Carrie Walther Emory Studies Program Spring 2009 Independent Research Paper

From PRC to THC: How Education in Effects Students‟ Experiences at an Educational NGO in Dharamsala

Introduction

In attempting to understand the work of Dharamsala-based educational NGO

Tibet Hope Center (THC), it is necessary to examine the climate of both historically and in present day Chinese-occupied Tibet. The vast majority of students who study at THC are Tibetan refugees who have recently escaped Tibet. THC

1 does not currently teach students who were born in , because with birth in exile comes with opportunities that those living in Tibet were not able to enjoy. Recent arrivals pose the greatest difficulty in terms of education, for in many cases they were not able to attend school for a variety of reasons. However, their exposure to patterns and institutions of learning undoubtedly shape their experiences at Tibet Hope Center whether they were formally educated in Tibet or not. For this reason, understanding the state of monastic education, informal education, and formal secular education in Tibet will allow us to contextualize the way students interact with the organization of Tibet

Hope Center.

Through examining the history of education in Tibet, we will see the importance of Tibetan Buddhist values and how they have been engrained in Tibetan youth for hundreds of years. Since the Chinese takeover of Tibet in 1950, Tibetan students have been essentially extricated from the educational mechanism that perpetuates Tibetan values, and in exile, there is a strong push to re-establish the closeness with and identity. This effort culminates in a kind of “manufacturing” of Tibetan culture in educational venues. But this resurgence of Tibetan culture in the educational sector of exile would not have been possible without the establishment of what we now term basic Tibetan values based on , the proliferation of these values in learning venues both formal and informal, and the subsequent disassociation with these values once the Chinese took control of the Tibetan education system.

Education in Tibet is a complicated subject to approach. It is difficult to definitively determine the role education plays in the minds of typical Tibetans. One the

2 one hand, monastic education has been the heart of Tibetan culture for centuries. In this vein, sayings like “With intelligence the world is yours” and “A good mind is like having

1,000 eyes” seem to represent the Tibetan view of intelligence and education.1 However, another aspect of traditional Tibetan culture are the nomadic and farming lifestyles, where scholarly knowledge and intellect are not seen as necessary for day to day survival on the harsh .

But while it may not be possible to come to a definitive conclusion as to the state of education in Tibet that informs all THC students‟ experiences, looking at the variety of types of education will certainly enrich our understanding of THC students. By looking at what defines Tibetan culture, we will be able to look what traditional Tibetan education is, for at its very base level, education is a mechanism to replicate culture.

From there, we must examine how the 1950 invasion of the Communist Chinese changed

Tibetan education into a system that deprived students at THC of a way to know their own culture.

Tibetan Culture

“To be Tibetan is almost synonymous with being a believer.”2

The Dalai , many activist groups in Dharamsala, and many individual

Tibetans say that the main objective of the community in exile is to preserve Tibet‟s

1 Michel Peissel, Tibet: The Secret Continent by Michel Peissel (New York: Thomas Dunne Books, 2003) 124. 2 Barbara Erickson, Tibet: Abode of the Gods, Pearl of the Motherland. (Berkeley: Pacific View Press) 164.

3 unique culture. In Tibet, the belief system that forms the foundation of Tibetan culture is of course , and the two main concepts in Buddhist philosophy are wisdom and compassion. To establish the impact religion has had on Tibetan culture, we need to know just how omnipresent these concepts are among . A concept like culture is essentially inconsequential if it remains an ambiguous, intellectual idea without being examined with two feet on the ground. Therefore, it is my assertion that the best way to define a culture is through examining the actions of the members of that culture. One has to wonder how much the ideals of Buddhist philosophy play a part in the lives of ordinary Tibetans?

As authors Robert Z. Apte and Andres R. Edwards claim, “the Tibetan people were united by… a common value system basic to their personal relationships. These values were an outgrowth of their Buddhist thought and beliefs.”3 Having lived in a

Tibetan community for five months and in a Tibetan household for two and a half, I have personal verification of the strength and pervasiveness of Buddhist teachings of compassion and wisdom in everyday life.

From the moment we arrived at IBD-Sarah, we were greeted with signs that proclaimed “Everyone of us here at College for Higher Tibetan Studies welcome each and every one of you from Emory Group to our college. We open our hearts and arms to

3 Robert Z Apte and Andres R. Edwards. Tibet: Enduring Spirit, Exploited Land. (Bloomington: AuthorHouse, 2004) 9.

4 hug you all the moment you step in our campus and we‟ll make you feel at home away from home.” It was common conversation at the dinner table that all of our roommates were overwhelming us with kindness, from offering to give us their pillows, to making our beds, to bringing us food. It is obvious that compassion and a deep sense of selflessness pervaded the campus.

At Sarah there is also an atmosphere of extreme devotion to studies. During an orientation meeting prior to our arrival, one of our teaching assistants shared that her roommate in 2004 escaped to India by traversing the on foot and eating grass to survive. She, like so many Sarah students, sacrificed so much to arrive in India that she considers her chance to study a privilege and an honor. Our director pointed out that

“everyone feels that way, even if they didn‟t eat grass.”

In my Tibetan home in Dharamsala, I was fed enough food and to satisfy an army. I was always served first and offered any convenience they felt I needed, be it more blankets, a spot to sit in an overly crowded living room, or a traditional Tibetan dress to don for special occasions. Being aware of my family‟s dire economic situation, such generosity seemed even more substantial.

My home stay mother also studied English and Tibetan tirelessly. She was not employed for the majority of my stay with her, and would pass her days writing in

5 and studying her worn-in Tibetan-English dictionary. We frequently had mutual lessons in our respective languages.

I also exchanged English for Tibetan lessons with two monks in Village, who both embodied what it means to be compassionate individuals. Hot pö-cha (Tibetan tea) was always waiting for me on the table and Dorje and Khenrab led me through the nuances of the Tibetan language with immense patience. Every time I looked up from my notebook, an enormous smile crossed their faces, as if to encourage me in the face of my difficulty learning the language. I was endlessly impressed with their study habits as well. Their notes were immaculate, and most days they had many more questions prepared for me than I did for them.

