The Study on Newmont Divestation 2008-2016)

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Study on Newmont Divestation 2008-2016) The Conflict of Private-National Interests in the Divestation of PT. Newmont Nusa Tenggara’s Shares (The Study on Newmont Divestation 2008-2016) Ferdi Hasiman, Julian Aldrian Pasha, Post-graduate Student of The University of Indonesia Abstract The 1945 Constitution mandates that strategic mining must be controlled by the state. Not by foreign corporations. Based on that mandate, Indonesian government is struggling for the shares divestment of Newmont Nusa Tenggara (NNT), an American based mining company. NNT operates the Batu Hijau and the Elang Dodo Rinti mine. NNT’s Contract of Work mandates NNT to divest shares of 51 percent. NNT disobeyed the divestment order. In the divestment process, there is a conflict of private-national interests. The divestment process becomes an event to seize the oligarchy. In some term, a new oligarchy regulates Newmont. Keywords: Newmont Nusa Tenggara, Constitution’s mandate, strategic mining, Contract of Work, divestment order, Law No.4 / 2009, Agus Martowardoyo, Bakrie Group, PT. Multi Daerah Bersaing, Oligarchy, Winters, state-owned company, foreign company, Medco, civil society, Arifin Panigoro. Halaman 55 INTRODUCTION However, until the appointed time, In this paper I only want to elaborate Newmont never divested 51 percent of the the divestment of PT Newmont Nusa shares to the state. Tenggara’s shares. The purpose of the On March 3, 2008, the Indonesian divestment is to restore the mandate of The government sued Newmont for 1945 Constitution of Republic of Indonesia. international arbitration in Geneva. The Constitution mandates that strategic mining International Arbitration Decision on must be controlled by the state for the March 31, 2009 finally won the Indonesian welfare of the people. Foreign corporations Government and ordered Newmont to may not be controlling shareholders of divest 51 percent of the shares to the mining companies. national party, the Central government or Newmont is a company from the the regional government.1 United States and operates copper mines in Batu Hijau and Elang Dodo Rinti, West Sumbawa, West Nusa Tenggara. Newmont METHODOLOGY controls the concession area of 97,200 The author combined three different hectares including Elang Dodo Rinti. This kinds of methods. First, the author made a company is the second largest copper and qualitative research. Second, the author gold mining company after Freeport interviewed some experts who have Indonesia. In 2014, gold production sufficient knowledge to elaborate this topic. reached 690,000 ounces. The Batu Hijau Third, the author conducted the research mine produced 542 pounds of copper and based on some literature. Some literature 737,000 ounces of gold in 2011. The Batu reviews are needed as a foundation and as Hijau mine has reached the peak of support for this paper. production in 2014, while Elang Dodo Rinti is estimated to have reserves of 25 million ounces of gold and 15 billion pounds of RESULTS OF RESEARCH AND copper. Based on this fact, the Batu Hijau DISCUSSION and Elang Dodo Rinti mines are potential The Conflict of Private-National mines in the future. (Annual Report Interests in Newmont’s Divestment Newmont Mining Corporation, 2014: 54) Process Newmont Nusa Tenggara is a 1. Newmont Divestment Becomes an Contract of Work signed by the government Event to Scramble Oligarchy in 1986. In Newmont CoW, which was Newmont Nusa Tenggara (NNT) is signed in 1986, there is a clause regarding a mining company from the United States the divestment order. Article 24 (b) in the that produces copper and gold in Batu CoW mandates Newmont to divest shares Hijau, West Sumbawa, West Nusa of 51 percent as of 5 years after the mining Tenggara (NTB). As much as 80 percent of operation period. Divestment is carried out NNT's shares are controlled by Newmont in stages for 5 years, from 2006-2010. Mining Corporation and 20 percent are 1 Arbitral Tribunal Session was held in Jakarta on 8 (UNCITRAL). On March 31th,2009 The Arbitral - 13 of December 2008. It was held in accordance Tribunal published the final decision. The with the arbitral procedure of United Nation government of Indonesia won the court arbitral Commission on International Trade Law session. Halaman 56 controlled by a local businessman, PT Newmont have disputed over the Pukuafu Indah. The composition of divestment of shares since 2008. Newmont's shares before the divestment is As the operationalization of Law presented in the chart below: No.4 / 2009, concerning minerals and coal (Minerba: mineral dan batu bara), the government has issued PP No. 24/2012, concerning the Implementation of Mineral and Coal Mining Business Activities. This PP mandates mining controlled by foreign corporations to divest 51 percent of shares gradually after five years of production to the central government, regional government, state-owned enterprises, regionally owned enterprises, or local In accordance