Nicaragua: Country Brief
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Ortega for President: the Religious Rebirth of Sandinismo in Nicaragua
European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 89, October 2010 | 47-63 Ortega for President: The Religious Rebirth of Sandinismo in Nicaragua Henri Gooren Abstract: This article analyses various connections between Daniel Ortega’s surprising victory in the presidential elections of 5 November 2006, his control of the Frente Sandinista de la Liberación Nacio- nal (FSLN) party, and the changing religious context in Nicaragua, where Pentecostal churches now claim almost one quarter of the population. To achieve this, I draw from my fieldwork in Nicaragua in 2005 and 2006, which analysed competition for members between various religious groups in Managua: charismatic Catholics, the Assemblies of God, the neo-Pentecostal mega-church Hosanna, and the Mormon Church. How did Ortega manage to win the votes from so many religious people (evangelical Protestants and Roman Catholics alike)? And how does this case compare to similar cases of populist leaders in Latin America courting evangelicals, like Chávez in Venezuela and earlier Fujimori in Peru? Keywords: Nicaragua, religion, elections, FSLN, Daniel Ortega. Populist leadership and evangelical support in Latin America At first look, the case of Ortega’s surprise election victory seems to fit an estab- lished pattern in Latin America: the populist leader who comes to power in part by courting – and winning – the evangelical vote. Alberto Fujimori in Peru was the first to achieve this in the early 1990s, followed by Venezuelan lieutenant-colonel Hugo Chávez in the late 1990s and more recently Rafael Correa in Ecuador (Op- penheimer 2006). These three populist leaders came to power thanks to the break- down of an old party system, which gradually became stagnant and corrupted. -
The Carter Center News Spring 1990
THE CARTER CENTER NEWS SPRING 1990 Carter, Council Monitor Nicaraguan Elections Peaceful Transition of Power First in Country's History On April 25, the Nicaraguan people inaugurated a new president in the first peaceful transfer of power to an elected opposition in the country's history. of Nicaragua chose their new president in a free and fair election," said President Carter, who led an international delegation to monitor the February 25 elections. The delegation was formed under the auspices of the Council of Freely-Elected Heads of Government, chaired by President Carter and based at The Carter Center of Emory University (CCEU). The Council joined delegations from the United Nations and the Organization of American States (OAS) in monitoring the elections. Following the transfer of power from the Sandinista (FSLN) government of Daniel Ortega to the coalition government (UNO) of Violeta Chamorro, President Carter said, "Both Daniel Ortega and Violeta Chamorro deserve the world's respect and admiration for the way they handled the transition. Former President Ortega has set his country on the road to democracy. President Chamorro has been entrusted by the people of Nicaragua with the difficult task of healing the division in that nation and nurturing the newly-born democratic spirit. It is my sincerest hope that peace and democracy will flourish in Nicaragua." The Invitation In the summer of 1989, President Carter and the Council were invited to observe the elections by thenPresident Daniel Ortega, the Union of National Opposition (UNO), and the Supreme Electoral Council. The Nicaraguan election project was directed by Robert Pastor and Jennie Lincoln, director and associate director respectively of CCEU's Latin American and Caribbean Studies program. -
Corporate Dependence in Brazil's 2010 Elections for Federal Deputy*
Corporate Dependence in Brazil's 2010 Elections for Federal Deputy* Wagner Pralon Mancuso Universidade de São Paulo, Brazil Dalson Britto Figueiredo Filho Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, Brazil Bruno Wilhelm Speck Universidade de São Paulo, Brazil Lucas Emanuel Oliveira Silva Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, Brazil Enivaldo Carvalho da Rocha Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, Brazil What is the profile of candidates whose electoral campaigns are the most dependent on corporate donations? Our main objective is to identify factors that help explaining the level of corporate dependence among them. We answer this question in relation to the 2010 elections for federal deputy in Brazil. We test five hypotheses: 01. right-wing party candidates are more dependent than their counterparts on the left; 02. government coalition candidates are more dependent than candidates from the opposition; 03. incumbents are more dependent on corporate donations than challengers; 04. businesspeople running as candidates receive more corporate donations than other candidates; and 05. male candidates are more dependent than female candidates. Methodologically, the research design combines both descriptive and multivariate statistics. We use OLS regression, cluster analysis and the Tobit model. The results show support for hypotheses 01, 03 and 04. There is no empirical support for hypothesis 05. Finally, hypothesis 02 was not only rejected, but we find evidence that candidates from the opposition receive more contributions from the corporate sector. Keywords: Corporate dependence; elections; campaign finance; federal deputies. * http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1981-38212016000300004 For data replication, see bpsr.org.br/files/archives/Dataset_Mancuso et al We thank the editors for their careful work and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and suggestions. -