From personal experience I saw the ideals of compassion and wisdom embodied in the Tibetans I encountered. This philosophy that “emphasizes personal responsibility for inner development” could not be more apparent to me among the Tibetan people.4

Almost without exception, every Tibetan I met simply exuded the serenity and kindness that come from being deeply sound spiritually. We now understand the pervasiveness of

Buddhist ideals in everyday Tibetan life, but we should also examine the history of

Buddhism in Tibet to grasp the stronghold Buddhist ideals have in the development of

Tibetan culture.

4 Jeffrey Hopkins, ed. Kindness, Clarity and Insight: The Fourteenth , His Holiness Tenzin . (New York: Publications, 1984) 29.

6

History of Buddhism in Tibet

“It was during [a] period of political disunity that Tibetan Buddhism established an international presence in Inner Asian culture generally, eventually playing a key role in the formation of Tibet’s relations.”5

Another way to understand the influence of Tibetan Buddhism on the development of Tibetan culture is through the religion‟s history on the plateau. The three

Dharma kings are credited with establishing Buddhism as the primary .

Their reigns are collectively thought of as the first spreading of the .

It is said that Buddhism came to Tibet when the first Dharma king, Songsten

Gampo (617-649), married Chinese and Nepalese princesses who both brought “as her object of belonging to her share… a life-sized figure of the teacher

Shakyamuni.”6 The iconic temple in was built to house the statue that traveled to Tibet with Princess Wengchen of . At this time, Tibet did not have a written script, so Songsten Gampo also sponsored superior students to travel to India and study its languages. One of the most gifted students, , returned to

Tibet having devised a Tibetan script based on . Because of this, were able to be translated into Tibetan language. Tibetans now had access to Buddhist

5 Matthew Kapstein. The Tibetans. (Hoboken: Wiley-Blackwell, 2006) 84. 6 Lhundup Sopa. Lectures on Tibetan Religious Culture. (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 2004) 127.

7 teachings in their own language. However, during this “first spread” of Tibetan

Buddhism, few actually understood the philosophy, and the sprawling monastic institutions that we now associate with the faith were not yet in place.

Tibet went through a difficult period between the time of Songsten Gampo and the next Dharma king. Evil deities had the nation in their grips. (r. 755-

797) wished to re-import Buddhism into Tibet to subdue the spirits who were wreaking havoc on the plateau. He invited Indian sage Padmasabhava to Tibet to revitalize the

Buddhist teachings, hoping he could subdue the spirits as well. In addition to pacifying the evil demons (who became the protector deities of the Tibetan plateau),

Padmasambhava ushered the teachings into Tibet and helped Trisong Detsen construct Monastery, the first Buddhist monastery in Tibet, in 779. Out of Samye the Tibetan Buddhist tradition of disciplined monastic study began.

In 792, a debate was held at Samye between Kamalashila from India, who proposed that enlightenment was something that could only be arrived at through gradual study and refinement of the mind, and -ho-yen, a Chinese Zen master who posited that enlightenment may arise spontaneously as a result of the mind being completely emptied.

Kamalashila was named the victor, and the teachings from India became the dominant religious system of Tibet.

8 The third and final Dharma king was Tri Ralpachen (806-838), who rose to the throne by defeating his brother Lang Darma, an “anti-Buddhist and a hothead.”7

Ralpachen, on the other hand, was an extremely devout Buddhist and is famous for having built many temples in Tibet and having overseen the translation of important texts from India. He was killed by Lang Darma, who plunged Tibet into one of it‟s darkest times by denouncing Buddhism and outlawing monastic activity. A small community of monks took refuge in and was able to re-establish the monastic tradition after Lang

Darma‟s death in 842.

Amdo monk Lama Tsongkhapa (1357–1419), who would come to found the

Gelugpa school of Tibetan Buddhism, began the second spreading of the dharma in

Tibet. Tsongkhapa was a brilliant scholar, interested in monastic discipline and intense study, who “studied with great teachers from all the orders, even as conflicts between the schools [of Tibetan Buddhism] increased.”8 Tsongkhapa was a follower of the Indian

Buddhist teacher Atisha, and together they forged the Kadampa school of Tibetan

Buddhism, a precursor to the Gelugpa . The two built Ganden (1409) and Drepung

(1416) monasteries in Lhasa.9 Some consider him to have been the second Buddha, and he is said to have been guided by visions of Manjushri. His disciples founded many

7Thomas Laird. Story of Tibet: Conversations with the Dalai Lama (New York: Grove Press, 2006) 64. 8 Ibid 125. 9 Geshe Lhundup Sopa. Lectures on Tibetan Religious Culture. (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 2004).

9 monasteries throughout Tibet, and one of his most prominent students, Gendundrup, would retroactively be recognized as the First Dalai Lama.

The Gelugpa sect is unique in the Tibetan Buddhist traditions because they base their study on the , the teachings of Atisha that revolutionized the way Buddhists conceived of emptiness. Followers of the Gelugpa institution had a strong tradition of scholarship which allowed the Buddhist teachings to be nurtured in the monasteries and take hold in Tibet. The founding of the Gelugpa brought about a kind of

“spiritual renaissance” that established Buddhist education in Tibetan society.

The sect rose to power (over the other three: , , and ), with the help of the . Mongols selected Gelugpa monk Sonam Gyatso as the third

Dalai Lama. Gyatso traveled to to ask patronage from Mongol prince Altan

Khan, and converted Khan to Buddhism. The prince then awarded him the name „Tale‟

(Dalai) which means ocean in Mongolian. Sonam Gyatso was then known as the third

Dalai Lama; the two others were recognized retroactively.10

At the time of the Great 5th Dalai Lama, the Gelugpa order called on this partnership with the Mongols once again, as Gushri Khan invaded Tibet and conquered the Tsangs who were in power at the time. Mongols then gave religious and temporal power to the Dalai Lama and the Gelugpa lineage.