with article 24 (b) in corporations through tenders. the Contract of Work, NNT must divest 51 However, in the 24 percent percent of its foreign shares to the national divestment of Newmont's shares, the party. Newmont then had to divest 31 central government received nothing. At percent of the shares to the national party, that time, The Minister of Finance led by because 20 percent of Newmont's shares Sri Mulyani, ordered that 24 percent of had been secured by a domestic Newmont's shares be purchased by the businessman, Jusuf Meruk, through PT central government. However, Sri Pukuafu Indah. Mulyani's efforts were strongly protested The process of divesting 31 percent by the House of representatives (DPR). For of the shares made in two stages. The first example, Sri Mulyani said that the central stage of shares divestment was 24 percent government was willing to buy Newmont with the deadline for the 2009 divestment shares through state-owned companies process. While the remaining 7 percent was (BUMN), such as PT Aneka Tambang and released no later than 2011, after Law No.4 PT Timah Tbk. Even so, the finances of the / 2009 took effect. two state-owned companies were Divesting 51 percent of Newmont's insufficient to buy 24 percent of Newmont's shares is slightly different from divesting shares worth 850 million dollars or Rp. other mining companies, such as Freeport 7,650 trillion. Indonesia and Vale Indonesia. It is different One way to cover that, Sri Mulyani because the shares divestment process has said, is by making a capital injection into a been going on since 2009. That is, the state-owned company. However, the House divestment coincides with the birth of Law of Representatives did not allow capital No.4 / 2009. This law orders the process of injection to state-owned companies at the renegotiating a one-year contract after the 2009 Budget Board meeting. The House of contract expires. Nevertheless, the Representativesactually supported if 24 Newmont divestment process is still in line percent of Newmont's shares were handed with the spirit of Law No.4 / 2009. The over to the NTB Provincial Government, divestment process was accelerated West Sumbawa Regional Government and because the Indonesian governments and Sumbawa Regional Government. However, Halaman 57 Sri Mulyani maintained that 24 percent of shares which are the allotment of the Newmont's shares must be submitted to the Regional Government consortium. And the central government. On the contrary, Sri remainder will be borne by Multi Capital. Mulyani did not want Newmont shares to DMB is then willing to share the dividend be bought by a subsidiary of Bakrie Group, yield on Newmont shares with a portion of Multi Capital. However, after Sri Mulyani 75% for Multi Capital and the remaining was replaced, the government then allowed 25% for DMB the regional government to buy 24 percent The completion of the 24 percent of Newmont's shares. divestment of Newmont's first phase shares The NTB Governor, Zainul Majdi has implications for the reduction of (carried by the Golkar-Hanura-Garinda Newmont Nusa Tenggara's shares in the coalition) for example, said that the NTB Batu Hijau and Elang Dodo Rinti mines. government was obliged to get a portion of Newmont Mining Corporation's shares then Newmont's shares, because the Newmont left 56 percent and if the 7 percent shares in operating area was in its territory. Majdi the second phase were completed, then the then coordinated with the Sumbawa Barat remaining Newmont Mining Corporation and Sumbawa district governments to buy shares became 49 percent. That means, Newmont shares. The NTB regional Newmont Mining Corporation is not a government then formed a joint venture controlling shareholder in NNT. company, PT Multi Daerah Maju Bersaing Nonetheless, NNT continues to try (MDB) to take over 24 percent of to become the controller of the Batu Hijau Newmont's shares. MDB is a joint venture mine. The indication was that on June 25, between the NTB provincial government, 2010, PT Indonesia Masbaga Investama, West Sumbawa district and Sumba district. owned by Suria Atmadja (Emtek Group), In March, 2009, MDB formed a bought 2.2 percent of PT Newmont Nusa consortium company with PT Multi Capital Tenggara's shares from PT Pukuafu Indah owned by the Bakrie Group on the grounds for US $ 71.3 million or around Rp. 641 that the regions did not have enough billion. funding to buy Newmont shares. During the This share purchase transaction is divestment process of 24 percent of allegedly full of irregularities. Newmont Newmont's shares, Aburizal Bakrie, the Nusa Tenggara's parent company, the shareholder of the Bakrie Group, served as Newmont Southeast Partnership, was the Minister of Welfare and an important accused of being behind this transaction. In person in Golkar. the 2011 consolidated financial statements, On July 23, 2009, MDB and Newmont claimed to enter into an Multicapital signed a Memorandum of agreement with PT Pukuafu Indah and PT Understanding (MoU) to buy 24 percent of Indonesia Masbaga.
