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Home , Design theory, Home, House

@ another revolution in 's theory of the

davilajackllR

A dissertation submitted for the degree of Master of Architecture (History and Theory) at the University of New South Wales 1997 IIIBIPlct

Emerging communication are transforming domestic life in modern all over the world-requiring a thorough rethink of architectural theories about the house. lt is becoming necessary to adapt the mass- philosophies of modernism to of housing types appropriate to the highly flexible, mobile and independent systems of living which are becoming possible for prosperous people in many countries. Architecture's changing understandings of future life in the home-and its potential responses-can be compared to a significant recent precedent: the gradual ascension of modernist house- doctrines (the 'hygienic house', the 'machine for living in') during the eighty years after began to be installed in private in American and European (from around 1840).

ii declanllll■

1 hereby declare that this submission is my own work and that, to the best of my knowledge and belief, it contains no material previously published or written by another person nor material which to a substantial extent has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma of the university or other institute of higher learning, except where due acknowJedgment is made in the text.

Signed

iii aclmawledlllllldl

For support in my studies 1eading up to this text, 1 am gratefu1 to Dr Peter Kohane, Professors Peter Droege, Leon van Schaik, Lawrence Nield, Neville Quarry, Peter Johnson, James Weirick, Jon Lang and Wi11iam J. Mitchen; Ors Ray Younnis, Michael Bounds, Bruce Judd, Paul-A1an Johnson and Phi11ip Goad; and Michael Ostwa1d and Ken Maher. 1 also thank Chris Johnson, my husband and co-student, who orchestrates and enhances adventures that expand my understanding of the world.

Davina Jackson Sydney,December1996

iv table or ca■

abstract ii declaration iii acknowledgments iv table of vi introduction 8 towards tomorrow's home 15 scanning the future 15 shattering the 19 the and the home 24 @ home :I) the home as 32 blurring the threshold 35 horizontal vs vertical 40 the unhomely home 40 time, and techno-architecture 47 reconstructing the 53 architecture and the body 58 a place for the soul 6.5 conclusion 70 references 76 other reading 82

V 111111 of 1u11n11an1

between pages fig 1 Plumbing a Victorian house (Lupton and Miller, 1992, p. 9) 10-11 fig 2 United States advertised in 1910 (Lupton and Miller, 1992, p. 26) 10-11 fig 3 Cyber-: a cartoon by Judy Horacek (from the artist, 1996) 15-16 fig 4 Cate in cyberspace (image from the ) 17-18 fig 5 Cesariano's depiction of the first fire (Rykwert, 1972, p. 104) 21-22 fig 6 Frank Uoyd Wright's hearth at Oak , Chicago, in 1898 (Norberg-Schulz, 1985, p. 95) 21-22 fig 7 Italian Marco Susani's concept for a telehome (Susani, 1994) 22-23 fig 8 Citizens of a new order illustrated by Edward Sorel (The New Yorker, December 16, 1996, cover 27-28 fig 9 A synthetic sense of being at home. ( The New Yorker, October 16, 1995, p. 28) 28-29 fig10 Front of William Morris' Red House at Bexleyheath, England (Delorme, 1994, p. 19) 35-36 fig 11 Horst Kiechle's vision of a cancerous virus infecting a house designed by Peter Eisenman (Kiechle, 1996, p. 8) 40-41 fig 12 Cyber cities are inspired by physical environments (from the Internet) 43-44 fig 13 Peter Zellner's Track House for a future athlete (Jones-Evans, 1994, p. 52) 52-53 fig 14 Peter Zellner's Screen house for future artists (Jones-Evans, 1994, p. 50) 52-53 fig 15 Laugier's primitive hut, 1755. (Rykwert, 1972, p. 45) 54-55 fig 16 Michael Ostwald and John Moore's cyburbian version of (Ostwald and Moore, 1997, p. 75) 54-55 fig 17 Chalcolithic burial urns (Rykwert, 1972, p. 173) 54-55 fig 18 Syrian beehive : probable origin 6000 BC (Knevitt, 1994, p. 29) 55-56 fig 19 Remains of Scottish drystone houses: probable origin 1500-2000 BC (Knevitt, 1994, p. 33) 55-56 fig20 Artie (Knevitt, 1994, p. 49) 55-56 fig21 Reconstructed hut of mammoth bones at Mezhirich, Ukraine (Knevitt, 1994, p. 21) 55-56 fig22 Filarete's first (Rykwert, 1972, p. 117) 57-58 fig23 Recent advertisement for suburban housing in Sydney, Australia (Sunday Telegraph insert, March 23, 1997) 58-59

vi fig24 Cathedral of Notre Dame at Amiens, 1220-1236 (Flon, 1981, p. 218) 59-60 fig25 Living of the Jacobs house, 1948, designed by Frank Uoyd Wright (Lind, 1992, p. 105) 60-61 fig26 Exercising the body at the interface of reality and virtuality (from the Internet) 62-63 fig27 A pair of New Orleans built in 1857, left, and how they appeared in 1993, right (Brand, 1994, cover) 69-70 fig28 of the Larsson home in Sweden in the late nineteenth century, by Carl Larsson (Norberg-Schulz, 1985, p. 90) 73-74

vii lntPlductton

This paper explores some ideas about a realm of architectural theory-the house and home-that needs revision in response to technologies which have caused, and promise, significant changes to the living patterns and attitudes of many people around the world. This introduction provides a background on some developments relevant to the later examination of current ideas about houses of the future.

1t is generally known that over the last one hundred and fifty years, societies have been consuming (at varying rates and time-frames) increasingly sophisticated versions of power-assisted devices which have been, and are, transforming their cultures. These products have been delivered to middle class consumers in four waves since James

Watt's 1763 invention of an economically feasible steam engine 1 led to factory-based systems of mass production. First, there was a plumbing modernisation and gas and electrical supply phase which began in the United States around 18402 and has since been facilitating gradual improvements in hygiene and health around the world. The second wave of change has been a transport and travel revolution which began to have general impact with the provision of railways in the nineteenth century, and has since advanced to provide affordable air travel. The third tsunamf3 has been an electrical and electronic appliances revolution which reached Western consumer markets with radio in the 1920s and then. expanded significantly after World War JI. And the fourth revolution 4, rapidly gaining pace now, is based on computer and

1 Maine and Foreman (eds.), 1957, p. 1016. Their encydopedia credited the first steam engine prototype to Hero of Alexandria in 130BC, the first steam-propelled road vehide to Richard Trevithick in 1796 and the first steam locomotive to George Stephenson in 1814. 2 This phase is explained in Lupton and Miller, 1992, pp. l-39. 3 'Tsunami' is the Japanese word for tidal wave. 4 In general discussion, the telecommunications revolution is often said to have triggered a third (rather than a fourth) wave of international social upheaval. For example, Alvin Toffier "divides civilization into

8 telecommunications technologies which have been generating, since the 1970s, new genres of equipment that are transforming work practices-indeed, many human routines. Because all of these progressions of have been altering social attitudes and behaviours, they also have been influencing architectural theories and . In this paper, we are concerned with what computer buffs might term 'the look and feel' of houses as 'human/machine interfaces'5-but the focus is the architectural ideas contained in literature rather than built works, because these provide the narrative needed to understand the rationales which have generated sophisticated structures. The main part of this paper compares concepts which have been recently raised (in diverse contexts} by various theorists concerned with the architectura 1 impacts of telecommunications technologies. As part of that examination of contemporary views, this paper also refers to some house and home philosophies of the past-certain of which are now being promoted as worthy of renaissance.

Before considering the future of domestic architecture, it may be valuable to briefly discuss the four waves of change mentioned earlier, because each has altered architectural theories about housing.

