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Las Montoneras De San Luis
LAS MONTONERAS DE SAN LUIS 1º PARTE: “EL SITIO A LA CIUDAD DE SAN LUIS” (1862) GABRIEL G. GUTIERREZ SAN LUIS 2003 INDICE INTRODUCCION ...............................................................................................................................3 CAPITULO I LA INSURRECION MONTONERA..........................................................................................................6 Los sucesos previos. .......................................................................................................................7 El comienzo de la sublevación en San Luis ..................................................................................10 La Batalla de Chañaral Negro. .......................................................................................................13 La táctica de lucha. ........................................................................................................................17 El Coronel Juan Barbeito, Gobernador de San Luis......................................................................19 El combate de las Casas Viejas. ....................................................................................................19 El avance hacia San Luis. ..............................................................................................................25 CAPITULO II EL SITIO DE SAN LUIS........................................................................................................................31 La aldea puntana a principios de 1860 ..........................................................................................32 -
India's Domestic Political Setting
Updated July 12, 2021 India’s Domestic Political Setting Overview The BJP and Congress are India’s only genuinely national India, the world’s most populous democracy, is, according parties. In previous recent national elections they together to its Constitution, a “sovereign, socialist, secular, won roughly half of all votes cast, but in 2019 the BJP democratic republic” where the bulk of executive power boosted its share to nearly 38% of the estimated 600 million rests with the prime minister and his Council of Ministers votes cast (to Congress’s 20%; turnout was a record 67%). (the Indian president is a ceremonial chief of state with The influence of regional and caste-based (and often limited executive powers). Since its 1947 independence, “family-run”) parties—although blunted by two most of India’s 14 prime ministers have come from the consecutive BJP majority victories—remains a crucial country’s Hindi-speaking northern regions, and all but 3 variable in Indian politics. Such parties now hold one-third have been upper-caste Hindus. The 543-seat Lok Sabha of all Lok Sabha seats. In 2019, more than 8,000 candidates (House of the People) is the locus of national power, with and hundreds of parties vied for parliament seats; 33 of directly elected representatives from each of the country’s those parties won at least one seat. The seven parties listed 28 states and 8 union territories. The president has the below account for 84% of Lok Sabha seats. The BJP’s power to dissolve this body. A smaller upper house of a economic reform agenda can be impeded in the Rajya maximum 250 seats, the Rajya Sabha (Council of States), Sabha, where opposition parties can align to block certain may review, but not veto, revenue legislation, and has no nonrevenue legislation (see Figure 1). -
Guyana: an Overview
Updated March 10, 2020 Guyana: An Overview Located on the north coast of South America, English- system from independence until the early 1990s; the party speaking Guyana has characteristics common of a traditionally has had an Afro-Guyanese base of support. In Caribbean nation because of its British colonial heritage— contrast, the AFC identifies as a multiracial party. the country achieved independence from Britain in 1966. Guyana participates in Caribbean regional organizations The opposition People’s Progressive Party/Civic (PPP/C), and forums, and its capital of Georgetown serves as led by former President Bharrat Jagdeo (1999-2011), has 32 headquarters for the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), a seats in the National Assembly. Traditionally supported by regional integration organization. Indo-Guyanese, the PPP/C governed Guyana from 1992 until its defeat in the 2015 elections. Current congressional interest in Guyana is focused on the conduct of the March 2, 2020, elections. Some Members of Congress have expressed deep concern about allegations of Guyana at a Glance potential electoral fraud and have called on the Guyana Population: 782,000 (2018, IMF est.) Elections Commission (GECOM) to not declare a winner Ethnic groups: Indo-Guyanese, or those of East Indian until the completion of a credible vote tabulation process. heritage, almost 40%; Afro-Guyanese, almost 30%; mixed, 20%; Amerindian, almost 11% (2012, CIA est.) Figure 1. Map of Guyana Area: 83,000 square miles, about the size of Idaho GDP: $3.9 billion (current prices, 2018, IMF est.) Real GDP Growth: 4.1% (2018 est.); 4.4% (2019 est.) (IMF) Per Capita GDP: $4,984 (2018, IMF est.) Life Expectancy: 69.6 years (2017, WB) Sources: International Monetary Fund (IMF); Central Intelligence Agency (CIA); World Bank (WB). -