Recommended publications
  • Rizal Ramli Interviewer
    An initiative of the National Academy of Public Administration, and the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs and the Bobst Center for Peace and Justice, Princeton University Oral History Program Series: Governance Traps Interview no.: C7 Interviewee: Rizal Ramli Interviewer: Matthew Devlin Date of Interview: 15 July 2009 Location: Jakarta Indonesia Innovations for Successful Societies, Bobst Center for Peace and Justice Princeton University, 83 Prospect Avenue, Princeton, New Jersey, 08544, USA www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Use of this transcript is governed by ISS Terms of Use, available at www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Innovations for Successful Societies Series: Governance Traps Oral History Program Interview number: C-7 ______________________________________________________________________ DEVLIN: Today is July 15th, 2009, I’m here in Jakarta, Indonesia with Dr. Rizal Ramli. Dr. Ramli headed the nation’s State Logistics Agency and most notably was Coordinating Minister for Economic Affairs under the administration of then President Abdurrahman Wahid and also Minister of Finance among other positions in politics here in Indonesia. Dr. Ramli, thank you for joining me. If I could, could we possibly begin by you giving us a sense of the environment here in Indonesia at this transitional point between the longstanding new order and the post Suharto era? RAMLI: The Suharto regime had been in power for such a long time, more than 32 years before it fell. The longer he stayed, the more authoritarian the nature of his regime. But the core of his political support was essentially the armed forces, the bureaucracy, and of course the ruling party which is Golkar. So it is interesting to note for Suharto to go there should be an underlying shift in the perception of the key player in Indonesian politics, especially the army towards Suharto.
    [Show full text]
  • Indonesia's Transformation and the Stability of Southeast Asia
    INDONESIA’S TRANSFORMATION and the Stability of Southeast Asia Angel Rabasa • Peter Chalk Prepared for the United States Air Force Approved for public release; distribution unlimited ProjectR AIR FORCE The research reported here was sponsored by the United States Air Force under Contract F49642-01-C-0003. Further information may be obtained from the Strategic Planning Division, Directorate of Plans, Hq USAF. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Rabasa, Angel. Indonesia’s transformation and the stability of Southeast Asia / Angel Rabasa, Peter Chalk. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. “MR-1344.” ISBN 0-8330-3006-X 1. National security—Indonesia. 2. Indonesia—Strategic aspects. 3. Indonesia— Politics and government—1998– 4. Asia, Southeastern—Strategic aspects. 5. National security—Asia, Southeastern. I. Chalk, Peter. II. Title. UA853.I5 R33 2001 959.804—dc21 2001031904 Cover Photograph: Moslem Indonesians shout “Allahu Akbar” (God is Great) as they demonstrate in front of the National Commission of Human Rights in Jakarta, 10 January 2000. Courtesy of AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE (AFP) PHOTO/Dimas. RAND is a nonprofit institution that helps improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND® is a registered trademark. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions or policies of its research sponsors. Cover design by Maritta Tapanainen © Copyright 2001 RAND All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying,
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise of Islamic Religious-Political