First, the gradual equipping of American and European houses with modem plumbing, gas and electricity had outcomes which inspired some key architectural writers-notably Adolf Loos and Le Corbusier-to gradually clarify the idea of "the healthy house"6 during the three decades after these technologies were initia11y delivered to major US and European cities from around 1840 to 19107• During that three parts-a First Wave agricultural phase, a Second Wave industrial phase and a Third Wave phase now beginning. ft Toftler, 1980, p. 18. 5 'Look and feel' and 'human/machine interfaces' are comparable terms widely used in the computer culture to explain different styles of computers: referring both to the appearance of hardware and the on­ screen 'personality' of software systems. The original sources of these phrases are not known. 6 Le Corbusier, 1923, p.... 7 Lupton and Miller, 1992, pp. 1-39.

9 period, many houses were equipped with mass-produced pipes, heat-generating boilers and wiring (Fig. 1) that made it possib1e for interiors to be bright, even at night, and more easi1y cleaned. Because of those techno1ogies, became capab1e of keeping food fresh and pure, and home were wide1y estab1ished (often converted from maids' or chi1drens' ) as faci1ities to deanse bodies of dirt and odours. Bathrooms, in particular, interested forward-thinking writers and 1ike

Loos and Le Corbusier. First, they were the 1atest type of room (or space) in bui1dings: they were inherent1y modern. Second, they a1so 1ooked modern. Bathrooms were free of aesthetic references to o1d-wor1d cu1tures: as Pau1 Frank1 noted:

"Chippendale never designed a bathtub [... ] we have been forced to use our own ingenuity."8 Third, bathrooms also seemed genuine1y modern: their design had strong connotations of industrial efficiency and they were sites of manual, repetitive, functional activities (something like work in a factory). Fourth, after basic technologies matured around the turn of the century, bathrooms cou1d be scrupulously hygienic thanks to novel finishes (vitreous , porce1ain enamel and cast iron) of a sleek, seam1ess, scrubbable and germ-proof character. Finally, many bathing fixtures were white (Fig. 2): the hue which best symbo1ised civilised society's new aspirations to purity and freshness.

1n texts which have been frequently referenced throughout the twentieth century,

Loos and Le Corbusier enthused about white9 and promoted the advantages of plumbing 10• ln his 1923 treatise Towards a New Architecture, Le Corbusier mades it

8 Frankl, 1927, pp. 55-55, quoted by Lupton and Miller, 1992, p. 25. 9 As examples of their writings on white, see Loos, 1908, in Conrads, 1964, p. 20 and a 1911 letter from Le Corbusier in Pisa to his friend William Ritter in Paris, included (in ltalian) in Gresleri, 1984, p. 401 and quoted in Wigley, 1996, p. 9. For a discussion of the significance of white in modernist architectural theory and practice, see Wigley, 1996. 10 Loos wrote an essay on plumbers; see Loos, 1898, pp. 45-48 and le Corbusier referred to bathing as a basis of modern housing; Le Corbusier, 1923, p. 122.

10 Fig 1. Plumbing a Victorian house. Fig 2. United States bathroom advertised in 1910. dear that washing was crucial to hygienic life: A house is a machine for living in. Baths, sun, hot water, cold water, warmth at will,

conservation of food, hygiene, beauty in the sense of good proportion. 11

The second wave of industrial change-mass transport and travel-progressively offered populations previously dependent on horse-drawn carriages and sailing boats the faster and more comfortable options of railways, buses, motor cars, ships and aeroplanes. Although many societies still do not have free access to these modes of fast transport, they have (with the help of ) collapsed understandings of time and expanded understandings of space in the twentieth century. Since the early 1920s, many and designers have been inspired by the speeds of engine-driven vehicles and have sought to re-present their aqua- and aero-dynamic styling in designs for houses and other types of 12• The curved corners of Art Deco and ·rao· architecture in the l 930s were aesthetic representations of a zeitgeist inspired by motorised speed, as were the 'Streamline' aesthetics adopted generally by American product and designers until the 1970s (and being revived today).

Also, aeroplanes, in particular, have helped to create new cultures of nomadic people-from the 'jet set'13 of the 1960s and 'globetrotters'14 of the 1970s to the

'world person' 15 of today-whose understandings of 'home' appear less rooted in one place than was generally the case with societies of previous centuries.

After those transport advances, there may still be scope to develop travel into galaxial space. Not yet on the market-although the technologies exist-are space

11 Le Corbusier, 1923, p. 95. 12 The ltalian Futurist movement was specifically inspired by cars, boats and aeroplanes; Le Corbusier included many photographs of aircraft, ships and road vehicles in Towards a New Architecture. 13 The 'jet set' was a term used by the 1960s media to refer to sophisticated people with the wealth to fly from city to city for social events. 14 'Globetrotters' was a term coined in the early 1970s to explain a new breed of affluent working people who could regularly travel around the world for business and private holidays. 15 In today's understanding, an 'international person' belongs to a professional elite who regularly travel internationally to serve clients or audiences in various cities.

11 shuttles (public passenger vehicles allowing inter-planetary travel by ticket-purchasing astronauts). And still in the realm of science fiction are seductive instant-travel concepts like tele-transportation (the 'beam-me-up Scottie' effect depicted in Star

Trek, the popular television series of the 1960s). If these concepts ever become generally available, they will again revise perceptions of time and space, alter the way that many people live and thus trigger needs for different structures to contain human activities. The third wave of change has been the transformation of home life (first) and office culture (as a consequence) generated by mass-consumption of electrical housekeeping and home entertainment app1iances. This phase began with radio in the

1920s and 1930s but did not firmly take effect until after the Second World War, when factories converted from supplying the armed services to manufacturing new electrical consumer products such as semi-automatic washing machines, clothes dryers, sewing machines, steam irons, ovens, refrigerators and vacuum cleaners conceived to ease the workloads of . Later, from the mid 1950s, households progressively acquired an innovative entertainment and child-minding device-television-which (as fast-action shows increasingly preoccupied children before and after school) became colloquially known as 'the third parent' 16.

All these app1iances reduced the number of hours required to manage a house and family-and thus provided the wives and mothers generally charged with these tasks with more spare time for leisure 17 or, if financial and social flexibility was desired, work. After these potentials became generally understood, increasing numbers of women joined the workforce and began to agitate (as part of what was known in the 1960s as the women's liberation movement and is now called feminism) for

16 l have often heard this phrase in conversations in Australia and New Zealand, but do not have an original source for it. 17 For people based mainly at home, leisure could include watching daytime television.

12 comparable rewards to those those received by men. Now the labour forces of most advanced nations include many married women with children-and once-despised household situations (for example, house-husbands, latch-key kids, unmarried mothers) are becoming socially acceptable. Television assists these kinds of social changes by delivering comment to large audiences through news reports and documentaries, discussion forums, and drama and situation comedy programs.

The fourth wave also involves factory-manufactured machines but is generally associated with the information era rather than the industrial age because the products function mainly according to computerised commands rather than mechanised processes. As American technology prophets Nicholas Negroponte and

William J. Mitchell (both architects and colleagues in the Faculty of Architecture at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology) have pointed out in recent books, the world's economy is becoming increasingly dependent upon "bits not atoms" 18. The machines now transforming society were all initially invented for , but are increasingly being used in (including rent-by-the-night homes such as ).

They are the personal computer and its related devices such as screens, software, printers and scanners; the facsimile machine; the modem 19, and the mobile telephone.

Since personal computers began to be generally marketed (in prosperous countries in North America, Europe, and Australasia) in the mid-1960s, many people employed in jobs requiring information processing have found it feasible to perform at least some of their tasks at home. This capability has helped to ease one aspect of the industrial era's 'work ethic': an expectation (and often a definite requirement) that employees must attend their places of work for specific hours of the day. Instead of strictly enforcing the common weekday work schedule of 9am to 5pm, many

18 Negroponte, 1995, p. 4 and Mitchell, 1995, p. 24. 19 Modems are small, electronic boxes which facilitate wireless communications between computers in different locations.