The November 2011 Elections in Nicaragua: a Study Mission Report of the Carter Center
The November 2011 Elections in Nicaragua Study Mission Report Waging Peace. Fighting Disease. Building Hope. The November 2011 Elections in Nicaragua: A Study Mission Report of the Carter Center THE NOVEMBER 2011 ELECTIONS IN NICARAGUA: A STUDY MISSION REPORT OF THE CARTER CENTER OVERVIEW On November 6, 2011 Nicaragua held general elections for president and vice president, national and departmental deputies to the National Assembly, and members of the Central American Parliament. Fraudulent local elections in 2008, a questionable Supreme Court decision in October 2009 to permit the candidacy of incumbent President Daniel Ortega, and a presidential decree in January 2010 extending the Supreme Electoral Council (CSE) magistrates in office after their terms expired provided the context for a deeply flawed election process. Partisan election preparations were followed by a non-transparent election day and count. The conditions for international and domestic election observation, and for party oversight, were insufficient to permit verification of compliance with election procedures and Nicaraguan electoral law, and numerous anomalies cast doubt on the quality of the process and honesty of the vote count. The most important opposition party rejected the election as fraudulent but took its seats in the legislature. Nicaragua’s Supreme Electoral Council dismissed opposition complaints and announced that President Daniel Ortega had been re-elected to a third term. In addition, the official results showed that Ortega’s Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) party had won enough legislative seats both to reform articles of the constitution (requires a 60% majority) and to call a constituent assembly to write a new constitution (requires 66%). -
Nicaragua: in Brief
Nicaragua: In Brief Maureen Taft-Morales Specialist in Latin American Affairs September 14, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44560 Nicaragua: In Brief Summary This report discusses Nicaragua’s current politics, economic development and relations with the United States and provides context for Nicaragua’s controversial November 6, 2016, elections. After its civil war ended, Nicaragua began to establish a democratic government in the early 1990s. Its institutions remained weak, however, and they have become increasingly politicized since the late 1990s. Current President Daniel Ortega was a Sandinista (Frente Sandinista de Liberacion Nacional, FSLN) leader when the Sandinistas overthrew the dictatorship of Anastasio Somoza in 1979. Ortega was elected president in 1984. An electorate weary of war between the government and U.S.-backed contras denied him reelection in 1990. After three failed attempts, he won reelection in 2006, and again in 2011. He is expected to win a third term in November 2016 presidential elections. As in local, municipal, and national elections in recent years, the legitimacy of this election process is in question, especially after Ortega declared that no domestic or international observers would be allowed to monitor the elections and an opposition coalition was effectively barred from running in the 2016 elections. As a leader of the opposition in the legislature from 1990 to 2006, and as president since then, Ortega slowly consolidated Sandinista—and personal—control over Nicaraguan institutions. As Ortega has gained power, he reputedly has become one of the country’s wealthiest men. His family’s wealth and influence have grown as well, inviting comparisons to the Somoza family dictatorship. -
LETTER to G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS
LETTER TO G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS We write to call for urgent action to address the global education emergency triggered by Covid-19. With over 1 billion children still out of school because of the lockdown, there is now a real and present danger that the public health crisis will create a COVID generation who lose out on schooling and whose opportunities are permanently damaged. While the more fortunate have had access to alternatives, the world’s poorest children have been locked out of learning, denied internet access, and with the loss of free school meals - once a lifeline for 300 million boys and girls – hunger has grown. An immediate concern, as we bring the lockdown to an end, is the fate of an estimated 30 million children who according to UNESCO may never return to school. For these, the world’s least advantaged children, education is often the only escape from poverty - a route that is in danger of closing. Many of these children are adolescent girls for whom being in school is the best defence against forced marriage and the best hope for a life of expanded opportunity. Many more are young children who risk being forced into exploitative and dangerous labour. And because education is linked to progress in virtually every area of human development – from child survival to maternal health, gender equality, job creation and inclusive economic growth – the education emergency will undermine the prospects for achieving all our 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and potentially set back progress on gender equity by years. -