10 Michel Peissel, Tibet: The Secret Continent by Michel Peissel (New York: Thomas Dunne Books, 2003) 96.

10 Gelugpas place a strong emphasis on study (rather than practice). The Gelugpa order attracted many followers due to its “pure” interpretation of the dharma and its strict adherence to the vinaya, or monastic code of conduct: “the fervour and depth of religious teaching and insistence on a return to strict monastic discipline… attracted large numbers of disciples and lay supporters especially in the region near Lhasa.”11 This began a kind of golden age marked by “great religious activity and a vast display of scholarship.”12

Buddhism in Tibetan Education

“Buddhism provided the major framework for education, and brought to the educational process its own values of ethical, intellectual, and aesthetic refinement.”13

Having established the influence of Buddhism on everyday actions of Tibetans and on Tibetan history, we should examine its influence on the educational system in

Tibet. As we have seen, this culture is largely shaped by Tibetan Buddhism, and education is by no means a separate entity from the dominant faith. In fact, author Katrin

Goldstein-Kyaga asserts that “Systems of education are based on and transmit the dominant belief system.”14 So how does Buddhism inform education in Tibet? To answer this question, we need to look at three different types of educational systems in

11 Hugh Richardson. High Peaks, Pure Earth: Collected Writings on Tibetan History and Culture. (Chicago: Serindia Publications, 1998) 383. 12 Anne Chayet, “17th and 18th Century Tibet: A General Survey,” Tibet and Her Neighbors: A History, ed. Alex McKay (London: Thames & Hudson, 2004) 87. 13 Kapstein 102. 14Katrin Goldstein-Kyaga. The Tibetans, School for Survival or Submission: an Investigation of Ethnicity and Education. (Stockholm: Department of Educational Research, Center for Pacific Asia Studies, 1993).

11 Tibet prior to the Chinese invasion: monastic education, formal secular education, and informal education.

Monastic Education in Tibet

Centers of religious learning have also contributed to an understanding of the importance of education in Tibet. Monasteries are considered “the treasures of the

Tibetan people” for they are home to the teachings of the Buddha and ensure their survival.15 The endurance of these teachings is so significant to Tibetan people that they

“cultivate the highest respect, admiration and faith toward those that have gone forth from their homes to the noble state of ordained life; thus, they have a tradition of children entering through the door of religion into monastic life, both of their own accord and following the wishes of their parents or guardians.”16

Prior to the Chinese takeover, it is said that every family gave at least one son to monastic study. It was considered a privilege and an honor to be able to contribute children to uphold the Buddha‟s teachings. Before China‟s invasion in 1950 it is estimated that there were 592, 558 monks and 27,080 nuns in Tibet.17

Because more information is available about male monastic history and education, and because monasteries much more so than nunneries have come to be a cultural emblem for the Tibetan people, I will focus my discussion on the education of

15 Dawa Norbu. Red Star over Tibet. (New York: Collins, 1974) 24. 16 Gateway to the Temple: Manual of Monastic Customs, Art, Building and Celebrations, trans. David Paul Jackson (: Ratna Pustak Bhandar, 1979) 22. 17 Geshe Lhundup Sopa 83.

12 monks rather than nuns. Tibetan Buddhist monastic education is very complicated and there are numerous strategies that different institutions follow, but it is largely based on the ancient Indian system.18

Traditionally, monks entered the monastery at the age of 8, and initially memorized texts before receiving teachings on their meanings. The monastic curriculum was comprised of the five major subjects (Rigna ch’ewa nga) of Sanskrit, medicine, arts and crafts, logic and philosophy, and the five minor subjects (Rigna ch-ungwa nga) of poetry, semantics, lexicography, astrology, and dance and drama.19 Philosophy itself was divided into five branches: logic, emptiness, Middle Way, phenomenology and monastic discipline. Each subject took roughly 4-6 years to complete.

After concluding these basic studies, one was eligible to sit for the geshe exam, the equivalent to a PhD in Buddhist philosophy. The emphasis of the many years monastic education is on refining one‟s understanding of key concepts through debate, and that understanding is tested at the geshe exam. The exam is in debate style and is overseen by the abbot of a particular institution. When they begin the debate, monks invoke Manjushri, the manifestation of the wisdom of all the Buddhas and special deity of debate, by exclaiming “dhih,” the root syllable in the Sanskrit translation of his name.

This is meant to serve as the monks proclaiming that “Just as Manjushri stated subjects in order to overcome the wrong views and doubts of opponents, so I with a good mind will

18 Ibid. 19 Ibid 84.

13 do also.”20 After the examination, the abbot assigns the student the title of geshe that he has earned (there are four possibilities, based on how well the student performed in the debate). The upgraded standards for geshe examinations – he would often sit with the monks as they debated.21

Monks strove to “dedicate their „precious human lives‟… to fulfill their evolution and attain enlightenment” through devout study and practice.22 We have already touched on the study aspect of monasticism, but practice of Buddhism was just as important within the monasteries. A mastery of the “inner sciences” was “the basis for the

„omniscience‟ whereby a may benefit the world.”23 So in addition to preserving the teachings of the Buddha, monasteries were the heart of Tibetan culture because, by study and practice, they produced good merit that was seen to apply to

Tibetan society as a whole. The more men participated in the monastic system, the more merit they could accumulate on behalf of the Tibetan people. In this way, the institution of learning is imbued with fervent reverence because of its ability to, in essence, lead the

Tibetan people to spiritual deliverance. The act of study, then, was an act of salvation.

Because of this, “Spiritual adepts were honored as the highest level of Tibetan society.”24

20 Daniel Perdue. Debate in Tibetan Buddhism (New York: Snow Lion Publications, 1992). Ch 1. 21 Geshe Lhundup Sopa 85. 22 Kazuyoshi Nomachi. Tibet. (Boston: Shambala, 1997) 18. 23 Michel Peissel 245. 24 Kazuyoshi Nomachi 19.

14

Education in Farming and Nomadic Families

In addition to Buddhism, the other defining characteristic of Tibetan culture is the nomadic or farming lifestyle, where formal education is not prized as much as practical instruction on how to tend the animals and land. These Tibetans, who weren‟t formally educated, lived their lives by a different set of rules. What mattered most was survival in the harsh climate of the Tibetan plateau: “it is often a question of eking one‟s living from poor, stony fields, or by grazing a few hungry beats on meager pastures.”25

Understanding their views toward education is important, for nomads, semi-nomads, and farmers made up the majority of the Tibetan population before 1950.

