be so stupid as to insist on becoming President of Nicaragua.” The ambassador further explained: “President Somoza is possessed of one of the largest egos to be found anywhere and/or one of the largest inferiority complexes I have ever run across.” Clearly Crockett viewed Anastasio Somoza with disdain and disrespect. Yet the ambassador appreciated the Nicaraguan president’s staunch anticommunism. He recalled of Somoza: “He has been quite candid in telling me and almost as candid in stating publicly that when it comes to communist guerrillas and terrorists, the normal rule book goes out the window.” Though he doubted Somoza would order executions, Crockett insisted: “I have no reason to question his statement that the Guardia Nacional is under orders to take no prisoners when it comes to communist affiliated or inspired guerrillas and terrorists.”1 Crockett’s opinion regarding Somoza illustrates the irony of U.S. policy toward Nicaragua during the 1960s. In Nicaragua, as throughout much of Latin America, U.S. policy makers grudgingly supported corrupt and inept leaders who maintained anticommunist views. The Cold War dominated U.S. foreign policy, and preventing the spread of communism 1Cable, William Crockett to State, December 9, 1967, “Nicaragua,” Country File, NSF, Box 63, Lyndon Baines Johnson Library, Austin, Texas.
    [Show full text]
  • A Nicaraguan Exceptionalism? Debating the Legacy of the Sandinista Revolution
    A Nicaraguan Exceptionalism? Debating the Legacy of the Sandinista Revolution edited by Hilary Francis INSTITUTE OF LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES A Nicaraguan Exceptionalism? Debating the Legacy of the Sandinista Revolution edited by Hilary Francis Institute of Latin American Studies, School of Advanced Study, University of London, 2020 British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library This book is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) license. More information regarding CC licenses is available at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/. This book is also available online at http://humanities-digital-library.org. ISBN: 978-1-908857-57-6 (paperback edition) 978-1-908857-78-1 (.epub edition) 978-1-908857-79-8 (.mobi edition) 978-1-908857-77-4 (PDF edition) DOI: 10.14296/220.9781908857774 (PDF edition) Institute of Latin American Studies School of Advanced Study University of London Senate House London WC1E 7HU Telephone: 020 7862 8844 Email: [email protected] Web: http://ilas.sas.ac.uk Typesetting by Thomas Bohm, User Design, Illustration and Typesetting. Cover image © Franklin Villavicencio. Contents List of illustrations v Notes on contributors vii Introduction: exceptionalism and agency in Nicaragua’s revolutionary heritage 1 Hilary Francis 1. ‘We didn’t want to be like Somoza’s Guardia’: policing, crime and Nicaraguan exceptionalism 21 Robert Sierakowski 2. ‘The revolution was so many things’ 45 Fernanda Soto 3. Nicaraguan food policy: between self-sufficiency and dependency 61 Christiane Berth 4. On Sandinista ideas of past connections to the Soviet Union and Nicaraguan exceptionalism 87 Johannes Wilm 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Nicaragua: Revolution and Restoration
    THE NEW GEOPOLITICS NOVEMBER 2018 LATIN AMERICA NICARAGUA: REVOLUTION AND RESTORATION RICHARD E. FEINBERG NICARAGUA: REVOLUTION AND RESTORATION RICHARD E. FEINBERG EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Since independence, Nicaragua has suffered periodic internecine warfare, deep distrust between contending factions dominated by powerful caudillos (strongmen), and interventions by foreign powers. While the United States was frequently a party to these conflicts, local Nicaraguan actors often outmaneuvered U.S. diplomats. At the end of the Cold War, internationally supervised elections yielded an interlude of relatively liberal democracy and alternation of power (1990-2006). To the consternation of the United States, Sandinista Party leader Daniel Ortega regained the presidency in 2007, and orchestrated a successful strategy of coalition-building with the organized private sector and the Catholic Church. Supported by the international financial institutions and the Venezuelan Chavista government, Nicaragua achieved strong economic performance with moderately inclusive growth. President Ortega used those economic resources to gradually capture or suppress—one by one—many of the nation’s political institutions, eroding institutional checks and balances. Ortega’s strategy of co-opting all centers of power extended to the military and national police. The restoration of traditional caudillo politics and the fusion of family-state-party-security forces were all too reminiscent of the Somoza family dynasty (1934-1979). Frustrated by Ortega’s narrowing of democratic
    [Show full text]
  • Nicaragua: the Threat of a Good Example?
