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Challenging the Republic French Roma Policy in an Enlarged EU Charlotte Krass PhD in Politics The University of Edinburgh 2018 I declare this thesis has been composed by myself and that it has not been submitted, in whole or in part, in any previous application for a degree. Except where stated otherwise by reference or acknowledgment, the work presented is entirely my own. i ii ABSTRACT This thesis explores the relationship between the colour-blind public philosophy of republicanism and the French state’s policies targeting the Roma. It addresses one core research question: how did political actors use neo-republican ideas to communicate and justify policies targeting the Roma? To do this, it examines the discourse of French and European Union (EU) actors involved in the formulation and implementation of polices targeting the Roma from 2010 to 2016. This discourse comprised political speeches, policy reports, memos, media clippings and 50 in- depth interviews with French and EU actors. Building on Christina Boswell and James’ Hampshire’s theory of discursive strategies, this thesis focuses on the strategic deployment of republican ideas, notably the ways in which political actors were able to exploit their polyvalence. This thesis argues that political actors used four key republican ideas to communicate and justify policies targeting the Roma in France. First, a commitment to universalism allowed political actors to deny accusations of ethnic targeting while pursuing policies that disproportionally targeted Roma migrants. Second, political actors deployed the idea of a ‘neutral’ public sphere to justify the eviction and deportation of residents living in so-called Roma camps. Third, political actors used a logic of administrative selection to predetermine which evicted ‘Roma’ migrants were worthy of state support. Fourth, recipients of this support were subject to a state-led process of assimilation akin to a modern ‘civilising mission’, which political actors defended as a necessary step towards integration. This thesis concludes that it was precisely the polyvalence of republican ideas that allowed actors to deploy them to communicate and justify discriminatory policies. In doing so, it builds upon a growing literature on the role of republicanism in contemporary French politics and provides a rich empirical study that captures the influence of a general public philosophy on specific policy decisions. Additionally, it extends recent scholarship on the treatment of the Roma in Europe and contributes to debate about the challenges of free movement in an enlarged EU. iii iv CONTENTS Acronyms page vi Introduction: Republicanism and the Roma in France 1 1 Theory and Methods 19 2 The Evolution of Republicanism in France 51 3 Denial: The Struggle for Universalism 85 4 Rejection: Preserving the Public Sphere 121 5 Selection: Choosing the ‘Worthy’ Few 155 6 Integration: A Modern Civilising Mission 183 Conclusion 215 Appendix 1 227 Bibliography 229 v ACRONYMS AME Aide médicale d'État AR Aide au retour CADA Centre d'accueil de demandeurs d'asile en France CAF Caisse d'allocations familiales CAO Centres d'accueil et d'orientation CCAS Centre communal d'action sociale CEREMA Centre d'études et d'expertise sur les risques, l'environnement, la mobilité et l'aménagement CESEDA Code de l'entrée et du séjour des étrangers et du droit d'asile CMU Couverture maladie universelle CNCDH Commission nationale consultative des droits de l'homme DAEI Délégation aux affaires européennes et internationales DDCS Direction départementale de la cohésion sociale DG EMPL Directorate-General for employment, social affairs and inclusion DG JUST Directorate-General for justice and consumers DG REGIO Directorate-General for regional and urban policy DIHAL Délégation interministérielle à l'hébergement et à l'accès au logement DILA Direction de l'information légale et administrative DRLP Direction de la réglementation et des libertés publiques ENA Ecole nationale d’administration FLN Front de libération nationale FN Front national HCI Haut conseil à l’intégration MOUS Maîtrises d'œuvre urbaines et sociales OFII Office Français de l'immigration et de l'intégration OQTF Obligation de quitter la France PCF Parti communiste français PMI Protection maternelle infantile PS Parti socialiste RSA Revenu de solidarité active SGAE Secrétariat général des affaires européennes UMP Union pour un mouvement populaire vi INTRODUCTION: REPUBLICANISM AND THE ROMA IN FRANCE La France avant ne connaissait pas de “problème Rom”. La notion de minorité en France n'existe pas.1 Pierre Lellouche (5 November 2010) In the summer of 2010 President Nicolas