    Hamid Fahmy Zarkasyi THE RISE OF ISLAMIC RELIGIOUS-POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN INDONESIA The Background, Present Situation and Future1 Hamid Fahmy Zarkasyi The Institute for Islamic Studies of Darussalam, Gontor Ponorogo, Indonesia Abstract: This paper traces the roots of the emergence of Islamic religious and political movements in Indonesia especially during and after their depoliticization during the New Order regime. There were two important impacts of the depoliticization, first, the emergence of various study groups and student organizations in university campuses. Second, the emergence of Islamic political parties after the fall of Suharto. In addition, political freedom after long oppression also helped create religious groups both radical on the one hand and liberal on the other. These radical and liberal groups were not only intellectual movements but also social and political in nature. Although the present confrontation between liberal and moderate Muslims could lead to serious conflict in the future, and would put the democratic atmosphere at risk, the role of the majority of the moderates remains decisive in determining the course of Islam and politics in Indonesia. Keywords: Islamic religious-political movement, liberal Islam, non-liberal Indonesian Muslims. Introduction The rise of Islamic political parties and Islamic religious movements after the fall of Suharto was not abrupt in manner. The process was gradual, involving numbers of national and global factors. 1 The earlier version of this paper was presented at the conference “Islam and Asia: Revisiting the Socio-Political Dimension of Islam,” jointly organized by Japan Institute of International Affairs (JIIA) and Institute of Islamic Understanding Malaysia (IKIM), 15-16 October, Tokyo.
    [Show full text]
  • Amidst Indonesia's Nationalist Atmospherics: the Changing
    ISSUE: 2015 NO.64 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE SHARE THEIR UNDERSTANDING OF CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 6 November 2015 Amidst Indonesia’s Nationalist Atmospherics: The Changing Politics of Jokowi’s Economics By Max Lane EXECUTIVE SUMMARY President Joko Widodo is continuing to make economic growth policies, centred on attracting investment for infrastructure, his main political priority. Other issues such as his “Revolusi Mental” (Mental Revolution) or reconciliation over major human rights violations are receiving little profile. Central to Widodo’s strategy to attract investment has been two packages of policy changes aimed at cutting regulations that might hinder business investment, especially foreign business investment. A strategy so clearly reliant on open appeals to foreign money, and on deregulation to make investment easier, risks criticism on nationalistic grounds, given the nationalistic atmospherics of the 2015 election campaign and an extensive existing critique of neo- liberal deregulatory policies as being anti-national. Widodo’s government introduced some initial symbolic nationalistic policies – but they have been rewound, while nationalistic posturing on minor or “sub-text” issues has become a feature of daily politics. Nationalistic posturing remains constant but only at a low level as there appears to be no ideological – or even tactical – opposition from within parliament to Widodo’s policies. The parliamentary opposition’s own credibility as anti-foreign critics has been weakened by some of its own actions. 1 ISSUE: 2015 NO.64 ISSN 2335-6677 More fundamental nationalist economic policies – obligatory use of the rupiah and an extended Negative Investments List 1 – do remain in place, causing some Western foreign investors to remain cautious.