13 employers now grant their staff flexible timetables (known as flexi-hours in government departments) to arrive early and work late, or take days off during the week in return for working on weekends. But if staff have computers in their homes, they need not even attend the office except for meetings with other people. The availability of facsimile machines and modems has made it possible to rapidly exchange data between an employee's computer at home-or laptop in a -and the employers' computer in an office. As discussed in the next section of this paper, a11 these new technologies are likely to cause changes to the desired locations and design of houses: especially their interior arrangements.

With that likelihood in mind, the principal question addressed in this paper is: How should architects be thinking now about designing houses to support living in the twenty-first century?

Before discussing that question, it is necessary to state that there can be no answers until the next generation of technologies, and their social implications, are clearly understood.

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1canniR1 die future Make it up-nobody knows-William J. Mitchell, 199520

If I'm wrong, wait ten minutes-Nicholas Negroponte, 199521

When occupants of houses connect to the lnternet, they usurp the traditional understanding of 'home' as a veiled retreat subservient to and contrasting the visible realm of the city. Regardless of their real locations on earth, modem-linked homes must be recognised in architectural theory as nodes in ethereal space (Fig. 3): points of a planetary network and society. This network has been described by William Gibson as "cyberspace" (1984), by Manuel Castells as "the space of tlows"(1991), by Wi11iam

J. Mitchell as the "city of bits" ( 1995) and by Howard Rheingold as "the virtual community" ( 1996). Note the progression of these descriptions over the last twelve

(volatile and formative) years: 'cyberspace' suggests endless, inanimate air, 'space of flows' acknowledges forces and activity, 'city of bits' indicates a culture of fragments and 'the virtual community' introduces the notion of human connections. No doubt new terms will emerge as this once-abstract phenomenon increasingly intrudes on humanity.

Whatever buzzword is chosen, the modem-linked society is rapidly developing more cultural and economic power than can be mustered by most individual cities or cultures22• ln seconds, in theory, a major company or minor country can be

20 Advice to this writer at a party in Sydney on New Year's Eve, 1995-96. 21 ln da Silva, 1995, p. 16. 22 Exceptions may be the world's most financially and globally powerful cities and cultures-named by

15 .. ; ;··· . . "°?J,·~··· ... . •.. ' •. ·, ," ·. I • • • ~ • . I •· • I

.,·:· •· :·... •. ' · ...... · .· .. . . .: •.· .·. : .:•. 'T' . • . . . .. •• •.••I . ··• ·.• .. ··•

Fig 3. Cybercottage: a cartoon by Judy Horacek. bankrupted by taps on the laptop keyboard of a share-trader who may be holidaying in a mud hut on an Indian farm or relaxing 'at home' on a yacht off the coast of

Crete. Jn practice, however, that share trader's actions will be strongly influenced by peoples/he has met in person in the cities or places where s/he mainly lives. ln today's literature about the future, a significant point is often ignored: that while the online community competes with the real world, it is also supplementary to, reflective of and dependent upon it. Despite the hyperbolic hysteria of some sellers of the future, cyberspace's power can be over-estimated. Real planted on a real world will control the territory of virtuality; and the online society, like that of the planet, will be fragmented into diverse cultures of individuals and groups acting upon, and reacting to, each other.

But neither should cyberspace be under-estimated. lts principal significance is to free individuals, while they are online, from constraints of location, age, gender, skin colour and, to some extent, income23. When people connect to the lnternet, including those who are disadvantaged in the real world, they can access information, converse with others online, seem to change sex, age or personality, and (although the technology is still primitive) adopt an 'avatar'24-a moving image representing themselves-to express their appearance and personality. This capability might provide everyone on the Internet with more independence, power and stature than they have now. However, the Internet already is being divided into territories of numerous kinds, which are generating their own subtle hierarchies of access to information and services. Even where access is free, individuals are influenced by their own mentalities, intelligence and real circumstances in choosing where or whether to obtain, and how

Saskia Sassen as New York, London and Tokyo (in The Global City, 1991). However, it is often claimed that London is less powerful than the financial cities of Germany-and Sassen also ignores 'Hollywood' (the culture of mass entertainment and information media rather than the city). 23 On the Internet, is often necessary to pay to participate in activities or receive goods and services. 24 'Avatar' comes from the sanskrit word meaning incarnation.

16 to exploit, the lnternet's store of information to obtain personal benefits. Yet the Net is an important new source of power for individuals-particularly women and children-based at home. With electricity, a computer, software, a modem and a telephone line, any individual in any house can decide to receive information, conduct conversations at a virtual cafe (Fig. 4), be entertained by television or videos, make money, bank the takings, shop, conduct a romance, gain a degree from an overseas university, and publish information on a Web site25 as attractive and profitable as that of a large organisation. These tools already have enabled child 'hackers' in upstairs bedrooms to internationally publish confidential data from government computers many kilometres away from their screens. Extra-marital romantic relationships can be conducted with foreigners via email on spouses' computers. And it is becoming common for employees not physically required at an office to work increasingly at home. These scenarios hint at how individuals may partly disconnect from, find alternatives to, and thus modify conventional relationships of social power-the boss/employee, the parent/child, the husband/wife and the government/citizen. New associations can arise from the lnternet's potential to connect anyone at home with people and groups previously inaccessible to them. Even the homeless can be wired in, as Rheingold has noted: Entire cities are coming online. Santa Monica, California, and Cleveland, Ohio, were among the first of a growing number of American cities that have initiated municipal CMC [computer-mediated communication] systems. Santa Monica's system has an active conference to discuss the problems of the city's homeless that involves heavy input from homeless Santa Monica citizens who use public

25 'Web' refers to the World Wide Web, a popular sub-network of the Internet. A 'Web site' or 'home page' is a publication of words and images which can be accessed from a remote computer, by keying in an Internet beginning http://www.

17 Fig 4. Cate in cyberspace. terminals. This system has an electronic link with COARA, a similar regional system

in a remote province of . Biwa-Net, in the Kyoto area, is gatewayed to a sister

city in Pennsylvania.26

As computers increasingly empower people, private life will be transformed in ways which we do not yet completely understand. However, architects must begin to consider the spatial implications of these technological upheavals.

What is happening? How will we live? How will we be 'at home' in, say, 2020?

Much is being written on these questions-but the popular paperbacks, conference papers and on line magazines are disseminating an excessive amount of hyperbole from preachers of virtuality27 for whom physicality seems immaterial. Contrary to the wistfulness of these prophets, the bodies of Net surfers will continue to occupy real space, even as their minds travel around what Paul Yirilio has confusingly called "real time" 28 in virtual space. And while many disciplines will design the virtual world, architects are still required to conceive the .

To design houses relevant to the next technological age, architects must answer a crucial question: Where's the screen? At this stage, there are a variety of forecasts within a generally assumed trajectory of four overlapping phases:

Phase 1-For at least the next ten years, computer manufacturers will market gradually improving hybrids of the Net-connected computer, the cable television set and the electronic games machine. In technologies currently viable for consumer markets, these devices will need to connect to power points and, for comfort during serious use, must rest on a desk or table, to allow agility with keyboards and mice.

Phase 2-Computer screens will increasingly separate from their controlling devices, and adopt new configurations. Alternatives include large movie screens (already

26 Rheingold, 1996 (lntemet document). 27 Including Marcos Novak, Michael Heim and numerous early writers for »ired magazine. 28 Virilio, 1996 (Internet document).