Redalyc.Algo Más Que Una Borrachera. Tensiones Y Temores
Andes ISSN: 0327-1676 [email protected] Universidad Nacional de Salta Argentina Fradkin, Raúl O. Algo más que una borrachera. Tensiones y temores en la frontera sur de Buenos Aires antes del alzamiento rural de 1829 Andes, núm. 17, 2006 Universidad Nacional de Salta Salta, Argentina Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=12701702 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto ALGO MÁS QUE UNA BORRACHERA. TENSIONES Y TEMORES EN LA FRONTERA SUR DE BUENOS AIRES ANTES DEL ALZAMIENTO RURAL DE 1829.1 Raúl O. Fradkin* El 1º de diciembre de 1828 las fuerzas militares que regresaban de la guerra con el Imperio del Brasil comandadas por Juan Lavalle aliadas (e instigadas) por los unitarios depusieron al gobernador federal de Buenos Aires, Manuel Dorrego. Rápidamente se hicieron con el control de la ciudad y en una reducida asamblea designaron por aclamación a Lavalle como nuevo gobernador. Dorrego intentó reunió a las fuerzas leales entre las cuales se hallaban desertores del Ejército Republicano, buena parte de las milicias que obedecían al Comandante General Juan Manuel de Rosas, grupos de vecinos que se movilizaron en defensa del gobierno y algunos contingentes indígenas de las llamadas “tribus amigas” con quienes Rosas estaba armando una intensa y perdurable relación. El 9 de diciembre Dorrego fue derrotado por los insurrectos y poco después era apresado y fusilado sin juicio previo mientras sus fuerzas se dispersaban y Rosas se dirigía Santa Fe. -
Contribution of the United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN Women) Questionnaire to UN System
Contribution of the United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN Women) Questionnaire to UN system To the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues Twentieth Session: 19-30 April 2021 1 List of Acronyms ACIN Asociación de Cabildos Indígenas del Norte del Cauca (Columbia) AIPP Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact ASOMUC Association of Women in Construction (Bolivia) CAT Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment CCA Common Country Assessment CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women CEMA Committee on Ethnic Minority Affairs (Viet Nam) CONADI The National Corporation for Indigenous Development CONAJIS National Council of Indigenous of El Salvador CONAIE Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador CONAMURI National Commission for Rural and Indigenous Women (Paraguay) CODACOP Corporacion de Apoyo a Comunidades Populares (Columbia) CSO Civil society organization CSAG Civil Society Advisory Group CSW 61 Commission on the Status of Women 61st Session (13-24 March 2017) CSW 62 Commission on the Status of Women 62nd Session (12-23 March 2018) DRR Disaster Risk Reduction EU European Union FAO Food and Agriculture Organization FGE Fund for Gender Equality FILAC Financial Inclusion Initiative for Latin America and the Caribbean FIMI International Indigenous Women's Forum IACHR Inter-American Commission on Human Rights ICCPR International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ICT Information and communication technology IFAD International -
Corporate Dependence in Brazil's 2010 Elections for Federal Deputy*
Corporate Dependence in Brazil's 2010 Elections for Federal Deputy* Wagner Pralon Mancuso Universidade de São Paulo, Brazil Dalson Britto Figueiredo Filho Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, Brazil Bruno Wilhelm Speck Universidade de São Paulo, Brazil Lucas Emanuel Oliveira Silva Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, Brazil Enivaldo Carvalho da Rocha Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, Brazil What is the profile of candidates whose electoral campaigns are the most dependent on corporate donations? Our main objective is to identify factors that help explaining the level of corporate dependence among them. We answer this question in relation to the 2010 elections for federal deputy in Brazil. We test five hypotheses: 01. right-wing party candidates are more dependent than their counterparts on the left; 02. government coalition candidates are more dependent than candidates from the opposition; 03. incumbents are more dependent on corporate donations than challengers; 04. businesspeople running as candidates receive more corporate donations than other candidates; and 05. male candidates are more dependent than female candidates. Methodologically, the research design combines both descriptive and multivariate statistics. We use OLS regression, cluster analysis and the Tobit model. The results show support for hypotheses 01, 03 and 04. There is no empirical support for hypothesis 05. Finally, hypothesis 02 was not only rejected, but we find evidence that candidates from the opposition receive more contributions from the corporate sector. Keywords: Corporate dependence; elections; campaign finance; federal deputies. * http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1981-38212016000300004 For data replication, see bpsr.org.br/files/archives/Dataset_Mancuso et al We thank the editors for their careful work and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and suggestions. -
The November 2011 Elections in Nicaragua: a Study Mission Report of the Carter Center
