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Women's Subversive Individualism in Barcelona During the 1930S

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Women's Subversive Individualism in Barcelona During the 1930S MICHAEL SEIDMAN WOMEN'S SUBVERSIVE INDIVIDUALISM IN BARCELONA DURING THE 1930S SUMMARY: A focus on politically uncommitted working-class women alters the traditional historiographical emphasis on collective militancy in the Spanish Revo- lution. A large number of females acted ambivalently towards the cause, and revolutionaries were forced to confront women's individualism. In the search for the collective identities of class and gender, this individualism has been ignored. Instead of neglecting or condemning the personal, historians should try to understand how an exploration of the varieties of subversive individualism - resistance to workplace discipline, opportunism, and petty fraud - can expand the boundaries of social history and help to contribute to a theory of the state. When Revolution erupted in Barcelona in July 1936, the revolutionaries needed all the help and support they could get from both the male and female workers they claimed to represent. On the radio and through other media, parties and unions made appeals for women's support in the struggle against rightwing Nationalists. We know that the most famous women of the period - the Communist, La Pasionaria, and the anarchosyndicalist, Federica Montseny - ardently and seemingly tirelessly worked for the victory of the Left. We are also well acquainted with the contributions of the militants of Mujeres Libres and other organizations.1 Yet the history of many other working-class women is less well known and nearly invisible. A focus on them alters the traditional emphasis on collective militancy in the Spanish Revolution. A large number acted ambivalently towards the cause, and revolutionaries were forced to confront the individualism of females who identified only marginally with the collective social project of the Left. Perhaps even more than their male counterparts, these women refused to sacrifice for the good of the struggle and defended personal needs, not those of the Republic or the Revolution. The revolutionary society was unable to integrate large numbers of non-militant females who challenged its social disciplines. Because of the search for the collective identities of class and gender, working-class wom- en's individualism has been ignored. Instead of neglecting or condemning the personal, historians should try to understand how an exploration of the varieties of subversive individualism - resistance to workplace discipline, opportunism, and petty fraud - can expand the boundaries of social history and help to contribute to the theory of the state. 1 Mary Nash, Mujer y Movimiento obrero en Espana (Barcelona, 1981); Martha A. Ackelsberg, Free Women of Spain (Bloomington and Indianapolis 1991). International Review of Social History, XXXVII (1992), pp. 161-176 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.202.58, on 29 Sep 2021 at 14:29:25, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020859000111113 162 MICHAEL SEIDMAN Female individualism should not be identified exclusively with conserva- tism and reaction. Women's failure to sacrifice for the Revolution did not mean that they were pro-Franco or a feminine Fifth Column. In fact, authoritarian and fascist regimes were also forced to confront and control subversive individualism, but its persistence and growth during the Revolu- tion in Barcelona suggests that a social project founded on collective property and worker participation had little attraction for many women. Subversive individualism shares much in common with what Alf Liidtke has called Eigensinn.2 Both concepts explore aspects of everyday life, such as resistance to work, indiscipline, and pilfering. Yet ultimately individualism and Eigensinn are profoundly distinct. The latter does not encompass the conflict between the individual and society. Indeed, Liidtke implies that Eigensinn might have been the basis for a more inclusive and liberated socialism. Subversive individualism, on the other hand, arises from the contradiction between the individual and society and thus recalls the ne- glected tradition of Stirnerian anarchism in which personal needs and desires took precedence over both capitalist and socialist wage labor. The persistence of individualism during the late 1930s in Barcelona demon- strates the inability of socialist society to overcome the split between the individual and the collectivity. Women's reluctance to sacrifice is an implic- it critique of the anarchosyndicalist and Marxist revolutionary vision which many females felt too often renounced the personal for the social. Ironically enough, female collective militancy may have been more com- mon before than after the Revolution, in the period of turmoil immediately preceding and following the establishment of the Second Republic in April 1931. At that time and throughout the decade women defended their standard of living and sources of income. Although