    DiannaMelrose First Published 1985 Reprinted 1986,1987,1989 ©Oxfam 1985 Preface © Oxfam 1989 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Melrose, Dianna Nicaragua: the threat of a good example. 1. Nicaragua. Economic conditions I. Title 330.97285'053 ISBN 0-85598-070-2 ISBN 0 85598 070 2 Published by Oxfam, 274 Banbury Road, Oxford, 0X2 7DZ, UK. Printed by Oxfam Print Unit OX196/KJ/89 This book converted to digital file in 2010 Contents Preface vii Introduction 1 Chronology of Political Developments 2 1. The Somoza Era 4 The Miskitos and the Atlantic Coast The 1972 Earthquake Land Expropriation Obstacles to Community Development The Somoza Legacy 2. A New Start for the People 12 The Literacy Crusade Adult Education New Schools Public Health Miners' Health Land Reform New Cooperatives Food Production Consumption of Basic Foods Loss of Fear The Open Prisons Obstacles to Development 3. Development Under Fire 27 Miskito Resettlement Programme Disruption of Development Work Resettlement of Displaced People Economic Costs of the Fighting 4. Debt, Trade and Aid 39 Debt Trade Aid 5. The Role of Britain and Europe 45 UK Bilateral Aid Other European Donors EEC Aid Trade A Political Solution Europe's Role 6. Action for Change: Summary and Recommendations 59 Notes and References Abbreviations Further Reading iii IV Acknowledgements First and foremost I would like to thank all the Nicaraguan people who gener- ously gave their time to help with research for this book, particularly Oxfam friends and project-holders who gave invaluable assistance.
    [Show full text]
  • Culture and Arts in Post Revolutionary Nicaragua: the Chamorro Years (1990-1996)
    Culture and Arts in Post Revolutionary Nicaragua: The Chamorro Years (1990-1996) A thesis presented to the faculty of the Center for International Studies of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Tatiana Argüello Vargas August 2010 © 2010 Tatiana Argüello Vargas. All Rights Reserved. 2 This thesis titled Culture and Arts in Post Revolutionary Nicaragua: The Chamorro Years (1990-1996) by TATIANA ARGÜELLO VARGAS has been approved for the Center for International Studies by Patrick Barr-Melej Associate Professor of History José A. Delgado Director, Latin American Studies Daniel Weiner Executive Director, Center for International Studies 3 ABSTRACT ARGÜELLO VARGAS, TATIANA, M.A., August 2010, Latin American Studies Culture and Arts in Post Revolutionary Nicaragua: The Chamorro Years (1990-1996) (100 pp.) Director of Thesis: Patrick Barr-Melej This thesis explores the role of culture in post-revolutionary Nicaragua during the administration of Violeta Barrios de Chamorro (1990-1996). In particular, this research analyzes the negotiation and redefinition of culture between Nicaragua’s revolutionary past and its neoliberal present. In order to expose what aspects of the cultural project survived and what new manifestations appear, this thesis examines the followings elements: 1) the cultural policy and institutional apparatus created by the government of President Chamorro; 2) the effects and consequences that this cultural policy produced in the country through the battle between revolutionary and post-revolutionary cultural symbols in Managua as a urban space; and 3), the role and evolution of Managua’s mayor and future president Arnoldo Alemán as an important actor redefining culture in the 1990s.
