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Poetry of the Slavophiles: Tracing Slavophile Philosophy Through 19th-Century Poetics Item Type text; Electronic Thesis Authors Thompson, Aaron Michael Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 26/09/2021 02:16:02 Item License http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/ Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/579060 Abstract This is the second part of an overview of the cultural history of Slavophiles, a term applicable to those ascribing to the traditional values, especially in relation to the philosophical treatises written by Aleksey Khomyakov, Ivan Kireevsky, and their contemporaries from 1839 to the middle 1860s. Having established the troika of themes at the treatises’ foundation the Russian state and Tsar, the Russian Orthodox Church, and the hierarchical governmental mir and sociocultural obshchina constructions present in history I examine the philosophical, theological, and anthropological realities of poems by Khomyakov, Nikolai Yazykov, and Fyodor Tyutchev. My primary focus is on Tyutchev, a philosopherpoet and lifetime Slavophile who is known for many works which fall outside of this investigation. I will uncover and discuss how Khomyakov and Kireevsky’s ideas are conveyed through the semiotics, rhetoric, and specific poetics of three decades of Tyutchev’s oeuvre. In the end, I find that Tyutchev transversed through three phases, beginning with a personal construction of Slavdom or the Slavic obshchina, creating a relationship between Slavic and universally true good, and concluding with the development of the correlation between Western and evil. The final part of the Slavophile overview will the existing sociopolitical remnants of Slavophile ideologies in the 21st century. Acknowledgements I would like to thank all those that supported me in this endeavour: my friends, David, Sofia, Natalie, Heather, and Victoria; my advisor, Dr. Teresa Polowy; other faculty and staff at the University of Arizona College of Humanities, Department of Russian and Slavic studies, and the Honors College; and all other friends, family, and classmates in the past four years. I am forever in your debt. Contents Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………..1 Poetry of the Slavophiles………………………………………………………………………….8 Selected Poetry of Aleksey Khomyakov, Nikolai Yazykov, and Fyodor Tyutchev…….10 Aleksey Stepanovich Khomyakov……………………………………………….12 “Russian Song” (?).....................................................................................14 “To Russia” (1839)....................................................................................16 “To Russia” (1854)....................................................................................18 Nikolai Mikhailovich Yazykov…………………………………………………..19 “To A.S. Khomyakov” (?).........................................................................22 “Pitiful writer! He does not hear…” (?).....................................................23 “To P. Y. Chaadaev” (?)............................................................................24 Fyodor Ivanovich Tyutchev……………………………………………………...24 “The Banner and the Word” (1842)...........................................................29 “Russian Geography” (184849)................................................................31 “Daybreak” (1849).....................................................................................34 “The Prophecy” (1850)..............................................................................38 “The Neman” (1853)..................................................................................40 “Now you are not up to verses…” (1854).................................................44 “These poor villages…” (1855).................................................................47 “To the Slavs” (1867)................................................................................49 “Grand day of Cyril’s departure…” (1869)...............................................52 “Huss at the Stake” (1870).........................................................................56 “The Vatican’s Anniversary” (1871).........................................................60 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………….62 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………………..65 “For us, Russians with a soul, one Russia distinctly, one Russia truly exists; all others have only a relationship to her, an idea, a Providence. We may think, we may dream in Germany, France, Italy, but we may do solely in Russia.” Nikolai Mikhailovich Karamzin, historian (1766 1826) Introduction Before commencing with the intended examinations of Slavophiles, their thoughts, and their works in the cultural sphere of the Russian empire, it would be wise to present the background which both preceded and occurred contemporaneously with the SlavophilWesternizer dichotomy. This contention over the “one Russia” in existence, as Karamzin said, did not come to a head ex nihilo, after all, but instead was the result of centuries of related questions and debates. A short summary of the historical antecedents to 1830 will give some perspective as to both why the question of Russian identity is given so much attention and to the ideas and opinions from which Slavophile philosophers and thinkers drew from. The first organized government that would become the Russian Empire was formed in the late ninth century or early tenth century, and was centered for centuries in presentday Kiev, Ukraine.1 Although its capital was temporarily located in Novgorod, it was then permanently moved to Kiev, lending to the name Kievan Rus’ (Keivskaya Rus’) that it was given centuries later by Russian historiographers. Not much is definitively known about Kievan Rus’, most likely due to the absence of a concerted, consistent writing system among local peoples. Tenthcentury Kiev’s citizens were not all Slavs, but then included both European and Asian peoples who conducted business with the East and the West, setting the cultural and political foundations which last until this day in the Russian state. 1 Thompson, John M. Russia and the Soviet Union an Historical Introduction from the Kievan State to the Present. 6th ed. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 2009. 1112. Page 1 The state of Kievan Rus’ had for centuries a history that is often looked back on as example par excellence for political and economic stability, strength, and unity. However, it would not last forever; in the twelfth century, Kievan Rus’ imploded due to violent and unsustainable turbulence.2 The period of longstrided reigns was over by the second quarter of the twelfth century and it gave way to a succession of rulers that abdicated almost every year. Kievan economy, which at its apex thrived off of its central position in trade, was in a decline as new routes were discovered. By 1200 A.D., Kiev was in the hands of several conquering tribes. So it remained until 1547 A.D. when Ivan IV (b. 1530 d. 1584), also known as “Ivan the Terrible”, reunified Moscow and neighboring states, resulting in the formation of in the Tsardom of Russia (Tsarstvo Russkoye).3 Though still tumultuous, the state was now more consolidated and thus manipulable. Due to the advantageous positioning of an ancestor of the Tsardom, the Grand Duchy of Moscow, Ivan IV moved his capital to young Moscow, where it would stay until the reign of Peter the Great (b. 1672 d. 1725, r. 1682 1721 & 1721 1725) in the early eighteenth century. Over the period of almost two hundred years, the autocracy of the Russian tsars became the sole seat of political power and held a great deal of clout with the Russian Orthodox Church, in addition. Every citizen below the Tsar was subject to his whim, and decisions were handed down to the local level with great authority and no flexibility. It is also important to note that between the mid1500s and 1700, the Tsardom multiplied manyfold in area. By the succession of Peter the Great to the throne, Russia moved its eastern boundary from the Ural Mountains to the U.S. state of Alaska.4 This geographical expansion likewise conquered new Asian peoples, likewise expanding the meaning of “Russian”. 2 Thompson, John M. 2425. 3 ibid. 70. 4 Ibid. 101, map. Page 2 St. Petersburg, a name formed from that of its founder and the German suffix for “city”, was founded upon the swampy lands of the RussoScandinavian borderlands in 1703. Less than ten years later it became the capital of the Tsardom of Russia; then in 1721, St. Petersburg was the seat of the new, Westwardlooking Russian Empire under Peter the Great.5 It was conceived to be an imitation of Amsterdam and to adopt the aesthetic and atmosphere of a Western city, a sign of what was to come for the next century. Peter the Great, a controversial moniker, is known for abruptly redirecting the progress of the Russian state. His reforms, which were first implemented around the founding his namesake city, touched each and every aspect of Russian life, from the manufacture of bullets to the shaving of beards. Indeed, if Peter was undeniably something, he was unquestionably thorough. Summarizing all of his reforms would require a space even greater than this introduction, thus only those significant to the