18 available for home use) on which images are projected; entire screen walls which transmit images via voice commands or pre-programmed codes, and screens incorporated into apparel such as eyeglasses, hats or watches29•

Phase 3-Certain chores or pastimes may be facilitated by wearable computers which will not need screens because the devices speak and are small enough to be incorporated into clothing as either fibres of cloth or tiny machines in, say, a shoe heeP0• Phase 4-lmmersive virtual reality, in which a screen-waned room can become any environment, to be realistically experienced by technology-equipped people in the space31 • A11 these scenarios-the table-based and plugged-in screen, the independent screen, the wearable non-screen and the surround-screens of VR-must have different implications for the design of future houses. Significant impacts on architecture's theory of 'home' are already evident and are explored in the foJJowing sections:

shattering tlle heal'tll

Ever since Marcus Pomo Vitruvius32 wrote the only architectural treatise to survive the

Middle Ages, the idea of the hearth-the place of fire for cooking food, keeping warm and providing visibility at night-has been central to understandings of the meaning of

'home'. Here is his influential fantasy about how humans discovered fire:

29 MlT Media Lab student Thad Starner has already written of his experiences as "one of the world's first cyborgs". Stamer, 1996 (Internet document). 30 Experiments in wearable computing are being conducted by the MlT Media Lab's Personal Architecture Group. See Negroponte, 1996; Mitchell, 1995, and refer to the Body Talk and Body Net projects at MlT's Web site, http://[email protected] 31 See MtT Media Lab Web page items on The : AVirtual Reality Theatre' and 'The Intelligent Room· @ http://www.media.mit.edu 32 Vitruvius wrote the world's oldest surviving architectural text during the reign of Roman emporer Alexander.

19 The men of ancient times bred like wild beasts in and and groves, and eked out their lives with wild food. At a certain moment it so happened that thick, crowded trees buffeted by storm and wind, rubbed their branches together so that they caught fire: such men as witnessed this were terrified and fled. After the flames had calmed down, they came nearer, and having realised the comfort their bodies drew from the warmth of the fire, they added to it, and so keeping it alive they summoned others and pointed it out with signs showing how useful it might be. [... ] Since the invention of fire brought about the congress of men, and their counsel together and , and since many people now met in one place [... ] some of that company began to make roofs of leaves, others to dig hollows under the hills, yet others made places for shelter in imitation of the nests and buildings of swallows out of mud and wattle. Then, observing the of others, and by their own reasoning adding new things, as time went on they built better dwellings.. This word-picture of fire as the focus of congress has repeatedly inspired architectural theorists throughout history-most passionately the ltalian Humanists of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. According to German historian Hanno-Walter Kruft, Petrarch annotated a Vitruvius manuscript of the fourteenth century and probably used his principles to rebuild the of the popes at Avignon. Boccaccio also possessed a

rare Vitruvius text and quoted from it "profusely" in his book De genealogia deorum. Leon Battista Alberti translated Vitruvius and promoted his ideas in his own treatise

De re aedificatoria (written 1443-1452). However, contemporary scholar Joseph

Rykwert, in On Adam's House in Paradise, a history of architectural literature about the first human-built shelter, has claimed that "to my mind, the first important commentary on this text [Vitruvius] is not a verbal but a pictorial one: the cycle of paintings which Piero di Cosimo executed for the house of a rich Florentine wool

20 merchant, Francesco de1 Pugliesi. [... ] Fire is the most prominent feature of these paintings." Rykwert a1so noted the 1511 edition of Vitruvius produced by Fra Giacondo of Verona, who supp1emented the text with 140 memorab1e woodcut i11ustrations-one showing the first campfire. And he referred readers to a 1521 commentary by Cesare Cesariano, who iHustrated the invention of fire with two famous drawings: one representing Vitruvius' account of the rubbing of the branches of trees (Fig. 5); the other induding a flame in the air "as if from the moon"33. According to Rykwert, Cesariano reflected that "it is fire which not on1y comforts many anima1s (and especia11y humankind) but it a1so moves them to speaking and then they are content and keep each other company"34• After the Renaissance, the notion of the hearth was imp1icit1y understood as a concept essentia1 to house design (Fig. 6). ln his books of 1ectures origina11y published in 1872, French architect Eugene-Emmanuel Vio11et-1e-Duc wrote: The attachment to hearth and home produces the love of diligent work, order and a wise economy. We should therefore endeavour to promote that attachment, to render it possible for as large a number as possible, and do our utmost to solve the problem involved in its furtherance. And architects could not engage in a more honourable endeavour.JS Some twentieth century architects have continued to support the ideal of fire as the foca1 point for househo1d comfort and socia1 cohesion-despite modernism's attempts to start afresh from the precedents of history. Whi1e Le Corbusier did not indude a hearth in his myth of the primitive hut (he saw the hut as a sanctuary for triba1 worship of gods rather than a shelter for human habitation), Frank Uoyd Wright wrote in 'The Natura1 House' about an ideal contemporary :

33 Cesariano quoted in Rykwert, 1981, pp. 113-114. 34 Cesariano quoted in Rykwert, 1981, pp. 113-114. 35 ln Lectures on Architecture, Vol. 11, Lecture XVlll, p. 299.

21 Fig 5. Cesariano's depiction of the first fire . Fig 6. Frank Lloyd Wright's hearth at Oak Park, Chicago, in 1898. 1. We must have as big a living room with as much vista and garden coming in as

we can afford, with a in it, and open bookshelves, a dining table in the

alcove, benches, and living room tables built in; a quiet rug on the . 36 Wright and many other modern writers have sentimenta11y supported a mythology of the hearth that was already undermined by the rea1ities of urban Jife at the beginning of this century. The avai1abi1ity of electricity and gas a11owed homes to be 'artificia11y' heated and i11uminated, and cooking flames to be contro11ed with precision by specific, switch-operated machines. As houses acquired an oven to cook, electric or gas heaters to give warmth and Jamps to add Jight, the architectural theory of the hearth might have been either discredited or modified. However, the need to maintain a socia1 sense of fami1y unity kept aJive the symbolism. Jn truth, the twentieth century foci of domestic congress have been the radio (before and during Wor1d War 11) and the te1evision (since the mid 1950s). Both these devices were, in their ear1y days, expensive for those on average incomes, and bulky. So most households began with on1y one radio or television, sited prominently in the Jiving room and shared with others in the home. Noisy, flickering boxes replaced crack1ing, flickering flames as agents of domestic companionship. Today, we are witnessing other transformations which threaten the theory of the hearth. The central television screen is rapidly being replaced by portable computer­ televideo-Jnternet-games devices which wm soon be affordable enough to a11ow a11 individua1s in a househo1d to possess their own screen and control its contents (Fig. 7). This capabiJity demands a rethink of the household as no Jonger a group of people emotiona11y tied by frequent experiences of watching the same television shows, but as a set of individuals sharing a habitat whi1e often relating to activities elsewhere. ln Oty of Bits, Mitchen wrote of the "one sma11, housebroken box [... ] a lot like an

36 Rt!published as 'Tht! Natural HouS€ · in Frank Lloyd Wright: Coflected Writings, Vol. 5, p. 105.

22 Fig 7. Italian architect Marco Susani's concept for a telehome. old-fashioned mailbox. 1t is where information streams into the house and is decoded and conversely, it is where information is encoded and sent out in digital form."