Spotlight on Nicaragua
February 16, 2021 CLOSING OF POLITICAL AND CIVIC SPACES: SPOTLIGHT ON NICARAGUA TABLE OF CONTENTS February 16 Agenda ................................................................................................................ 2 Part I: Nicaraguan Spring: The Rise & Repression of a Protest Movement ............. 5 State-Sponsored Violence & the Closing of Political Space Part II: How Did We Get Here? Background on the Current Political Landscape ... 7 State-Sponsored Violence & the Closing of Political Space El Pacto: Leftist on Paper but Not in Practice Questionable Reelections Reforms Favor Authoritarianism An Economy in Ruins Impacts of COVID-19 and Hurricanes Eta & Iota The 2021 Election Part III: Recent Laws Limiting Civic Space .......................................................................... 15 Law of Regulation of Foreign Agents Special Law of Cybercrimes Law of Life Sentence Law of Defense of the Rights of the People to Independence, Sovereignty, Self-determination for the Peace Penal Code Reform A Diverse and Divided Opposition Civic Alliance for Justice & Democracy White & Blue Unity Great National Coalition Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights U.S. Policy and the Biden Administration’s Challenges Speaker Biographies ................................................................................................................ 24 1 February 16, 2021 AGENDA AGENDA Welcome & Introduction Introduction to Topics for Meeting Understanding the Current Context of Nicaragua • Current Political -
Nicaragua: Changes Under the Chamorro Government and U.S. Concerns
Nicaragua: Changes Under the Chamorro Government and U.S. Concerns May 16, 1997 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov 96-813 Nicaragua: Changes Under the Chamorro Government and U.S. Concerns Summary National reconciliation was the primary goal of President Violeta Barrios de Chamorro’s administration from 1990-1996. Yet many critics, both in Nicaragua and in the U.S. Congress, saw her commitment to keeping the peace within the Nicaraguan national family as slowing the pace of political, institutional, and economic reform in the early years of her seven-year term. During the last two years, however, Nicaragua began to develop the institutions that contribute to a pluralist system. Primary U.S. concerns have been the development of democracy and of the economy, and the settlement of property claims. U.S. aid was given to promote fair elections on October 20, 1996. Chamorro transferred power to the newly-elected president, Arnoldo Aleman, on January 10, 1997. Congressional Research Service Nicaragua: Changes Under the Chamorro Government and U.S. Concerns Background and Current Political Situation When President Chamorro took office in April 1990, she took charge of a highly polarized nation and a fragile peace. The defeated Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), which had governed since 1979, wished to retain the revolutionary social “conquests” they had instituted and the property that they had confiscated and distributed to peasants and party followers. They intended to parlay their 41% of the electoral vote (to Chamorro’s 55%) and their control over the army into influence over the Chamorro Administration. President Chamorro also faced growing opposition from members of her own coalition, the United National Opposition (UNO), which rejected the President’s conciliatory gestures towards the Sandinistas and her attempts at compromise. -
The Lyndon B. Johnson Administration and Nicaragua
1 Dolph Briscoe IV Cold War and Contempt: The Lyndon B. Johnson Administration and Nicaragua Introduction In a 1967 report from Ambassador William Crockett to the U.S. State Department the diplomat commented on the leader and government of Nicaragua. Crockett lamented: “All of us who presume to know something about Nicaraguan politics wondered from the beginning how Anastasio Somoza Debayle could be so stupid as to insist on becoming President of Nicaragua.” The ambassador further explained: “President Somoza is possessed of one of the largest egos to be found anywhere and/or one of the largest inferiority complexes I have ever run across.” Clearly Crockett viewed Anastasio Somoza with disdain and disrespect. Yet the ambassador appreciated the Nicaraguan president’s staunch anticommunism. He recalled of Somoza: “He has been quite candid in telling me and almost as candid in stating publicly that when it comes to communist guerrillas and terrorists, the normal rule book goes out the window.” Though he doubted Somoza would order executions, Crockett insisted: “I have no reason to question his statement that the Guardia Nacional is under orders to take no prisoners when it comes to communist affiliated or inspired guerrillas and terrorists.”1 Crockett’s opinion regarding Somoza illustrates the irony of U.S. policy toward Nicaragua during the 1960s. In Nicaragua, as throughout much of Latin America, U.S. policy makers grudgingly supported corrupt and inept leaders who maintained anticommunist views. The Cold War dominated U.S. foreign policy, and preventing the spread of communism 1Cable, William Crockett to State, December 9, 1967, “Nicaragua,” Country File, NSF, Box 63, Lyndon Baines Johnson Library, Austin, Texas. -