Tsegya, my home stay mother, is a typical example of the daughter of a poor farming family who lacked the time and resources to get an education in Tibet. Tsegya was born in Panam Dzong, a village in Dochun, outside the city of . In total there were eleven members of her family: Tsegya, her mother and father, and her siblings

(three sisters and eight brothers). Her family were farmers, and they worked very hard without much monetary gain.

Women typically did not have many opportunities when they reached marrying age in her village. Consequently, life for women in her village was not very promising; most girls married a boy from the village, moved in with his family and became little

25 Kapstein 204.

15 more than a servant in his home. Growing up in Shigatse, she felt pressure to fill this social role, yet knew that she needed to experience something more. Tsegya‟s situation was fairly typical of children of farming or semi-nomadic families who lived near big cities. For nomad children who did leave near Lhasa or Shigatse, boys would usually attend school while girls stayed home to help with chores.26 Her house was crowded, she was frustrated with what seemed to be her imminent future, and so she decided to move to Lhasa at 16.

Tsegya wanted to accomplish more with her life than she had seen from other women in her village. In addition to the frustrating gender roles she encountered in her village, she slowly learned about the policies the Chinese had implemented in Tibet and also wanted to move to Lhasa to understand what was occurring in her country. In order to contribute to the family income, she worked long hours as a servant and was often abused by the lady of the house.

Because she was obliged to work so she would be able to help her family at home, she was not able to attend school and subsequently did not learn to read or write until a year and a half ago when she escaped to India. Now, at the age of 37, she whispers as she spells out words in Tibetan, for she was not able to attend school long enough to learn how to read.27

26 Erickson 104. 27 Tsegya. Personal interview. 19 March 2009.

16 Nomadic and farming families are constantly working to assure their livelihood:

“During the spring, the nomads would rise for their daily chores at dawn and begin by milking their and … the animals including , would be free to graze until herded back by the children in the late afternoon. In the summer, milking would be done twice, the animals being herded back by early morning and again by late afternoon.”28

The animals would go out in the morning and be home by early evening. After the evening meal, the family would get ready for the next day‟s work. When they were not herding, they could fabricate tools and other useful items out of animal materials. In the winter more time needed to be devoted to chores, because not only did the animals need to graze and normal household tasks completed, but there needed to be a constant supply of dung to start fires for warmth and cooking.

However, not only did children lack the time to attend schools, but in nomadic and farming areas, there were rarely any schools to attend at all. Prior to 1950, almost all formal secular schools were in Lhasa and Shigatse.

“The children you see in Shigatse, , and Lhasa carry book bags and traditional Tibetan wooden slates... beg for pencils, and sometimes sit in the street doing homework. In rural areas you see children of the same age herding sheep, watching passersby from the roadside, hanging idly over bridges, fetching water, harvesting barely, and gathering dung.”29

28 Apte and Edwards 26. 29 Erickson 104.

17 In Tibet: Abode of the Gods, Pearl of the Motherland, author Barbara Erickson discusses the semi-nomadic village of Guchok, near Lhasa. The village had no school until 1991 and even then, the population in 1992 was almost 100 percent illiterate.30

Moreover, farming and nomadic families derived their wisdom from elders more so than from receiving transmissions of ancient teachings. Nomadic families learned herding and farming skills from watching older family members transmit the “earth- based wisdom” that their communities would deteriorate without.31 Education was based in the land and in religion, which were inextricably intertwined. Tibetan nomad children learned to rear yaks, make and butter, and observe and read weather patterns, grasslands, and the location and behavior of local wildlife. This knowledge gave nomad children a basic understanding of the workings of the ecological systems that were the source of their livelihood. The elder generation stayed with the family until death, passing on “accumulated knowledge, amassed over thousands of years… and practical experience in living with the land… the earth-based wisdom of a people rooted in a tradition of successful coexistence with the natural world.”32 As Dawa Norbu remembers in Red Star over Tibet, children would almost grovel to their elders, proclaiming their ignorance and beseeching their forebear to „Please advise me, the ignorant.‟”33 In this

30 Ibid 99, 104. 31 Apte and Edwards 3. 32 Apte and Edwards 29, 137-8. 33 Norbu 94.

18 sense, children were not prepared for life in schools. Their mentors “were those who had experienced everything except death.”34

I spoke with many students at Tibet Hope Center who had similar experiences coming from farming or nomadic families. In some cases they were able to attend school but more often than not spent their days in the pastures and their nights with their families discussing the dharma. Drolma, from Kham, remembers looking after the animals, picking fruit off the trees on the mountain, and “lots of prayers.”35 Her brother was a monk, and she said that each family in her village offered at least one son to the local monastery. Sonam, from Derge, was a nomad in Tibet with 35 yaks and many sheep, goats, dogs and horses. “I always took animals on motor,” he said, reflecting a surprising twist in the modernity of Tibetan nomads today. He is the brother of Ah Yong , and his father taught him “Tibetan religion” after their daily work was completed.36

Nyima, a refugee from Kham, talked about his older brother, who was the first in his family‟s history to marry a woman from a city; their family had been nomads as long as anyone could remember.37 Gyamtso, also from Kham, lived “close to China” and was the

34 Ibid. 35 Drolma, Personal interview, 8 May 2009. 36 Sonam, Personal interview. 8 May 2009. 37 Nyima, Personal interview. 18 March 2009.

19 only student I spoke with who attended school in Tibet. He learned to read at the age of five so that he could study Buddhist scriptures.

Formal Secular Education in Tibet

The last aspect of education in Tibet I wish to examine is formal secular education before the Chinese takeover. The PRC insisted that it peacefully liberated Tibet from a society dominated by aristocracy and essentially lacking any formal secular education system. As much as we would like to believe this to be an empty ploy by the PRC to establish the legitimacy of their invasion of Tibet, to some extent it is true that “before the Chinese takeover there was no comprehensive secular system of education in

Tibet.”38 Before the 20th century education was a privilege of the wealthy. Affluent children learned to read and write; the schools in city centers were in essence reserved for aristocrats.39 Lhasa and Shigatse had high literacy rates before 1950 and many more schools than the rural areas.40

According to traditional Tibetan education, students entered school at 4-8 years old and began a curriculum that consisted of reading, writing, grammar, astrology, medicine, prayers.