    [Show full text]
  • Nicaragua, 1977-1979 Hollie Hicks 30 October 2012 Dr. Mark Pitten
    The Public Debate Over Carter’s Human Rights Foreign Policy: Nicaragua, 1977-1979 Hollie Hicks 30 October 2012 Dr. Mark Pittenger, History Dr. John Willis, History Dr. Andy Baker, Political Science Hicks 1 Thank you to those who helped me with this project and made it happen. To my Professors, Dr. Mark Pittenger and Dr. John Willis for guiding me through this process. To Hayley E. B. Stephens and Dale Espy Hicks for being my editors. To the rest of my family and friends for supporting my endeavor. Hicks 2 Contents Abstract pg. 3 Timeline pg. 4 Map of Nicaragua pg. 5 Introduction pg. 6 Chapter One: Setting the Stage pg. 12 Chapter Two: 1977 pg. 27 Chapter Three: 1978 pg. 47 Chapter Four: 1979 pg. 62 Conclusion pg. 75 Bibliography pg. 78 Hicks 3 Abstract This paper looks at the views of intellectuals regarding Jimmy Carter’s human rights foreign policy because Carter was the first president who overtly made human rights a part of his policies. He wanted the United States to be a champion of rights around the world. There has not been an extensive study as to what intellectuals during his presidency thought of his policies. To narrow the topic further, this essay focuses on the thoughts about U.S. policies toward Nicaragua. Research included looking at two American newspapers, numerous magazines and the opposition newspaper La Prensa in Nicaragua, digitally, as well as in print and on microfilm. Through this research, I found that intellectuals in the United States thought Carter’s policies were uneven in their application, by favoring allies and communist countries and condemning actions in Third World countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran-Contra Scandal
    Iran-Contra Scandal What was the Iran-Contra Affair? How did affect Latin America’s image of the US? What was the Iran-Contra Affair? n The Iran-Contra affair was an international corruption and political scandal involving the US, Latin America, and the Middle East n 1986 n Nicaragua n Really showed the world what the US’ attitude was towards Latin America n Set the US’ current image in this part of the world What was Nicaragua like prior to the 1980’s? n Nicaragua gains independence from Spain in 1821 n Weak government n Disagreement over who should rule n In the early 1900’s, the US starts to get involved n Economic reasons n Political reasons Who were the Somoza Family? n The Somoza family was a brutal military family of dictators who ruled Nicaragua from 1934 till 1979 n Pro-US n Anti-Communist n Held onto power through fear and terror n Secret police n Strong military Anastasio Somoza Ruled from 1956 till Ruled from 1937 till Ruled from 1963 till his death in 1963 his death in 1956 his death in 1979 (died of natural causes) (assassinated) (exiled / assassinated) Anastasio Somoza García and his sons Luis Somoza Debayle (left) and Anastasio Somoza Debayle (right) During the 1960’s Luis Somoza allowed the CIA to train Cuban exiles for the Bay of Pigs in Nicaragua… In 1972, a massive 6.2 earthquake hit the region of Managua, causing over 5,000 casualties. Anastasio Somoza embezzled millions from the rebuilding effort to enrich himself. Hall of Fame outfielder for the Pittsburgh Pirates Roberto Clemente died in a plane crash bringing aid to earthquake victims in Nicaragua.
    [Show full text]
  • Autonomy and the Miskito Indian Community of Nicaragua Penelope Andrews
    digitalcommons.nyls.edu Faculty Scholarship Other Publications 1988 Autonomy and the Miskito Indian Community of Nicaragua Penelope Andrews Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/fac_other_pubs Vol. 2 ALB No. 32 June 1988 page 7 AUTONOMY AND THE MISKITO INDIAN COMMUNITY OF NICARAGUA The following article continues ALB's comparative examination of the struggles of other indigenous peoples. Penelope Andrews places the Miskito Indianfight for autonomy within the historicaland political context of the Sandinista revolu- tion. Much can be learntfrom the recent initiative of the Sandinista government in drafting the Autonomy Law which recognises the right of its indigneouspeo- ples to self-determination. Introduction The American government was dis- enthusiasm for progressive change in pleased with the Sandinista governmen- Nicaraguan society has all but been In 1979 Nicaragua experienced a t's official policy for a whole host of halted. national revolution when the Frente reasons, and these reasons all pointed Sandinista de Liberation National towards Washington's fears about los- The Nicaraguan government and (FSLN) captured the capital, Managua, ing influence in Central and South people have in the last few years and the dictatorship of President America. The administration in the utilised valuable resources in an Anastasio Somoza abruptly came to a White House therefore set in motion a attempt to survive amidst the economic halt. The Somoza family had ruled sophisticated and concerted ideological and social chaos and suffering that have Nicaragua for resulted as a con- many decades and sequence of the had during that contra war. time unleashed Human rights and great suffering civil liberties (of and misery on individuals and almost the entire groups) have been Nicaraguan popu- a heavy casualty lation.