Reputación Y Resultados
CHALLENGE: CITIZENSHIP Non venal edition Creative Commons License (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0) Developing Ideas from LLORENTE & CUENCA, January, 2018 Lagasca, 88 - 3rd floor 28001 Madrid (Spain) Edition: Anatomía de Red Design: Joaquín Gallego Content INTRODUCTION A challenged and anxious society José Antonio Zarzalejos 13 CHALLENGE: CITIZENSHIP The Ethical Challenge of the New Citizenship José Antonio Llorente 19 GLOBAL CITIES Latin America challenged by smart cities Javier Rosado & Raimundo Diaz 25 Citizen Engagement versus Tourism-phobia: The Role of Citizens in a Country’s Brand Juan Arteaga & Anel Hernandez, 31 Mexico City: Keys and Challenges to Building a Smart City for Citizens Alejandro Romero & Arie Ellstein 45 Improving ourselves as citizens Daniel Silberfaden 53 The Major Challenges Facing Cities Jordi Serra del Pino 57 TERRITORIES AND COMMUNITIES The dawn of the phygital consumer David G. Natal & Julio Alonso 63 Inbound Marketing: User-based Communications Iván Pino & Diego Romero 71 Grassroots: The Power of Organized Communities Joan Navarro & Laura Martínez 77 Liquid Democracy and Exponential Technology for Transforming the World Ana Lorenzo 83 PUBLIC AFFAIRS The Doria Effect: The Impact of Communication on the Management of a City Juan Carlos Gozzer & Thyago Mathias 91 Latin America’s New Wave of Populism—a Movement More Alive Than Ever Before Luisa García & Claudio Vallejo 101 The Impossible Politics of Walls José Antonio Zarzalejos 127 Does Every Trump Have a Silver Lining? Cecilia Soto 133 REPUTATION & SUSTAINABILITY The case of -
Elections in Ecuador February 17 Presidential & Legislative Elections
Elections in Ecuador February 17 Presidential & Legislative Elections Frequently Asked Questions The Americas International Foundation for Electoral Systems 1850 K Street, NW | Fifth Floor | Washington, D.C. 20006 | www.IFES.org February 13, 2013 Frequently Asked Questions Who will Ecuadorians elect in the 2013 elections? ...................................................................................... 1 When are elections in Ecuador? ................................................................................................................... 1 When did the electoral process begin? ........................................................................................................ 1 How is Ecuador organized politically? .......................................................................................................... 1 What are the main political parties? ............................................................................................................ 2 Who is running for president and vice president? ....................................................................................... 2 How is election administration structured in Ecuador? ............................................................................... 3 Who can vote in this election? ..................................................................................................................... 3 During what hours will polling stations be open? ....................................................................................... -
China-Venezuela Economic Relations: Hedging Venezuelan Bets with Chinese Characteristics1
Latin American Program | Kissinger Institute | February 2019 Chinese President Xi Jinping, right, shakes hands with Venezuela’s President Nicolás Maduro, Sept. 22, 2013. © Lintao Zhang / AP Photo China-Venezuela Economic Relations: 1 Hedging Venezuelan Bets with Chinese Characteristics LATIN AMERICAN PROGRAM LATIN AMERICAN PROGRAM Stephen B. Kaplan and Michael Penfold KISSINGER INSTITUTE Tens of thousands of Venezuelans raised their hands toward the sky on January 23, 2019, to offer solidarity to legislative leader, Juan Guaidó, who declared himself interim president of LATIN AMERICAN PROGRAM Venezuela during a rally demanding President Nicolás Maduro’s resignation. Refusing to rec- ognize the legitimacy of Maduro’s May 2018 re-election, Guaidó cited his constitutional duty as the head of the National Assembly to fill the presidential vacancy until new elections were called. Hand in hand with Guaidó, the United States unequivocally supported his declaration, recognizing him as Venezuela’s head of state. Backed by Argentina, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Co- lombia, Israel, and Peru, President Trump said he would “use the full weight of United States economic and diplomatic power to press for the restoration of Venezuelan democracy.” More recently, Spain, the United Kingdom, France, and Germany also recognized Guaidó as interim president after Maduro failed to call new elections. The United States also backed its position with some economic muscle, imposing sanctions on Venezuela’s state-owned oil company, Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PdVSA), saying that all PdVSA assets, including its oil sale pro- ceeds, will be frozen in U.S. jurisdictions. 1 The authors would like to thank Cindy Arnson and Robert Daly for their insightful commentary about China-Latin American relations, Marcin Jerzewski, Beverly Li, and Giorgos Morakis for their superb research assistance, and Orlando Ochoa, Francisco Monaldi, and Francisco Rodríguez for invaluable conversations about the current state of the Venezuelan economy and oil sector.