38 Geshe Lhundup Sopa 86. 39 Ibid 87. 40 Georges BJ Dreyfus. The Sound of Two Hands Clapping: The Education of a Tibetan Buddhist Monk. (University of California Press, 2003) 81.

20 It is interesting to note that, in a school system deemed “secular,” religion was still a part of everyday education. In this sense, by secular I do not mean education that is completely removed from religion, but education that does not take place at a monastery or nunnery. Even so, the forces that came together hundreds of years ago to bring Buddhism to the Tibetan plateau and see the Gelugpa sect to hegemony are still very much a part of traditional Tibetan education.

The 13th Dalai Lama believed that reform of the education system was of the utmost importance, for without it Tibet could not hope to participate in the modern world. He sent four male Tibetan students to Britain in the early 20th century to receive a

Western education. After the initial class of boys returned, more students were sent abroad to study but this, as well as many other reform programs he proposed, were rejected by the conservative people of Tibet. They feared such a cross-cultural educational exchange might contaminate the purity of their land and their teachings.

Figures on the literacy rate in Tibet before 1950 vary greatly from region to region and it is difficult to establish whether or not it was a widespread phenomenon.

One the one hand, some assert that “basic literacy seems to have been relatively widespread in traditional Tibet,” while others say that most of the lay population was illiterate.41 A factor deterring the lay population from becoming literate was the fact that, in their view, it was more virtuous to have reading the scriptures than mere lay

41 Dreyfus 80.

21 people.42 In my experience with recent arrivals from Tibet, most of them were not able to attend school and whatever written language they did learn was taught by their parents by candlelight in their homes. So, the secular education system that existed in Tibet prior to the Chinese takeover was in fact infused with religion, and was not available to many children.

Education after 1950

“Is only Buddhism Tibetan culture? It is utterly absurd. Buddhism is a foreign culture. […] The view of equating Buddhist culture with Tibetan culture not only does not conform to reality but also belittles the ancestors of the Tibetan nationality and the Tibetan nationality itself” – Chen Kuiyan, Party Secretary of the TAR 1992 – 2000.43

The Chinese invaded Tibet in 1950 and during the “Great Leap Forward” (1958-

1962) Mao tried to shift the power that was currently in the hands of the “intellectuals” back into the hands of the common people. Intellectuals, in this case, meant the educated monastics and elite aristocracy. A brief period of liberalization occurred in the years between the two “hard” periods of the Great Leap Forward and the

(1966-1976), in which Mao claimed that liberalists had forsaken Communism in favor of the more profane capitalism. In order to counteract this, the PRC instituted measures that would be known as the Cultural Revolution. The main agenda of the Cultural Revolution was to rid China of the four “olds”: old customs, habits, thinking, and culture. Of course,

42 Norbu 57. 43 Robert Barnett, “Chen Kuiyan and the Marketisation of Policy.” Tibet and Her Neighbors: A History. Ed Alex McKay (London: Thames & Hudson, 2004) 236.

22 Tibet was seen as a land running rampant with these “olds” and this period thus saw a crack down in religious freedom and cultural expression.

The education system was a vehicle through which the PRC propagated

Communist ideology with the aim of ridding these “olds.” After the Chinese takeover of

Tibet, students who previously did have access to education (such as Kunsang Tenzin, the director of Tibet Hope Center), were torn from the education system that taught them

Buddhist ideals, as well as secular studies. Kuiyan (quoted above) claimed that Tibetan nationalism was rooted in Tibetan religion, which in turn was rooted in Tibetan culture and language. So to cut out Tibetan nationalism, it was necessary to attack Tibetan culture, language, and religion. Tibetan children were forced to renounce their language, religion, and culture and instead pledge allegiance to Communist China each morning in school. As Kunga Tsering, a teacher at THC, sees it “For me, Tibetan students inside

Tibet have no right to study our own language, culture, practice traditional [religion], etcetera.”44

Whatever formal educational system there was in Tibet prior to 1950 was uprooted by the Chinese, who saw Tibet as a “backward country in the sense of modern education.”45 The PRC saw intellectuals (mostly high-ranking religious figures) as untrustworthy, for, as Mao saw it, “The more education a person has received, the more unreliable his character; the more books he has read, the less he can be relied on to take a

44 Kunga, Personal interview. 5 April 2009. 45 Ibid.

23 stand,” presumably because this would imply that the person is able to think for himself.46 Students were also subjected to Communist indoctrination and encouraged to alert Chinese officials if their parents secretly worshipped His Holiness or spoke of

Tibetan independence at home. Every morning they were forced to pledge their loyalty to Chairman Mao in “the incomprehensible idiom of Beijing.”47

School Structure

Tibetan secular schools today are divided into three tiers. First, students begin primary schooling (lobchung) that lasts six years. Lobchung is divided into two types: mangtsug and zhungtsug. Mangtsug is primary school at the village level and receives no support from the Chinese government. Thus, these schools often have fewer resources than Mangtsug schools, which are established by the Chinese government and located in more urban areas, boasting more resources. Students then graduate to middle school where they choose to pursue either the science or arts track. These more advanced schools are also often found in urban areas. After completing middle school, students may choose more studies at a university or vocational training. Most Tibetans choose the latter in order to begin making money for their families.

46 Tubten Khetsun. Memories of Life in Lhasa Under Chinese Rule. (New York: Snow Lion Publications, 2007). 47 Erickson 120.

24 There are universities which offer to Tibetan students both in

Tibet and China. now specializes in training teachers because most in

Tibet are not qualified. Because of this, if Tibetan students wish to study subjects other than teacher training, they now have to seek higher education outside of Tibet. This usually means moving to either (non TAR) China or India.

Monastic Education After 1950

Monastic institutions have been decimated as a result of the Chinese takeover.

Mao‟s slogan “create the new by smashing the old,” was carried out quite literally.