However, Mitchell did not acknowledge the potential of this "bit-delivery" device to be a Trojan Horse to destroy family life. Instead of envisaging (in this context) personal and portable screens, he suggested that: [... ] the box presents itself as a hearth that radiates information instead of heat. Just as the fireplace with its and mantle was the focus of a traditional living room, and later became the pivot point for Frank Lloyd Wright's box-busting house plans, so the display-the source of data, news and entertainment-now bids to become the most powerful organiser of domestic spaces and activities. In most

, it's what most eyeballs are most likely to lock onto most of the time.3 7 Mitchell here seems to have muddled the screen with its command unit. While he correctly suggested that there will be many screens in a home, as there were various in many houses of the past, he inferred that the content of the screens would be controlled by one device. That idea sustains the hearth analogy but is contradicted by the experiments of Media Lab researchers in his own Faculty of Architecture at MIT - who are investigating ways of transforming people into walking

devices for processing information of their own choice38• It is already clear that in houses of the not-distant future, the child, the teenager, the parent and any live-in servants will be able to act independently outside the home while physically remaining inside the house. This is already possible to some extent with the telephone, but the Internet has potential to facilitate a much wider range of external transactions and participations; beginning with the advantage that international Internet connections are not necessarily traceable (as are overseas phone calls) by the holder of the

37 Mitchell, 1996,p.591. 38 Details@ http://www.media.mit.edu

23 household telephone account. This mental disconnection between individuals of the same household, this separation of mind and body, and this new potential to act publicly while within the solid waJJs of the private home, are crucial issues for architects reconsidering how houses should be designed and what will constitute tomorrow's meaning of home.

Ille city and Ille Ila• Perception of the city and home as opposites-of the city as a theatre of public performances and the home as a protected environment for private rituals-has not always existed in aJJ cultures at aJJ periods of history. And it is possible that the Internet wiJJ suppress this dualistic concept, through its capability to provide home­ based people with new powers to relate directly to other individuals and organisations in society.

Before discussing current transformations of public and private realms, it is

necessary to understand how these concepts arose. Jn his 1974 book, The Fall of Public Man, Richard Sennett explained that, until the eighteenth century, individuals did not have a personal life or a natural right to the pursuit of happiness; an of life was conducted in the company of others, in the spirit of mutual usefulness. Before the nineteenth century, the realm close to the self was not thought to be a realm for the expression of unique or distinctive personality; the private and the individual were not yet wedded.[ ... ] instead the realm close to the self was ordered by natural, universal human 'sympathies'. Society was a molecule; it was composed, in part. of expression at a contrived and conscious distance from personal circumstances, family and friends and, in part. of self-expression which was also

24 'impersonal' as that word is understood today. 39 Sennett suggested that the notions of a public realm for society and a private realm for individuals was an outcome of civilisations' inevitable conflicts between nature and culture. In the eighteenth century: The geography of the capital city served its citizens as one way to think about nature and culture, by identifying the natural with the private, culture with the public. By interpreting certain psychic processes as inexpressible in public terms, as transcendent, quasi-religious phenomena which could never be violated or destroyed by the arrangements of convention, they crystallised for themselves one way (... ] in which natural (human] rights could transcend the entitlements of any particular society. The more this opposition of nature and culture through the contrast of private and public became tangible, the more the family was viewed as a natural phenomenon. The family was 'a seat of nature' rather than an institution like the street or the

theatre. 40 Yet Sennett noted that the family gradually came to be considered as a "special institution" whose principal role was to facilitate "a special, natural stage in the human life cycle, childhood." He credited Philippe Aries' book, Centuries of

Childhood,41 for revealing that the concept of childhood arose only two centuries ago, when children began to be seen not merely as little adults, but as different, vulnerable, beings. At this stage, Sennett suggested, mature inhabitants of cities began to think that the complexities of public life, involving regular encounters with strangers, were dangerous-so exposure to this realm should be regulated for the weak (women) and immature (children).

39 Sennett, 1974, p. 89. 40 Sennett, 1974, p. 90. 4 1 Aries, 1965, pp. 87 -88.

25 Sennett quoted from Wittgenstein's Vienna, a by Allan Janik and Stephen Tou1min of bourgeois family 1ife in the 1ate nineteenth century: [... ] stability had a high place in this list of virtues. The embodiment of these ideas was a man's home [... ] the father was the guarantor of order and security and, as such, possessed absolute authority. And the significance of the home did not end in its being the reflection of a man's success. It was also a refuge from the world outside, a place where the tedious details of the workaday world were not permitted entry. For one who was not of the era, it is difficult to imagine just what it was like to be born and grow into maturity in such an isolated

environment with all the cares of life so punctiliously circumvented.42 Natura Hy, such constraints wou1d be resisted by more independent beings-and Sennett argued that "maintenance of the pub1ic rea1m was Jinked to a strong desire to escape

[into "impersona1ity"] the family and its rigours. "43 Surprising1y, he did not mention the upper-dass Eng1ish concept of boarding schoo1s-the de1iberate sending away from the fami1y of chi1dren, particu1ar1y boys, for up to ten years of instruction on how to perform in the civic sphere. During the twentieth century, much has been written about the 'dedine of fami1y va1ues' (a cri de couer from fo11owers of traditiona1 European re1igions), the 'rise of the autonomous individua1' (a modernist reading a1so understood by post-modernists), the 'me generation' (a notion promoted by the media since the 1980s) and, to a 1esser

extent, Sennett's own concept of "the fall of pub1ic man" 44, which was recent1y reinforced by Mi1an couture designer Giorgio Armani's theory that " is dead." Fashion's relevance, of course, has always depended on a thriving, theatrical, public

42 Sennett, 1974, p. 178, quoting Janik and Toulmin, 1973, pp. 42-43. 43 Sennett, 1974, p. 179. 44 The cover ofSennett's book is illustrated with Jean-Louis David's famous portrait of the murdered Marat draped over the edge of his bathtub while still clutching his last work of public correspondence to Paris during the French Revolution.

26 realm; it has little to contribute to the psyche of a solitary individual or cultures disinterested in play-acting. Today we are seeing more revisions of nineteenth century rules and values dictating family and public life. While the family has become destabilised as a father-dominated unit restrained from the public stage, children increasingly are growing up in different, less restrictive, households. Parents of today-frequently employed fu11-time to fund the sophisticated lifestyles now expected in cities-have neither the option nor the inclination to control their children to the same degree that they and their parents were supervised. This generation of parents grew up with television-and by watching public life paraded in the living room each night, they may be overcoming, through gradual familiarity, fears from the past.

Of course, today's generation of children has access to both television and the

Internet-a connection which must bring greater independence and tlexibi1ity. With email and a Web browser, they can directly interact with other individuals and organisations across the world, whi1e never leaving their . They have the potential to develop on-screen liaisons that they may value more, or which may be more intimate than, face-to-face relationships with family members, friends, teachers or neighbours. Faced with these realities, parents have to accept their chi1dren as

"citizens of a new order" (Fig. 8), as American writer Jon Katz daimed in a HotWired article recently posted on the 1nternet. 1n this text, he acknowledged that "the idea that children are moving beyond our absolute control may be the bitterest pi11 for many to swa11ow in the digital era. The need to protect chi1dren is reflexive, visceral, instinctive. AH the harder, then, to change."45

Katz spelt out potential terms for a John Locke-style "social contract" between parents and children to encourage the development of "the responsible child":