    [Show full text]
  • The Reason the Reagan Administration Overthrew the Sandinista Government
    The Reason the Reagan Administration Overthrew the Sandinista Government A thesis presented to the faculty of the Center for International Studies of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Kevin Santos Flores June 2010 © 2010 Kevin Santos Flores. All Rights Reserved. 2 This thesis titled The Reason the Reagan Administration Overthrew the Sandinista Government by KEVIN SANTOS FLORES has been approved for the Center for International Studies by Patricia Weitsman Professor of Political Science Jose' A. Delgado Director, Latin American Studies Daniel Weiner Executive Director, Center for International Studies 3 ABSTRACT SANTOS FLORES, KEVIN A., M.A., June 2010, Latin American Studies The Reason the Reagan Administration Overthrew the Sandinista Government (86 pp.) Director of Thesis: Patricia Weitsman The purpose of my study is to understand why the United States intervened in Nicaragua in the early 1980s to overthrow the Sandinista government. I will be looking at declassified documents, radio transcripts, campaign papers, and presidential speeches to determine why officials in the Reagan administration believed that American involvement in Central America was crucial to U.S. national security. This thesis argues that the Reagan administration’s decision to overthrow the Sandinista government was shaped by the preconceived notion of Ronald Reagan, the administration’s inability to distinguish from perception and reality of the events occurring in Nicaragua, and to undermine the Nicaraguan revolution as a model for other guerrilla organizations in Central America that could have potentially challenged American hegemony in the region. Approved: _____________________________________________________________ Patricia Weitsman Professor of Political Science 4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost I would like to thank God for everything.
    [Show full text]
  • Conflict Beyond Borders: the International Dimensions Of
    University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Dissertations, Theses, & Student Research, History, Department of Department of History Spring 5-2016 Conflict Beyond Borders: The nI ternational Dimensions of Nicaragua's Violent Twentieth- Century, 1909-1990 Andrew William Wilson University of Nebraska-Lincoln Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/historydiss Part of the Diplomatic History Commons, Latin American History Commons, Other History Commons, and the United States History Commons Wilson, Andrew William, "Conflict Beyond Borders: The nI ternational Dimensions of Nicaragua's Violent Twentieth-Century, 1909-1990" (2016). Dissertations, Theses, & Student Research, Department of History. 87. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/historydiss/87 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the History, Department of at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, & Student Research, Department of History by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. CONFLICT BEYOND BORDERS: THE INTERNATIONAL DIMENSIONS OF NICARAGUA’S VIOLENT TWENTIETH-CENTURY, 1909-1990 by Andrew W. Wilson A DISSERTATION Presented to the Faculty of The Graduate College at the University of Nebraska In Partial Fulfillment of Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Major: History Under the Supervision of Professor Thomas Borstelmann Lincoln, Nebraska May, 2016 CONFLICT BEYOND BORDERS: THE INTERNATIONAL DIMENSIONS OF NICARAGUA’S VIOLENT TWENTIETH CENTURY, 1909-1990 Andrew William Wilson, Ph.D. University of Nebraska, 2016 Advisor: Thomas Borstelmann The purpose of this research is to identify the importance of Nicaraguan political contests in the global twentieth century. The goal is to demonstrate that, despite its relatively small size, Nicaragua significantly influenced the course of modern history.
    [Show full text]
  • UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Los Angeles in the Footsteps of Sandino
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles In the Footsteps of Sandino: Geographies of Revolution and Political Violence in Northern Nicaragua, 1956-1979 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in History by Robert James Sierakowski 2012 © Copyright by Robert James Sierakowski 2012 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION In the Footsteps of Sandino: Geographies of Revolution and Political Violence in Northern Nicaragua, 1956-1979 by Robert James Sierakowski Doctor of Philosophy in History University of California, Los Angeles, 2012 Professor Robin Derby, Chair Why is it that certain groups and individuals come to rebel against a dictatorship's authority and support insurgents while others remain loyal to the regime? This dissertation examines the geographical paradoxes of revolutionary upheaval and counterinsurgent repression in northern Nicaragua during the two decades leading up to the 1979 Sandinista Revolution. Taking a micro- historical approach, this project focuses on the Segovias region, documenting how it came to be bifurcated between zones overwhelmingly supportive of the Sandinista guerrillas and other areas which fought to preserve the Somoza dictatorship. Drawing on government and military archives, in conjunction with a large collection of oral histories, this dissertation finds traditional ii explanations for both the dictatorship and the popular upheaval highly insufficient. I argue instead that geographic locality remains the fundamental variable determining the configurations of political consciousness and collective action. To explain the formation of “regions” and their responses to revolutionary crisis, I document the inherently spatial processes undergirding three key historical transformations at the local level: socioeconomic structure, political cultures of the state, and experiences of revolutionary/counterinsurgent violence.
    [Show full text]