Monasteries were leveled, their relics and statues melted or smashed. In the three years following 1967 6,254 monasteries were destroyed. Even today such devastation continues. Monasteries have been sacked and recently have been closed, such as Taktang

Lhamo Kirti Monastery in Ngaba County, Amdo. Now children must speak Chinese to gain admission to a monastery, and enroll in patriotic re-education classes. These classes are aimed at convincing monastics of the Dalai Lama‟s “splittist” ways, and Tibet‟s eternal submission to China. Teams of Chinese officials are sent to monasteries to

“extract written denunciations of the Dalai Lama from all monks and nuns” to “prove” the monastic institutions have been transformed by Communist efforts.48 Patriotic

48 Barnett in McKay 236.

25 education continues to the present, as evidenced by the fact that only one year ago, monks at were forced to memorize a Communist ideological pamphlet. Some monks, such as Lobsang Jinpa from Ngaba Kirti Monastery, have been driven to commit suicide due to the religious repression that is destroying their country and their monasteries: “He repeatedly told his two disciples that „he can't bear the oppression anymore.‟”49

Because many high lamas and teachers have been forced to flee for their lives into exile, monasteries are now operating in a kind of vacuum, devoid of the structure and hierarchy that keeps them functional. Now, “the monasteries have no way to teach doctrine and perform rites as they did before.”50 In fact, most refugees are monks and nuns, having escaped Tibet to be able to enjoy the monastic education that is the cornerstone of Tibetan culture without fear of reprisal.

Tibetan Language in Schools

In addition to condemning culture and religion, the suppression of Tibetan language in schools is of particular interest to my topic because one of THC‟s main objectives is teaching Tibetan language to recently arrived refugees. Since Thonmi

Sambhota returned to Tibet with the newly forged Tibetan alphabet in the seventh century, Tibetan language has been the cornerstone of the culture, for it has allowed the monastic community to transmit the teachings of Buddhism.

49 TCHRD. Human Rights Situation in Tibet: Annual Report 2008. (Dharamsala: TCHRD, 2008) 89. 50 Erickson 184.

26 Chinese attitude toward Tibetan language since 1950 has been inconsistent at best. China has never officially outlawed the Tibetan language, but it was “condemned as one of the „four olds.‟”51 Study of Tibetan written language while Mao was alive was restricted to only reading his speeches, and once he died, reforms took place in many areas of Chinese policy in Tibet.52 Tibetan language was something that defined the people as different from and Mao sought to unite all “Chinese” people by eliminating the characteristics that made them unique. In essence, he attempted to

“suppress any sense of minority consciousness” that might make the annexation of Tibet difficult.53

In the period of reform directly following the Cultural Revolution, Hu Yaobang, among others, contributed to an effort to rehabilitate those who had suffered during the

Cultural Revolution. He implemented tax amnesty for nomads, infrastructure and education plans, and lifted bans on practicing traditional religion. In the 1987 reforms, the government stressed that Chinese should be seen as a secondary language, while

Tibetan would be the primary dialect in the TAR.

Today, Tibetan is the main language of instruction in primary schools in villages.

But because of this concentration of Tibetan speakers in poor areas, the language has earned somewhat of a bad name for itself. Some modern-minded Tibetans consider it a

51 Erickson 108. 52 Khetsun 280. 53 Apte and Edwards 6.

27 language of peasants.54 On the other hand, speaking Chinese automatically conveys one‟s education and higher social status. In middle and high schools, which are usually located in more urban areas where Chinese is already more prevalent, students are mostly taught in Chinese.

Furthermore, students in city schools who choose to study Tibetan must do so as a kind of elective class, which takes time away from being able to study English, another elective. As students are now studying two languages already (required Chinese and elective Tibetan), it cuts down on the time they have available to study English. Whereas students who take classes in Chinese begin studying English in junior high, students on the Tibetan-track are not able to study English until senior high at the earliest. English is required on the college-entrance exam in Tibet, and thus students who studied Tibetan in school and had less time for English find it harder to gain admission to institutions of higher education.55 Kunga laments that “why do they not hardly teach English in Tibetan schools inside Tibet? We all know that English is the universal language for communication.”56

In short, the Chinese government touts the importance of Tibetans speaking their native tongue, yet provides few outlets for Tibetan or Chinese students to learn the

“minority language,” and few rewards if it is mastered. From all accounts, Chinese is still

54 Erickson 130. 55 Erickson 111. 56 Kunga, Personal interview. 21 July 2009.

28 the language of opportunity in Tibet, while studying Tibetan can be little more than a hobby students may choose if time permits.

With these limitations in place, it has become difficult, if not completely obsolete, to study Tibetan language in Tibetan schools. So, although there have never been laws put in place to bar students from pursuing Tibetan, in many cases it is not the smartest choice for students hoping to attend a university and land a well-paying job: “those who seek competency in their own language and the chance for a higher education at the same time face an uphill struggle.”57

When Gyamtso, a student at THC from Kham, was six, he began studying

Chinese, because “there was lots of Chinese peoples” in his village and he needed to know the language to be able to function. He said “the Chinese teachers are also very kind” and that Tibetan students in his school were more diligent than the Chinese students and were often praised for their work. Along with Chinese he studied literature, math, “history of Chinese,” politics and chemistry. He did study English in Tibet, but with “few foreign people,” he found the language “not useful.” It seems that Gyamtso‟s case is a unique one, where even in a remote village he was able to earn an education that included English. This may be due to the fact that he lived in an area that is not considered part of the TAR.58

57 Erickson 130. 58 Gyamtso. Personal Interview. 18 March 2009.

29 Education in Exile

Because the Tibet Hope Center was specifically begun to help students who recently arrived from Tibet, I have focused on the educational climate of Tibet both historically and in present times. This is the environment that students at the center are familiar with, while the education system set up in exile has not affected them as much.