45 Katz, 1995 (lnternet document). HotWired's lntemet address is http://hotwired.com

27 The Responsible Child is not the embodiment of some utopian vision; she can at times be difficult, rebellious, obnoxious, moody. But she makes a good-faith effort

to resolve differences rationally and verbally. Saintliness is not required. 46 This statement is high1y contestab1e and in some ways se1f-contradictory. 1t raises the question of who decides when a chi1d is being "difficu1t, rebe11ious, obnoxious" or is "making a good faith effort to reso1ve differences rationa11y and verbally". Who decides what behaviour can be deemed 'rationa1'? Katz reads like a wistful adu1t attempting (1ike generations before him) to define the undefinab1e; assuming that a chi1d, perhaps under the influence of extreme doses of hormones, can behave rationa11y. However, his statement is interesting because it suggests a possib1e 1oosening of attitudes about parents' 'rights' to contro1 their pre-adult offspring. Katz appears to be supporting a new tendency in American law to argue that such rights cannot a1ways be justified. As family 1ife at home is being changed by the lnternet, so is the city. First, the growth of computer communications is making redundant the industria1 society's need to duster workp1aces in specific areas: the financial district, the 1aw courts precinct, the warehouse zone, the dock1ands. For the 1ast couple of decades, planners have been discussing 'the doughnut effect' of dying downtown business districts and sprawling perimeter suburbs. Whi1e office bui1dings increasingly become vacant and redundant as staff are 1aid off or move home to work, 1arge areas of cheap 1and are consumed for bu1k warehouses and 'pastora1' housing deve1opments. 1n effect, the city has been 1osing economic power and socia1 cohesion in a twentieth century contest with the suburb-the realm of the home. A testament to this situation is the high vacancy rate for centra1 city office b1ocks, many of which are being refurbished as or mixed-use bui1dings. A1though financia1 and 1ega1

46 Katz, 1995 (Internet document).

28 Fig 9. A syn thetlc sense of bein• g at home. firms sti11 occupy the higher levels of the remaining office towers, many product and service-oriented corporations have moved to lower, larger, cheaper-to- blocks in suburbs and semi-rural areas. In recognition of this situation, the editors of Form

Technique Content's 1995 issue on 'Housing and the City' noted in their introduction that "while the city as a place of dwe11ing has fallen into neglect, the suburb and the ubiquitous have triumphed. "47

Current strategies to recreate residential cities48 can be traced to a 1961 text by

Jane Jacobs called The Death and Ufe of Great American Cities, in which she argued that cities could continue to thrive only if they developed as collections of mixed-use precincts, where citizens could live, work and be entertained in various overlapping phases of street-based activity over twenty-four hour cycles. To survive in the next century, cities must regenerate lively central districts. The key task for contemporary governments is to attract and entertain overseas visitors and convince them to spend generously in the local region, instead of in another city equally as accessible. In a Metropolis article titled 'Technology Transforms the Places We Live', Alex Marshall noted that the world's largest cities-each with a strong and specific identity-are most visibly succeeding towards this goal: Despite the movement of jobs away from centre cities, some cities have been on the rebound, especially those that play a commanding role in the world economy. New York, London, Paris, San Francisco and Tokyo have already halted or reversed population losses, reporting rising per-capita income levels and falling crime rates. Such major cities [... ] provide skilled jobs that profit from global, not national, trends. But the relative health of a San Francisco, for instance, may actually be a

bad sign for its mid-size neighbours, which may be losing their markets and

47 Form Technique Content, 1996, p. 11. 48 Australian examples are Melboume's 'Postcode 3000' program to encourage conversion of office buildings into , and later versions in Sydney's 'Living City' and Brisbane's 'Postcode 4000.'

29 economic bases. 49

Today's flows of investment and tourism promote conflicts between a city's native cu1ture and the homogenising forces of g1oba1 commerce. 1ronica11y, as Manue1

Caste11s has argued ( 1991 ), cities need to emphasise their 1oca1 singu1arities to compete in the wor1d market. However, to encourage foreigners to visit and spend, it is necessary to offer a psychologica1 doub1e-banger: the stimu1ation of exotic experiences and the simulation of relaxing 'at home' in hote1s.

na■ads@ llo• Two principal forces propelling us towards tomorrow are globa1 business and 1eisure.

Both are compelling a significant number of the wor1d's citizens to travel much further and more frequent1y than was possible for their parents and ancestors. As we11 as the notorious 'jet set' of prosperous hedonists, there is an expanding tribe of nomadic workers who tele-communicate c:onstant1y and fly perpetua11y between international clients and projects. Robert Reich, Labor Secretary in the 1ast C1inton government of the United States, referred to these nomads as "symbolic analysts" who identify problems and broker so1utions; operating with litt1e regard for time and place50• He suggested they inc1ude the highest-paid employees in the American workforce. However, such prosperous professiona1s share one thing in common with primitive, cash-free, tribes of hunter-gatherers: they have no fixed address and do not necessari1y desire one.

1n his 1952 book, Australia's Home, architect Robin Boyd had this to say about the country's aboriginal nomads:

49 March 1, 1996. On Metropolis Web site-http://www.metropolismag.com/archives/ so Quoted by Sydney technologies analyst Barbara lepani in an email from her collaborator, architect David Week, to 'friends' under the title House for a Future Lifestyle, August 18 1996.

30 The house, the home, the permanent address-this was the white man's idea; the blacks had no use for it For unknown centuries, they had wandered through bush, desert and soaking mountain forest, carrying less protection than the meanest marsupial. Insulation from excesses of the elements, which is the basis of human

home-, was not among the achievements of the Australian aborigine. 51 That kind of home1essness wou1d not be contemp1ated by modern nomads, who crave constant1y accessib1e connections with fami1iar peop1e and p1aces, regard1ess of distance. These desires can now be satisfied, to a 1arge degree, by the portab1e computer-as noted by Wi11em Ve1thoven, editor of the Dutch media techno1ogies magazine Mediamatic, in his introduction to papers from the of Perception 2 conference (Amsterdam, 1995) about new meanings of home: An electronic home that supplements our old home: it's a spot that is very closely connected to our identity. [... ] Aspace where we arrange ourselves, where we receive visitors and collect our electronic possessions. [... ] Today's laptops may be the first primitively fashioned dwellings in cyberspace.s2 Ve1thoven (part1y tongue-in-cheek) qualified this theory as "an avant-garde comment

that can on1y be expected of toy-crazy te1enomads" 53• Yet it is significant: peop1e who work regu1ar1y on computers often fee1 bereaved when they are geographica11y detached from the information and convenience of their own on-screen 'desktop'. For constant trave11ers, e1ectronic mai1 and its anticipated successor, video mai1, faci1itate comforting connections with rea1 peop1e remembered from rea1 p1aces. Email is one of various examp1es of the comforting reminders of home now sought

51 This quote from Boyd, 1952, p. 101, contains some erroneous assumptions. Aborigines actually did (and do) insulate themselves from "excesses of the elements' by smearing their bodies with bird fat . This protection-like other kinds of clothing-did not relate to their making of temporary homes around fires set in sheltered locations like caves, rock and clearings in the bush. 52 Velthoven, 1996, p. 3. Conference papers also available on the Internet at http://www.mediamatic.nl/ 53 Velthoven, 1996, p. 3.

31 by humans located temporarily in foreign countries. While Europeans of the nineteenth century would often go abroad with large quantities of personal belongings and furniture, packed in Louis Vuitton chests, today's travellers make do with one suitcase of necessary apparel while relying on a succession of hotels to create a synthetic sense of being at home (Fig. 9). The profits of hotel chains depend on their successful delivery of imperceptible, yet emotionally effective, sensations of homeliness-ranging from razors and towels in the bathroom to a stocked fridge. Many grand hotels are deliberately conservative in architecture, decor, 'old-fashioned service' and menus. Like the bourgeois home of nineteenth century Vienna, their purpose is to exude stability.

Ille ho• 11 office Today's predictions about the future usually claim that many more people will work at home. This trend has been strengthening for the past twenty years. Western economies are deconstructing the industrial society's Fordist triad of government, capital and trade union-represented labour while moving towards a freer system 54 of consultants and contractors who offer specialist information and/or skills to a variety of clients and who are likely to switch careers several times.