    [Show full text]
  • Indonesia's Puzzling Crisis
    Indonesia’s Puzzling Crisis July 16, 2001 Michael Ross Assistant Professor Department of Political Science University of California, Los Angeles [email protected] Working draft; comments welcome. Please do not cite or quote without permission. Indonesia’s Puzzling Crisis Abstract Of all the states hit by the 1997-98 Asian economic crisis, Indonesia has suffered the most, and been the hardest case for economists to explain. This paper suggests that Indonesia ’s collapse was not unique, but part of a small class of economic catastrophes caused by the interaction of two factors: personalistic authoritarian rule and financial openness. It argues that the combination of these two factors tends to produce economic collapse when investors believe the regime will soon end. To test the argument it develops an index of 45 personalistic regimes that ended between 1974 and 1999, ranks them according to an original index of financial openness, and examines their growth records during their final four years in office. It finds that those regimes that combined personalistic features with financial openness tended to suffer from unusually sharp economic reversals in their final two years. To illustrate the argument it uses the case of Indonesia, showing that investor panic was closely linked to rumors that Suharto was ill or would step down. By themselves, personalistic rule and financial openness are each compatible with high growth rates. When combined, however, they create the preconditions for a calamitous economic reversal. 2 Introduction Most studies of the 1997-98 Asian financial crisis have had trouble explaining the case of Indonesia. On the eve of the crisis, Indonesia was in a strong economic position: it was completing its third decade of high growth with low inflation and balanced budgets; its currency did not appear to be overvalued; it had a smaller current account deficit, and less short-term debt, than either Thailand or South Korea; and the Suharto government had an excellent record of economic governance, particularly during times of crisis.
    [Show full text]
  • Indonesia at a Glance: 2001-02
    COUNTRY REPORT Indonesia At a glance: 2001-02 OVERVIEW President Abdurrachman Wahid’s gamble of replacing his “rainbow” cabinet with a new cabinet of party loyalists in the aftermath of the August session of the People’s Consultative Assembly has paid off in the short term by allowing him to consolidate his position. Over the longer term, however, his decision to leave out representatives of other major political parties runs the risk of antagonising important players. Another, more determined attempt at impeachment within the forecast period cannot be ruled out. Strong export growth and a hesitant recovery in the domestic economy will push GDP growth close to 4% this year, and the rate of expansion will further accelerate in 2001-02. Strong export growth will push up the merchandise trade surplus over 2001-02, but a more rapid increase in the income deficit will erode the current-account surplus. The decision to raise fuel prices and civil service salaries in October will push up consumer price inflation in 2000-01, but this will moderate in 2002. Key changes from last month Political outlook • President Wahid sacked chiefs of both the army and navy on October 9th, replacing them with their deputies. But this decisive act should not be taken as evidence that the political accommodation between the president, his vice-president and the MPR will be effective in the long term. Economic policy outlook • The government annoyed the IMF in early October by postponing the sell-off of stakes in two major banks. The IMF has also questioned a debt restructuring deal, but relations will recover.
    [Show full text]
  • Indonesia News & Views
    Political Issues Environment Issues Economic Issues Regional/International Issues With Special Coverage on the 64th Year of Indonesia Independence Bi -Weekly Bulletin Issue 16 Indonesia News & Views August 14, 2009 www.indonesian-embassy.fi Top quotes inside this issue: ♦ ”I don't think the terror has eroded people's confidence in Indonesia, a country that has successfully proven itself and the world to be a stable and thriving democracy...”(page 2) ♦ ”India expects to double its import-export relationship with Indonesia —currently at $10.06 billion — in the next five years.”(page 3) ♦ ”foreign investors controlled LAMPUNG 66.1 percent of assets in the local stock market, signaling a return of foreign investor Ancient Chinese travel chronicles refer to a place in the most confidence.”(page 4 ) southerly part of Sumatra called “Lampung” or “place of southerly winds”. The province is gene-rally flat with the ♦ ”among the major countries highest mountains of Gunung Pesagi, Tanggamas, in the world, Indonesia's economic growth at present Seminiung, Sekincau and Raya all being dormant volcanoes. is the third highest in the Bandar Lampung, the Provincial capital, was formerly two world after China and separate towns, Tanjungkarang and the port of Teluk Betung, India.”(page 5 ) which after the infamous eruption of Krakatau were both ♦ ”compared to the figure in completely covered in volcanic ash. May 2009, the number of foreign tourists visiting source: www.my-indonesia.info, krakatautour.com, indonesia- Indonesia through the 11 tourism.com main entry gates rose 5.51 percent.”(page 10 ) India Will Strengthen Presence in Indonesia Indonesia may see more group.