Sarkozy launched a campaign to ‘mettre un terme aux implantations sauvages de campements de Roms’.2 He deplored these camps as ‘zones de non-droit qu'on ne peut pas tolérer en France’ and stressed that collective evictions were imperative for restoring France’s ‘l’ordre républicain’.3 Speaking in Grenoble after an episode of localised riots that had little to do with the Roma, Sarkozy framed the illegal camps of Romanian and Bulgarian migrants on the fringes of French cities as a ‘Roma’ problem. In itself, the French state’s dismantling of illegal camps was not new but, from the moment Sarkozy framed the policy in explicitly ethnic terms, the Roma were thrust into the centre of heated public debate. It was not long before there was a backlash against Sarkozy’s policies, especially after a leaked circular dated 5 July 2010 surfaced, instructing Prefects to implement ‘une démarche systématique de démantèlement des camps illicites, en priorité ceux de Roms’.4 The criticism of Sarkozy’s campaign was not confined to his political opponents. Members of Sarkozy’s own Union Pour un Mouvement Populaire (UMP) party condemned the government’s targeting of the Roma for betraying universalist republican principles. Nevertheless, few critics disputed the need to clear illegal camps, citing the safety of camp residents as the principal concern. Sarkozy’s pronouncements also came under scrutiny outside France. The anti-Roma rhetoric sparked an international feud, not least with European Commissioner Viviane Reding, leading to a formal investigation of France’s adherence to the 2004/38/EC Directive on the free movement of European Citizens.5 Submitting its paperwork to the Commission at the eleventh hour, France 1 Pierre Lellouche, Secrétaire d'Etat aux affaires européennes, Conférence de presse sur les relations franco-slovaques, la consolidation de la Zone euro, la question des droits de l'homme en Iran, l'accord militaire francobritannique et sur la situation des Roms au sein de l'Union européenne, Bratislava (5 November 2010). 2 Nicolas Sarkozy, Président de la République, Déclaration sur la lutte contre la criminalité, la délinquance et l'immigration illégale, Grenoble (30 July 2010). 3 Ibid. 4 Ministère de l’intérieur, Circulaire sur l’evacuation des campements illicites (5 August 2010), IOC/K/1017881/J. 5 2004/38/EC. 1 escaped a legal battle by a hairline and consequently removed the word Roma from official policy documents. Following a May 2012 change of government in France, Sarkozy’s successor, François Hollande and his cabinet sought to rebrand state-led evictions of illegal camps by replacing references to the Roma with the euphemisms campements illicites and bidonvilles. Yet an unofficial link between the Roma and illegal camps remained and camp evictions more than doubled under Hollande. Political differences aside, after the controversy of 2010 both the Sarkozy and Hollande governments’ clamp down on illegal camps was premised on a common dilemma: how to address a problem perceived to pertain to the Roma without directly naming or targeting any ethnic community. French officials tried to address this dilemma by designing policies explitly devoid of ethnic distinctions to resolve a problem they, at least unofficially, framed in ethnic terms. Why did the French state pursue such a paradoxical approach to illegal camps? The answer lies in the appeal of republicanism as the dominant public philosophy officials deployed to communicate and justify public policy in France. Forged in the wake of the French Revolution, republicanism holds a privileged position in France’s political history. Those who champion it see themselves as upholding a political tradition passed down from previous generations and consider it their duty to carry it into the future.6 Although republicanism has proved remarkably resilient and malleable, its dominance in French politics is relatively new. Only after the collapse of the trente glorieuses in the late 1970s did French officials seek to revive a republican political discourse. This was not simply a regurgitation of outdated values but a conscious articulation of a new national project: neo-republicanism. A dedicated discussion of neo-republicanism will follow, but at this stage it is sufficient to note that its central tenets comprise a commitment to universalism founded on the rejection of ethnic and religious categories; a renewed emphasis on preserving the public sphere; a deep scepticism of communitarianism; and a firm belief that membership of the national community should surpass all other attachments.7 6 Sudhir Hazareesingh, Political Traditions in Modern France (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994).