The November 2011 Elections in Nicaragua Study Mission Report Waging Peace. Fighting Disease. Building Hope. The November 2011 Elections in Nicaragua: A Study Mission Report of the Carter Center THE NOVEMBER 2011 ELECTIONS IN NICARAGUA: A STUDY MISSION REPORT OF THE CARTER CENTER OVERVIEW On November 6, 2011 Nicaragua held general elections for president and vice president, national and departmental deputies to the National Assembly, and members of the Central American Parliament. Fraudulent local elections in 2008, a questionable Supreme Court decision in October 2009 to permit the candidacy of incumbent President Daniel Ortega, and a presidential decree in January 2010 extending the Supreme Electoral Council (CSE) magistrates in office after their terms expired provided the context for a deeply flawed election process. Partisan election preparations were followed by a non-transparent election day and count. The conditions for international and domestic election observation, and for party oversight, were insufficient to permit verification of compliance with election procedures and Nicaraguan electoral law, and numerous anomalies cast doubt on the quality of the process and honesty of the vote count. The most important opposition party rejected the election as fraudulent but took its seats in the legislature. Nicaragua’s Supreme Electoral Council dismissed opposition complaints and announced that President Daniel Ortega had been re-elected to a third term. In addition, the official results showed that Ortega’s Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) party had won enough legislative seats both to reform articles of the constitution (requires a 60% majority) and to call a constituent assembly to write a new constitution (requires 66%). -
Intimate Partner Violence in the Americas: a Systematic Review and Reanalysis 16 of National Prevalence Estimates
01 Pan American Journal Review of Public Health 02 03 04 05 06 Intimate partner violence in the Americas: a systematic 07 08 review and reanalysis of national prevalence estimates 09 10 11 1 2 1 1 Sarah Bott, Alessandra Guedes, Ana P. Ruiz-Celis, and Jennifer Adams Mendoza 12 13 14 15 Suggested citation Bott S, Guedes A, Ruiz-Celis AP, Mendoza JA. Intimate partner violence in the Americas: a systematic review and reanalysis 16 of national prevalence estimates. Rev Panam Salud Publica. 2019;43:e26. https://doi.org/10.26633/RPSP.2019.26 17 18 19 20 ABSTRACT Objectives. To describe what is known about the national prevalence of intimate partner violence (IPV) against 21 women in the Americas across countries and over time, including the geographic coverage, quality, and com- 22 parability of national data. 23 Methods. This was a systematic review and reanalysis of national, population-based IPV estimates from 24 1998 – 2017 in the Americas. Estimates were reanalyzed for comparability or extracted from reports, including IPV prevalence by type (physical; sexual; physical and/or sexual), timeframe (ever; past year), and perpetrator 25 (any partner in life; current/most recent partner). In countries with 3+ rounds of data, Cochran-Armitage and 26 Pearson chi-square tests were used to assess whether changes over time were significant (P < 0.05). 27 Results. Eligible surveys were found in 24 countries. Women reported ever having experienced physical and/ 28 or sexual IPV at rates that ranged from 14% – 17% of women in Brazil, Panama, and Uruguay to over one-half 29 (58.5%) in Bolivia. -
Nicaragua: in Brief
Nicaragua: In Brief Maureen Taft-Morales Specialist in Latin American Affairs September 14, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44560 Nicaragua: In Brief Summary This report discusses Nicaragua’s current politics, economic development and relations with the United States and provides context for Nicaragua’s controversial November 6, 2016, elections. After its civil war ended, Nicaragua began to establish a democratic government in the early 1990s. Its institutions remained weak, however, and they have become increasingly politicized since the late 1990s. Current President Daniel Ortega was a Sandinista (Frente Sandinista de Liberacion Nacional, FSLN) leader when the Sandinistas overthrew the dictatorship of Anastasio Somoza in 1979. Ortega was elected president in 1984. An electorate weary of war between the government and U.S.-backed contras denied him reelection in 1990. After three failed attempts, he won reelection in 2006, and again in 2011. He is expected to win a third term in November 2016 presidential elections. As in local, municipal, and national elections in recent years, the legitimacy of this election process is in question, especially after Ortega declared that no domestic or international observers would be allowed to monitor the elections and an opposition coalition was effectively barred from running in the 2016 elections. As a leader of the opposition in the legislature from 1990 to 2006, and as president since then, Ortega slowly consolidated Sandinista—and personal—control over Nicaraguan institutions. As Ortega has gained power, he reputedly has become one of the country’s wealthiest men. His family’s wealth and influence have grown as well, inviting comparisons to the Somoza family dictatorship. -
LETTER to G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS
LETTER TO G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS We write to call for urgent action to address the global education emergency triggered by Covid-19. With over 1 billion children still out of school because of the lockdown, there is now a real and present danger that the public health crisis will create a COVID generation who lose out on schooling and whose opportunities are permanently damaged. While the more fortunate have had access to alternatives, the world’s poorest children have been locked out of learning, denied internet access, and with the loss of free school meals - once a lifeline for 300 million boys and girls – hunger has grown. An immediate concern, as we bring the lockdown to an end, is the fate of an estimated 30 million children who according to UNESCO may never return to school. For these, the world’s least advantaged children, education is often the only escape from poverty - a route that is in danger of closing. Many of these children are adolescent girls for whom being in school is the best defence against forced marriage and the best hope for a life of expanded opportunity. Many more are young children who risk being forced into exploitative and dangerous labour. And because education is linked to progress in virtually every area of human development – from child survival to maternal health, gender equality, job creation and inclusive economic growth – the education emergency will undermine the prospects for achieving all our 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and potentially set back progress on gender equity by years. -
De La Independencia a La Natural Barbarie Americana. Una Lectura Del Facundo De Domingo F
Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política y Humanidades ISSN: 1575-6823 [email protected] Universidad de Sevilla España Brighenti, Maura De la independencia a la natural barbarie americana. Una lectura del Facundo de Domingo F. Sarmiento Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política y Humanidades, vol. 12, núm. 24, 2010, pp. 53-78 Universidad de Sevilla Sevilla, España Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=28214786003 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Araucaria Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política y Humanidades Año 12, No 24. Segundo semestre de 2010 De la independencia a la natural barbarie americana. Una lectura del Facundo de Domingo F. Sarmiento Autor(es): Maura Brighenti pp. 53-78 URL: http://www.institucional.us.es/araucaria/nro24/monogr24_1.pdf Monográficos: vísperas de la IndependencIa: aspectos de la domInacIón hIspánIca (II) (Coordinado por José Luis Villacañas Berlanga, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, España) De la independencia a la natural barbarie americana. Una lectura del Facundo de Domingo F. Sarmiento1 Maura Brighenti Universidad de Bolonia (Italia) Sarmiento que es todavía uno de los creadores de la argentinidad, fue en su época un europeizante. No encontró mejor modo de ser argentino. [J. C. Mariátegui, Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana] Resumen Se presenta una lectura del “Facundo” de Domingo F. Sarmiento y, en particular, de su más general visión de la historia y de la realidad argentina y latinoamericana a partir del esquema dicotómico de civilización y barbarie que tendrá mucha suerte en las narraciones de los procesos del modernización latinoamericanos por lo menos hasta la segunda mitad del siglo XX. -
Unicameralism and the Indiana Constitutional Convention of 1850 Val Nolan, Jr.*
DOCUMENT UNICAMERALISM AND THE INDIANA CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1850 VAL NOLAN, JR.* Bicameralism as a principle of legislative structure was given "casual, un- questioning acceptance" in the state constitutions adopted in the nineteenth century, states Willard Hurst in his recent study of main trends in the insti- tutional development of American law.1 Occasioning only mild and sporadic interest in the states in the post-Revolutionary period,2 problems of legislative * A.B. 1941, Indiana University; J.D. 1949; Assistant Professor of Law, Indiana Uni- versity School of Law. 1. HURST, THE GROWTH OF AMERICAN LAW, THE LAW MAKERS 88 (1950). "O 1ur two-chambered legislatures . were adopted mainly by default." Id. at 140. During this same period and by 1840 many city councils, unicameral in colonial days, became bicameral, the result of easy analogy to state governmental forms. The trend was reversed, and since 1900 most cities have come to use one chamber. MACDONALD, AmER- ICAN CITY GOVERNMENT AND ADMINISTRATION 49, 58, 169 (4th ed. 1946); MUNRO, MUNICIPAL GOVERN-MENT AND ADMINISTRATION C. XVIII (1930). 2. "[T]he [American] political theory of a second chamber was first formulated in the constitutional convention held in Philadelphia in 1787 and more systematically developed later in the Federalist." Carroll, The Background of Unicameralisnl and Bicameralism, in UNICAMERAL LEGISLATURES, THE ELEVENTH ANNUAL DEBATE HAND- BOOK, 1937-38, 42 (Aly ed. 1938). The legislature of the confederation was unicameral. ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION, V. Early American proponents of a bicameral legislature founded their arguments on theoretical grounds. Some, like John Adams, advocated a second state legislative house to represent property and wealth.