    [Show full text]
  • The Performance of High Resolution Neutron
    Jurnal Syntax Transformation Vol. 1 No. 9, November 2020 p-ISSN : 2721-3854 e-ISSN : 2721-2769 Sosial Sains POLICY CONFLICT BETWEEN PRESIDENT JOKO WIDODO AND GOVERNOR OF DKI JAKARTA ANIES BASWEDAN IN FIGHTING THE SPREAD OF COVID -19 Auderey G. Tangkudung dan Agus Sugiharto Institut Bisnis & Multimedia (IBM) ASMI Jakarta Indonesia Email: [email protected] dan [email protected] INFO ARTIKEL ABSTRACT Diterima 2 Agustus 2020 The spread of COVID-19 in Jakarta and Indonesia is very fast, Diterima dalam bentuk revisi especially in Jakarta and its surroundings. The central 15 Agustus 2020 government led by President Jokowi has policies to combat the Diterima dalam bentuk revisi spread of COVID-19, while Jakarta Governor Anies Baswedan 20 Agustus 2020 also has separate policies to combat the spread of COVID-19. Keywords: There are two different policies, and both have their own view Conflict, Policy, Leadership, in combating COVID-19. This paper discusses these policies Power. differences, the motives behind these differences, and how this policy conflict end. Further, this paper also analyzes whether or not this policy conflict represents both sides political view, and whether or not this policy conflict is related to the 2024 Presidential Election, and also which policy will be the best option for the people of Indonesia. The research methodology used is a qualitative methodology based on researching social media coverage and analyzing the news and writings contained in these media. Introduction States as the country with highest confirmed Corona virus has been known for a COVID-19 cases, followed by Italy, China, long time.
    [Show full text]
  • Appendix: List of People Interviewed
    APPENDIX: LIST OF PEOPlE INTERVIEWED Subronto Laras (President Commissioner of Indomobil Group, Salim Group; Chairman of Indonesian Employers Association, Apindo; Board of Advisor of Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Kadin), Jakarta. Gandi Sulistiyanto (Managing Director of Sinar Mas Group; Vice Chairman of Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Kadin), Jakarta. Emmy Kuswandari (Corporate Affairs and Communication, President Office, Sinar Mas Group), Jakarta. Dato’ Sri Dr. Tahir (Founder and Chairman of Mayapada Group), Jakarta. Suryo Bambang Sulisto (President Commissioner of Bumi Resources, Bakrie Group; Chairman, Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Kadin; Chairman of the Indonesian Indigenous Businessman’s Association, HIPPI), Jakarta. Sandiaga Salahudin Uno (Founder and President Director of Saratoga Investama Sedaya; Vice Chairman of Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Kadin; now Vice Governor of Jakarta), Jakarta. Chris Kanter (Chairman of Sigma Sembada Group; Vice Chairman, Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Kadin; Board of Advisor, Indonesian Employers Association, Apindo; Senior Advisor to Indonesian Minister of Trade), Jakarta. © The Author(s) 2019 223 F. Al-Fadhat, The Rise of International Capital, Critical Studies of the Asia-Pacific, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-3191-6 224 APPENDIX: LIST OF PEOPLE INTERVIEWED Dr. Yandi Djajadiningrat (Bramadi Capital; Secretary General, Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Kadin, ASEAN Committee), Jakarta. Anton J. Supit (President Commissioner of Sierad Group; Chairman, Indonesian Employers Association, Apindo), Jakarta. Dr. Fadhil Hasan (Executive Director of Indonesian Palm Oil Association, GAPKI); Supervisory Board of Bank Indonesia), Jakarta. Soetrisno Bachir (Founder and Chairman of Sabira Group; Chairman of National Mandate Party (PAN) 2005–2010), Jakarta.
    [Show full text]
  • Resource Nationalism in Post-Boom Indonesia: the New Normal?