Currently, women who have capabilities of special value to their businesses are increasingly able to work at least part-time from home after they become mothers. An expanding number of freelance 'content producers' 55 are working entirely at home on projects for television, film and publishing companies. Designers, consultants, investors, salespeople and entrepreneurs are often able to run sole-trader businesses from a front

54 Gittens, 1997, p. 15. Potential for exploitation of individual contractors by employers-and vice versa, in some cases-suggests that a new form of mediation between capital and labour will become necessary. 55 Content producers indudes people who work as idea developers, writers, editors, producers, designers, photographers and performers for media ranging from books to films to the Internet.

32 room at home-perhaps emp1oying a part-time assistant at a second desk. And as we11 as these new home-based categories of workers, there is increasing demand for 'traditiona1' contractors of manual 1abour-inc1uding bui1ders, p1umbers, brick1ayers, nannies and house-deaners; who usua11y work outside their own home but base their businesses within it.

Deve1opers of new suburban homes and apartments now routine1y indude in their p1ans a room caned a study [... ] but this is different to the ma1e common in the nineteenth century-a private retreat. Today's home offices are often 1ocated near the front door of a dwe11ing, or have a separate entrance, to make it convenient to receive couriers and business visitors without intrusion on fami1y activities.

Home offices have historica1 precedents dating back to ancient and Rome.

Unti1 the home and the workp1ace were divorced by the advent of mechanisation in the 1ate seventeenth century, men of stature routine1y he1d meetings with friends and associates in a front room of their house; discussing the management of their , phi1osophica1 issues and pub1ic affairs, or passing time with gambling games.

1n the Renaissance, A1berti suggested an entire wing of rooms for pub1ic re1ations. ln De rea aedificatoria (On The Art of Building in Ten Books), he proposed that: The , salon and so on should relate in the same way to the house as do the

forum and public square to the city: they should not be hidden away in some tight

and out-of-the-way corner, but should be prominent, with easy access to the other

members. It is here that stairways and passageways begin and here that visitors are

greeted and made welcome.[ ... ] there should also be a side door [of the house] for

the master of the house alone, to enable him to let in secret couriers and

messengers [... ]56

Whi1e the history of home offices consistent1y describes a rea1m for men to re1ax

56 Alberti, circa 1450, pp. 119-120.

33 privately and act semi-publicly while removed from, but under the same as, their , some future home offices may be designed to accommodate the work requirements of an members of the household. ln a climate of concern about 'the death of the family', some parents' fears might be partly alleviated by converting family or rumpus rooms into household offices with several desks and computers to allow parents and chi1dren to study, write or browse the lnternet. But there is a problem with that scenario, as computers merge with and the lnternet becomes more of an audio-video experience: how the noise of different activities could be managed within one room. lf headphones become necessary in a fami1y office, it might defeat the purpose of sharing a computer room.

Another home office scenario arises from concerns that humans may feel bored, lonely and alienated if they are constantly working at home alone or with the family.

An answer might be to develop community offices of various kinds. For instance, lower of new apartment buildings could be common workplaces for residents, with rent or buy, lockable, office cells and perhaps some shared equipment and secretarial staff. Another option is to open community offices or laptop-friendly office/cafes located on main streets and hired by the hour. Although home work will become increasingly possible and practical, ifs also likely to be resisted because many humans are naturally independent, sociable and energetic. Work and family life are not always compatible and parents of both sexes will want opportunities to escape the pressures of chi1d-rearing. As well, they will want to avoid unwelcome encroachments by work colleagues on personal and family time. There is already a need for new rules of etiquette to guide a technological society about civicaHy acceptable uses of mobile telephones, email and soon-to-arrive video mail. Techniques for recognising business, private and sleeping hours in different time zones are especially relevant.

34 blurrtna the thre11111t1

The division between public and private no longer can be architectura1Jy defined by a vertical plane-the front door of the house (Fig. 10). Even if the entrance doors are locked, occupants can now entertain friends or work co1Jeagues 'at home' via modem links between distant computers. This possibility contradicts the idea of the door separating the house from the city, as expressed in a poem by Pierre Albert Birot, quoted by Gaston Bachelard in The Poetics of Space57•

A la porte de la maison qui vendra frapper?

Une porte ouverte on entre

Une porte fermee un antre

Le monde bat de l'autre cote de ma porte.

(At the door of the house who will come knocking?

An open door we enter

A closed door, a den

The world pulse beats beyond my door.)

A more original reading of the relationship between public and private was delivered by Mark Wigley to Colombia University students in 1992:

It must be noted that the space of the public can never be thought outside that of

the private, precisely because the public is traditionally defined as that which is

literally 'outside' the private. For some time, our conventional image of this

relationship has been the private house, which isolates the space of domestic life

from the public domain that begins outside its walls. [ ... ] The historical

transformations of all the different institutions of privacy, of which the house is but

one, are at the same time necessarily transformations of the public. The private

57 Bachelard, 1958, p. 3.

35 Fig 10. Decorated front door of William Morris' Red House at Bexleyheath, England. defines the public, marking its limit,58

Wig1ey's understanding of privacy was perceptive-but did not acknow1edge an obvious contradiction: the increasing abi1ity of the pub1ic rea1m to intrude upon, and thus modify, the private. Emai1, 1ike 'snai1 mai1' 59 and the te1ephone, doesn't have to be answered immediate1y-giving occupants of houses some contro1 over when to admit other peop1e. However, video mai1 and direct Jinks to the 1nternet may soon make the intrusions of visitors far more persona1 and difficu1t to moderate-testers of new video­ conferencing systems by Phi1ips have noted that if the receiver of a video call have the receiving computer switched off, the incoming call may not be detected, a11owing the caner to monitor activity in the room where the computer is situated. To he1p protect privacy in the home, it wi11 be necessary to invent on1ine audio-video equivalents of answering machines: without such devices, peop1e will be accessib1e twenty-four hours a day.

Video mail, international video te1ephones and video-conferencing (variations on a theme) cou1d create a need for something comparab1e to the drawing rooms and front rooms of suburban houses of the past: a smal1 reception area, which may be merely a backdoth like those used in photography , to convey an impression of the conversationa1ists' 1ocations. When te1evision cameras began to intrude into the homes of notab1e peop1e in the 1950s, a simi1ar technique was often used: the dignitary was posed in an armchair beside a of books or a firep1ace. Gradual1y, as society became more comfortable with the socia1 effects of the technology, 1V interview poses became more re1axed and active. With video connections in future, it will also be possib1e to represent onese1f as a different person: to wear the mask of an avatar for on-screen discussions. 1n these ways techno1ogy will both transcend and sidestep a

58 ln D: Colombia Documents ofArchitecture and Theory, Vol. 1, p. 92. 59 Snail mail goes by post.