However, it is important to note that education is stressed in the Tibetan exile community. I vividly remember scribbling down a reminder during a group meeting prior to arriving at IBD Sarah to “BE SERIOUS ABOUT STUDIES.” Education is seen as so important because many Tibetans, including the Dalai Lama, believe that the Chinese invasion of Tibet was caused by Tibet‟s ignorance of the world.59

Tibet Hope Center

“It’s not time to have fun; it’s time to work on the cause of Tibet.”60

Two Tibetan refugee boys, Kunsang Tenzin and Tenzin Norbu, began Tibet Hope

Center with little more than a whiteboard and a dream in their hearts. Their main goal, as

Kunga, a teacher at THC, states, is to “educate newly arrived people from Tibet for a better tomorrow, and to teach English because it is an almost universal language.” The two boys saw that “many people come from Tibet to India, and in their daily lives, they

59 Geshe Lhundup Sopa 101. 60 Video. Tibethopecenter.org. Accessed 4 July 2009.

30 are having a problem with communication.” 61 In May of 2007, the two boys began offering informal English classes to several of their friends. Kunsang, the main spokesman for the organization, was seven years old when he came to India and had been lucky enough to study preliminary English in Tibet. Although neither knew English very well, soon many people expressed an interest in learning. Last December, the group became a registered NGO, and now “there are currently about 100 students from various age groups taking classes at THC, including monks, nuns, and lay people.”62 Classes are open to men and women, regardless of monastic affiliation and “All of the students are hardworking and dedicated because they are adults and understand the importance of education.”63

Tibet Hope Center specializes in education classes for new arrivals from Tibet.

The first day I went to conversation class, I was paired with three young Tibetans, all of whom came from Tibet less than five years ago. Most students come to class regularly, but there are of course students who also drop by sporadically. The number of volunteers and students fluctuates during the week. Similarly, when the weather is nicer there are generally more students and teachers, and when the weather is poor fewer people trudge down Jogiwara Road to class. Volunteers come from all around the globe: America,

61 Ibid. 62 Ibid. 63 Tibethopecenter.org. Accessed 4 July 2009.

31 Canada, England, Germany, Spain, Sweden, and even India. The conversation classes are very informal; the only necessity as that classes are conducted in English, although some volunteers who know elementary Tibetan will sneak a few words into the conversation. English language education is stressed because, “many [Tibetans living in

India] don‟t speak, read or write English. In the modern world English has become a global language and pays a vital role in our daily life.”64 Most students at THC have not been educated in English or Tibetan languages because they lived in rural areas of Tibet where schools were underfunded or nonexistent: Kunga told me that

“We hardly find English and modern education in most schools in Tibet. So, what ever they study, they study most of subjects in . The schools with English and modern education you will find mainly in central provinces. The students here are mostly from the rest of the provinces.”65

Tibet Hope Center students see their opportunity to study as greatly valuable.

Students are usually fairly young; most are between the ages of 19 and 30. They have often left family and friends behind in Tibet, and so Hope Center also strives to become a surrogate family, offering activities in which students can become involved, and a place where they can come to relax and talk with Tibetans and Westerners: “Because most of the students are young and came to India leaving family and friends behind, THC tries to

64 Ibid. 65 Kunga. Personal interview. 15 July 2009.

32 be more that just an educational institution.”66 One student revealed on the THC website,

“when i join to the class of ur NGO i really don‟t have any concept about English. But in these days i can understand that what doest mean by English and How much it was important in the modern world. your NGO can gives me eyes to the blind person like me.”67

Analysis After having examined the importance of education in Tibetan life and the influence of Tibetan Buddhism on the education system, as well as the policies put in place by the Chinese government in Tibetan schools and Tibet Hope Center itself, we have to ask how this context informs how students experience Tibet Hope Center‟s educational opportunities.

As we know, most of the students at THC come from nomadic families, who lived in areas where schools were sub-par at best. In 1992, a White Paper issued by the

Chinese government said “children of farmers and herdsmen enjoy free boarding and education” yet later admitted that “90 percent of farmers and herders do not receive lower middle level education.”68 In working with students at THC and speaking with the directors, it is painfully clear that the vast majority of them come to India without basic

66 Tibethopecenter.org. Accessed 4 July 2009. 67 Ibid. 68 Apte and Edwards 9.

33 knowledge of the history or language of their country, let alone a mastery of English. As a result of living in an occupied land, some do have basic knowledge of the Chinese, but their language skills in any idiom rarely exceed spoken word. From speaking with them, it is clear that these students were taught the knowledge necessary to rear animals and tend plants, as well as enjoy the beautiful surroundings around them: when I asked what they remembered about life in Tibet, they almost always told me about their childhood in the mountains playing with their families‟ animals.

Because of this, students at THC require remedial elementary education in

Tibetan, English, and in some cases Chinese as a basic foundation. During my talks with students, I would write down a word in Tibetan to show them my interest in their language, only to be told that my handwriting was better than theirs, or that they could not read what I had written. Such shocking moments reveal the inadequacy of the education system in the vast majority of the Tibetan plateau under Chinese rule.

Another component that is different in exile education than in Tibet is the proportion of monastic to secular institutions. In Tibet, the vast majority of those being educated for most of the country‟s history were those in monasteries, educated to understand and teach the word of the Buddha. But in India, secular education is not just a privilege, but a necessity to be able to participate in a globalized society. For this reason, there are many more secular schools in Dharamsala than there are monasteries.

But these secular schools (both formal [TCV] and informal [NGOs]) do still include

34 Buddhism as the foundation of their studies. That being said, there are many more

“secular” schools of this type than monasteries and nunneries in exile. For the first time in Tibetan history, the spotlight shines not on religious education, but on modern worldly education.

But an interesting phenomenon is created when exiled communities suddenly do begin to educate themselves. They are suddenly allowed access to knowledge of their culture and religion of which they may have been deprived in Tibet. The exile situation in a way forces refugees to adhere to an essentialized image of their culture that they may or may not believe exists. Tibetans fleeing to India come from different parts of Tibet which have seen varying degrees of Chinese influence or control, so their familiarity with and loyalty to the traditional Tibetan ideals that the exile community strives to represent to the world vary as well.69 Nevertheless, the basic ideals of Buddhism that have defined

Tibetan culture for hundreds of years, and that drive the independence movement, have seeped into every aspect of the exile community.

So, if nothing else, the Chinese invasion did spark a kind of reemergence and awareness of Tibetan culture. As Tawni Tidwell, TA for our Tibetan Culture class stated during our first meeting, “China did a great service to Tibetans. They created Tibet.”