    Resource nationalism in post-boom Indonesia: Eve Warburton April 2017 The new normal? RESOURCE NATIONALISM IN POST-BOOM INDONESIA: THE NEW NORMAL? The Lowy Institute for International Policy is an independent policy think tank. Its mandate ranges across all the dimensions of international policy debate in Australia — economic, political and strategic — and it is not limited to a particular geographic region. Its two core tasks are to: • produce distinctive research and fresh policy options for Australia’s international policy and to contribute to the wider international debate • promote discussion of Australia’s role in the world by providing an accessible and high-quality forum for discussion of Australian international relations through debates, seminars, lectures, dialogues and conferences. Lowy Institute Analyses are short papers analysing recent international trends and events and their policy implications. The views expressed in this paper are entirely the author’s own and not those of the Lowy Institute for International Policy. RESOURCE NATIONALISM IN POST-BOOM INDONESIA: THE NEW NORMAL? EXECUTIVE SUMMARY During the global commodity boom, Indonesia emerged as an exemplar of resource nationalism. The government introduced a range of nationalist policies in the mining sector, ranging from export bans to forced foreign divestment. Once commodity booms end, however, analysts generally predict that resource-rich states such as Indonesia will abandon the nationalist position with a view to attracting foreign investment. Indeed, historically, economic nationalism in Indonesia has peaked during the good times of a resources boom, and faded during an economic downturn. But the situation in Indonesia today seems to challenge these market-cycle theories.
    [Show full text]
  • Global Meeting on the Post-2015 Framework for Development: Growth, Structural Change and Employment
    Global Meeting on the Post-2015 Framework for Development: Growth, Structural Change and Employment Chair and speakers of Session 1, 15 May 2012 Chair: Aurelio Parisotto is a Senior Economist at the Policy Integration Department of the ILO. His current interests are the economic and social implications of the global financial crisis, policies for economic and employment recovery, local economic development and pro-poor growth. He contributed to several major reports by the ILO, UNCTAD and the United Nations. His research work on globalization and regional integration, foreign investment and transnational production networks, employment and labour markets has been published by the ILO, OECD, UNCTAD, the World Bank and commercial publishers. Speakers: José Manuel Salazar-Xirinachs is Executive Director of the International Labour Organization's Employment Sector, responsible for the ILO’s work on promoting employment and job-rich growth. In this capacity, José Manuel is managing sector’s work on a series of programmes: employment policy; sustainable enterprises; skills and employability; labour market analysis; employment services; labour market information and trends; employment intensive investments; social finance; informal economy; trade and employment; green jobs; rural employment; youth employment; gender and employment; disability; response to conflicts and disasters and employment recovery and the Global Jobs Pact. Cyn-Young Park is Assistant Chief Economist and Director of the Economic Analysis and Operations Support Division in the Economics Research Department of the Asian Development Bank (ADB). She manages a team of economists to assess socio-economic benefits of the ADB programs and projects and provide country diagnostic studies for effective ADB support to its developing member countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Final Copy 2019 01 23 Julast
    This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from Explore Bristol Research, http://research-information.bristol.ac.uk Author: Julastuti, Munthea Title: A Critical Evaluation of Indonesia's Special Economic Zones using New Institutional Economics Approach General rights Access to the thesis is subject to the Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial-No Derivatives 4.0 International Public License. A copy of this may be found at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode This license sets out your rights and the restrictions that apply to your access to the thesis so it is important you read this before proceeding. Take down policy Some pages of this thesis may have been removed for copyright restrictions prior to having it been deposited in Explore Bristol Research. However, if you have discovered material within the thesis that you consider to be unlawful e.g. breaches of copyright (either yours or that of a third party) or any other law, including but not limited to those relating to patent, trademark, confidentiality, data protection, obscenity, defamation, libel, then please contact [email protected] and include the following information in your message: •Your contact details •Bibliographic details for the item, including a URL •An outline nature of the complaint Your claim will be investigated and, where appropriate, the item in question will be removed from public view as soon as possible. A Critical Evaluation of Indonesia’s Special Economic Zones using New Institutional Economics approach By Munthea Julastuti School of Sociology, Politics and International Studies University of Bristol A dissertation submitted to the University of Bristol in accordance with the requirements for award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Social Science and Law.
    [Show full text]