food riots seem rare, women did actively participate in a 1931 rent strike sponsored by the CNT (Confederation National de Trabajo) against rapidly increasing housing costs.3 During the 1920s Barcelona's population had grown 62.43 percent, and this massive immigration had pushed rents to heights never before experienced. After the establishment of the Second Republic in April, the CNT demanded rent reductions of 40 percent. In June and July meetings of the rent strike committee attracted large numbers of women. Landlords, many of whom possessed only small properties, reacted with meetings of their own. However, the strike proved effective and aroused the participa- tion of perhaps 100.000 in a city of over one million. Neighborhood solidar- ity made evictions difficult, if not impossible. In certain cases neighbors 2 Alf Liidtke, "Le domaine reserve': Affirmation de l'autonomie ouvriere et politique chez les ouvriers d'usine en Allemagne a la fin du XIXe siecle", Le mouvementsocial, 126 (January-March 1984), pp. 29-52. 3 The following information is from Nick Rider, "Anarquisme i lluita popular: La vaga de lloguers de 1931", L'Aveng, 89 (January 1986), pp. 6-17. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.202.58, on 29 Sep 2021 at 14:29:25, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020859000111113 WOMEN'S SUBVERSIVE INDIVIDUALISM IN BARCELONA 163 threatened to lynch those who carried out the court's orders. Masses of women and children obstructed evictions of renters. The government reac- ted with repression. It imprisoned strike leaders, sent police to ensure removals, and generally acted in the interest of the landlords. Women also participated in struggles over worktime. When a law prohib- iting nightwork for women was altered, the change of schedule "was not welcomed by the workers" who then went on strike.4 Women wanted the prohibition on night work to apply to the hours between 11 P.M. and 5 A.M. "instead of 10 P.M. to 4 A.M." since they did not wish to rise one hour earlier.5 Women laboring at a textile factory in Badalona refused management's proposal that half of them work three days per week and the other half labor three other days. The women favored a workweek of the same three days for everyone.6 The Textile Union of the anarchosyndicalist CNT demanded that pregnant women receive four months maternity leave and that establishments with over 50 workers provide daycare centers.7 Women also fought collectively for higher pay. Textile entrepreneurs asserted that their workers had refused to contribute to the maternity fund, and when the industrialists attempted to deduct the women's share from their paychecks, "serious conflicts due to the resistance of the [women] workers" occurred.8 The Civil Governor had indicated that the law, which required approximately equal contributions from wage earners and em- ployers, must be obeyed by both parties, but the women continued to strike to prevent deductions from their paychecks. According to the Governor, they refused to understand that maternity insurance would allow them to receive benefits which would greatly exceed their contribution.9 The Gov- ernor sent Civil Guards to the Catalan towns of Berga and Poblla de Lillet where "the union" promoted the agitation by circulating "seditious leaf- lets".10 Authorities feared that workers might react by stealing finished products or even machinery parts, and they ordered the Civil Guard to evacuate the factories to prevent a sit-down strike. Eventually, the women 4 Fomento del Trabajo nacional [hereafter known as Fomento], Memoria (Barcelona, 1929). 5 Federation de Fabricantes, Memoria (Barcelona, 1930); women were not alone in fighting schedule changes. Laborers resisted a change of schedule which management tried to impose because of an electrical shortage due to drought. 6 Gobernador a Ministros, 10 August 1931, Leg. 7A, n. 1, Archivo Historico Nacional [hereafter known as AHN]. 7 Francisco Madrid, Ocho Mesesy un dia en el gobierno civil de Barcelona: Confesiones y testimonios (Barcelona and Madrid, 1932), p. 194. 8 Fomento, Memoria (Barcelona, 1932). 9 Gobernador Civil a Ministro Gobernacion, 13 November 1931, Leg. 7A, n. 1, AHN; Albert Balcells, Trabajo industrial y organization obrera en la Cataluna contempordnea, 1900-1936 (Barcelona, 1974), p. 45. 10 Gobernador Civil a Ministro Gobernacion, 13 November 1931, Leg. 7A, n. 1, AHN. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.202.58, on 29 Sep 2021 at 14:29:25, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020859000111113 164 MICHAEL SEIDMAN accepted their paycheck deductions which supplemented the law of 1907, which granted six weeks of maternity leave before and after birth.11 Women also defended their jobs and sources of income. To protest firings, they participated in one of the bloodiest strikes of the period. On 2 October, 760 workers walked out of a foreign-owned metalworking factory that employed 1100 workers in Badalona.12 Two days later, police arrested and jailed two workers for violating the right to work.
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