Having been estranged from their traditional culture due to Chinese oppression, in India refugees aim to recreate their culture in a safe place. These ideals that form the basis of

69 Erickson 144.

35 this “authentic” Tibetan culture that is represented in exile have become synonymous with the Tibetan refugee struggle.

There are several features of the Tibetan exile experience that hold this conglomerated community together: the symbolism of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, and ability to educate oneself and others about the real situation in Tibet.

According to exiled political activist Tenzin Tsundue, His Holiness is “there as a

Buddha. [He] commands worshipping, faith.”70 Not only has the Dalai Lama institution been the center of religious and political power for hundreds of years, but His Holiness is seen as a reincarnation of “Avalokiteshvara… the central force binding Tibetan religion together.”71 His supreme importance to the Tibetan people has been likened to Jesus still being alive for Christians today.

In schools and educational settings in India, this symbol of unity under the Dalai

Lama is “deliberately as well as implicitly being transmitted to the young generation.”72

Whereas in China, mention of the Dalai Lama in schools meant danger for the student and his family, in exile it is suddenly embraced. This “implicit curriculum” fosters “an environment that deliberately nourishes and strengthens the student‟s self-definition as modernizing Tibetans, that the symbol and the reality of the Dalai Lama is carefully and

70 Tenzin Tsundue. Personal interview. 10 May 2009. 71 Dalai Lama is the Key to the „Tibet‟ Issue. Emory Culture Class Reader 2009. 72 Margaret Nowak. Tibetan Refugees: Youth and the New Generation of Meaning. (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1984) 52.

36 ubiquitously presented to Tibetan children.”73 Iconic subjects such as Tibetan language, religion, compassion, respectful behavior, and patriotism are stressed in schools. As one researcher remembers, “the phrase „by the grace of His Holiness‟ is very likely to precede any statement or progress achieved, health maintained, or benefits received.”74

The Tibetan language is a bonding force among exiles because they all learn the

Lhasa dialect. The symbolism of Lhasa itself unites Tibetans everywhere. Not only has

Lhasa been the political center of Tibet since the reign of king Songsten Gampo, but it holds the revered , the chief residence of the Dalai Lama before his flee into exile, and the Jokhang temple in the Barkor area of Lhasa, the first Buddhist temple in

Tibet and the site of many political demonstrations since the Communist takeover. So, historically, religiously, and politically, Lhasa is the heart of Tibet. Using its dialect contributes to the unity of the Tibetan people.

Conclusion

“Education’s purpose is not only to teach a child reading, writing, calculation and some abstract academic knowledge. It should also enable the child to understand his or her cultural heritage so that the child can grow up to be a responsible member of his or her cultural group.”75

So whereas in China, students were constantly taught that they were different and inferior, in exile, social institutions such as schools and educational NGOs have rallied

73 Ibid 53. 74 Ibid 90. 75 Apte and Edwards 35.

37 around the Dalai Lama and what he represents to create an identity that is unique to the exile situation and absent in students still living in Tibet. Furthermore, because most

THC students do come from nomadic families, such formal institutions of learning like as

THC which offers proper classes are somewhat of a foreign situation to most of the students. Monastics, which make up about 10% of THC students, have fewer possibilities for , and because most of the education is secular, the community at large is also accumulating less merit. But students of all kinds, whether male, female, monastic or lay have had to manage the weight of not being literate in their own language. THC‟s main priority is teaching Tibetan language and, as past examples demonstrate, students from Tibet were scarcely knowledgeable in the written form of

Tibetan. Arriving at THC must be such a welcome gift after so many years of deprivation.

But these experiences would not be possible without the preexisting conditions with which students come to India. The educational system in Tibet at present leaves students (monastic and lay alike) feeling disconnected from their culture and like outsiders in their own country. By coming to exile in India and uniting at organizations like THC, they are thrust into the role of “exiled Tibetan” and expected to uphold Tibetan traditional culture and values.

The THC recently presented His Holiness with a book titled “We Love You,

Dalai Lama.” Students and volunteers from all over the world were asked to write

38 stories, poems, or draw pictures displaying their love for His Holiness. This sudden

(almost pressure) to form an identity that is replicated in the school system might catch recent arrivals off guard. But nevertheless, such a strong identity seems to be an advantage to the Tibetan exile population because it gives them a goal (unity and independence), and a community to support that goal. As Tenzin Tsundue says, “my identity is important, and I insist upon that.”76

But what this identity might (and probably should) promote is a need to engage in action. In a meeting with Tendor, the Deputy Director of SFT in New York, he said that

“the demographics of the Tibetan movement are changing,” and in about 10 years, the younger generation will be in positions of power. Due to their diligence, cohesiveness, and education, they will be able to perhaps make a bigger impact in the Tibetan struggle than the generation at maturity now.77 These opportunities would not be available to them had they not escaped to exile.

Yungchen , a Grammy award winning Tibetan singer, has said that once you become a refugee, you have more responsibility. That responsibility comes from the resources you have access to in exile, namely education, a support network, and the ability to safely communicate with the rest of the world. These are precisely the things that Tibet Hope Center strives to provide its students, and in that way, it is an accurate

76 Tenzin Tsundue. Personal interview. 10 May 2009. 77 Tendor. Group meeting. 9 March 2009.

39 representation of the Tibetan refugee community. It is certain that students who come to

THC meet vastly different communities, goals, and support systems than they were used to in China.

But these opportunities give them the confidence, knowledge, and responsibility to contribute to the Tibetan cause. Tendor from SFT said that the tone has shifted in the past few years, and he doesn‟t really know why, but there is a light at the end of the tunnel now. The younger generation has become more intimate with His Holiness and feels a special kind of connection to him that has not been seen in the older generations.

He gives specificity and direction to a cause that they inherently feel they need to fight for. THC‟s motto is “Think globally, act locally,” and according to Kunsang, who started the center, “It articulates our belief that every individual can make a difference and create a better world.”78 It is as if, after generations of asphyxiation, Tibetans suddenly are able to breathe the breath of their culture in India, and they do so, with a vengeance.

78 Tibethopecenter.org. Accessed 4 July 2009.

40