36 conventional concept of the threshold offered by Georg Simmel in 'Bridge and Door': Given the fact that the door creates a sort of hinge between the space of man and all that lies outside it, it overcomes the separation between inside and outside. Precisely because it can also be opened, its produces an even stronger sensation of separation from all that is outside this space than what is produced by

a mere undifferentiated wall. The wall is mute. But the door speaks.60 Simmel's conclusion might now be elaborated to say, more appropriately: 'The door speaks [... ] the screen transports.'

horiZontal vs vel'llcal One of the most fascinating, yet obscure, debates about houses has been the aesthetic argument over whether they should be designed tall or low. ln The Poetics of Space, Gaston Bachelard adopted a traditional European view of the house as a high entity: 1) A house is imagined as a vertical being. It rises upward. It differentiates itself in terms of its verticality. It is one of the appeals to our consciousness of verticality. 2) A house is imagined as a concentrated being. It appeals to our consciousness of

centrality. 61

Here, Bachelard explored a phenomenological idea of polarity between the cellar and the -the first with connotations of irrationality-"one that partakes of subterranean forces" -and the second signifying reason-"a roof tells its raison d'etre right away [... ] up near the roof, all our thoughts are clear." Despite the advent of electricity, ending any need to go to the cellar with a candle, "the unconscious cannot be civilised." Bachelard was also entranced by fantasies of a house in Henri Bosco's

60 Simmel, 1985, p. 45. 6l Bachelard, 1958, p. 17.

37 novel L 'Antiquafre, which described a gentle young girl living in a room at the top of:

[... ] Uthe ideal tower that haunts all dreamers of old houses: it is 'perfectly round'

and there is 'a brief light' from 'a narrow '. It also has a vaulted

which is a great principle of intimacy. For it constantly reflects intimacy at its

centre. [... ] The round, vaulted room stands high and alone, keeping watch over the

past in the same way that it dominates space."62

Although written in 1958 at the peak of the International Style, Bachelard's psychological reading of the house celebrates a notion which twentieth century architects have sought to vanquish. The most renowned opponent of verticality was

Frank Lloyd Wright, whose views may have been triggered by his involvement in a book production during 1896 and 1897. As a young man then, he intricately illustrated an Art Nouveau manuscript for The House Beautiful, a sermon by noted theologian William C. Gannet, which discussed the house as a home for the soul-and argued against cellars on ecological grounds:

The first thing we do is dig a hole in the planet-a socket to hold the house down

firm. That is taking liberties with nature to begin with, [ ... ] each pebble in the chinks

of the cellar-wall beneath us holds thousands of thousands of years locked up in it,

since first the ancient oceans sifted it and inner earth-fires baked it and thickening

continents began to squeeze it into rock.63

As well as developing an antipathy to the ceHar-"a noisome, gaseous damp place"64-

Wright also argued against . In 'The Natural House', he asked:

Why waste good liveable space with an attic any more than a ? [... ] The

attic, now, should always come into the house to beautify it. Sunlight otherwise

impossible may be got into the house through the attic by way of what we call a

62 Bachelard, 1958, p. 24. 63 Gannet, 1897, Chapter 1, The Building of the House.' 64 Wright, 1954, p. 11 5.

38 lantern or clerestory. 65 ln the same text Wright passionately critiqued what later became Bachelard's ideal home:

It began somewhere way down in the wet and ended up as high up as it could get

in the high and narrow. Essentially, whether of brick, wood or stone, this house was

a bedevilled box with a fussy lid: a complex box that had to be cut up by all kinds

of holes made in it to let in light and air [ ... )66

His alternative:

I had an idea (it still seems to be my own) that the planes parallel to the earth in

buildings identify themselves with the ground, do most to make the buildings

belong to the ground. I had an idea that every house should begin on the ground,

not in it as they then began, with damp cellars. This feeling became the idea also:

eliminated the 'basement'. [... ] An idea that shelter should be the essential look of

any dwelling, put the low, spreading roof, flat or hipped or low gabled, with

generously protecting over the whole. I began to see a building primarily not

as a cave but as a broad shelter in the open, related to vista: vista without and vista

within. 67

Supporting Wright on the idea, if not the details, of horizontality was Le Corbusier, who also dispensed with cellars in his designs for the Maison Dom-ino and

Savoye; proposed flat roofs with landscaped terraces instead of attics under gabled roofs, and articulated the essential modernist notion of the horizontal window so that

"stilted vertical consequently disappear"68. The attic and the cellar are also avoided in most Asian designs for houses, which represent a spirit of respect for the

65 Wright, 1954, p. 115. 66 Wright, 1954, p. 116. 67 Wright, 1954,p.117. 68 Le Corbusier, 1923.

39 earth and a need, in hot climates, to expel warm air efficiently through the roof.

Illa IRIIO ■ely h111e Western cultures are often said to show signs of anxiety and confusion in the decade before a turn of the century69• This 'fin-de-siede phenomenon' is certainly evident in the 1990s: expressed in the architectural and literary philosophies of deconstruction70, disjunction 71 and recombination72• A specific example of nervousness about the future is today's revived debate about the architectural uncanny-particularly the idea of new technologies generating 'unhomely' homes (Fig. 11). Although the 'unhomely' (or as referred to by Freud in German, unheimlich)73 has been discussed since early Victorian times-notably by Karl Marx, Sigmund Freud, Walter Benjamin, Georg Simmel, Martin

Heidegger and Gaston Bachelard-the contemporary discussion is unusually energetic.

1t was reignited by Anthony Vidler with his 1992 book, The Architectural Uncanny:

Essays in the Modem Unhomely, which triggered recent responses from Wigley74,

Marie-Christine Boyer75 and Scott McQuire 76.

Vidler found the origins of the uncanny in "a feeling of unease first identified in the late eighteenth century. [... ] a domesticated version of absolute terror, to be experienced in the comfort of the home. [... ] At the heart of the anxiety [... ] was a fundamental insecurity: that of a newly established class, not quite at home in its own home"77. But his interpretations seem implausible if set against countless examples of

69 West, 1993. 70 Derrida, 1978. 71 Tschumi, 1994. 72 Mitchell, 1995. 73 Freud, 1919. 74 Wigley, 1992. 75 Boyer, 1997. 76 McQuire, 1996. 77 Vidler, 1992, p. 3.

40 -ijtJ;.:tf~;~ ,; ., ;, ~;,,; :-~1-\" •-.::.-~

. ~q.) cti"!->~

Fig 11 . Horst Kiechle's vision of a cancerous virus infecting a house designed by Peter Eisenman. de1iberate pursuit and pleasure in terror by humans since primeval times. First, the 'newly established class' to which Vidler referred (the bourgeoisie) eagerly rather than trepidatiously consumed new genres of scary 1iterature such as fairy tales, and often recited terrifying tales as 'bedtime stories' to help children go to sleep78•

Second, he mistakenly credited the bourgeoisie, rather than the aristocracy, with Europe's eighteenth century pursuit of the sublime in architecture and 79. Third, all social classes often went out of the home to consume terror among the audiences for theatrical performances; satisfying a basic human need which has been understood and acted out by all civilisations. Fourth, he ignored many examples, in medieval and tribal societies, of general cultural use of gargoyles and other fright­ enticing symbols and artefacts. Finally, he juxtaposed his reference to a "newly established class" with a contradictory view from Marx that unhome1iness was really a problem for the poor. ln the Economic and Philosophical Notebooks of 1844, Marx far more plausibly identified the uncanny as a social effect of rent: The cellar-dwelling of the poor man is a hostile element, 'a dwelling which remains

an alien power and only gives itself up to him insofar as he gives up to it his own

blood and sweat'-a dwelling which he cannot regard as his own hearth-where he

might at last exclaim: 'Here I am at home'-but where instead he finds himself in

someone else's house, in the house of a stranger who always watches him and

throws him out if he does not pay his rent.BO

Although flawed in his introductory understanding of the unhomely, Vidler presented his readers with a valuable review of modern 1iterature on the subject; one useful for

78 According to Vidler, 1992, p. 8, Freud was particularly interested in E.T A Hoffmann 's short stozy, The Sandman, which has become a classic children's bedtime tale. 79 A splendid example of this fascination is le Desert de Retz, a folly landscape near Paris, assembled by Monsieur Francois Nicolas Henri Racine de Monville before the French Revolution. A feature of this recently restored garden is La Calonne Detruite, a four- house designed to look like the shattered base of a giant broken . See Ketcham, 1994. so Marx quoted by Vidler, 1992, p. 9.

41 architects as a paradoxica1 strand of argument in the dia1ectic about the meaning of home. Much of the debate spira1s down to different authors' precise definitions of the right word to convey the right qua1ity and circumstances of anxiety-Freud's inf1uentia1, 1ate nineteenth century, text, 'Das Unheimliche'B 1 is trans1ated diverse1y as

'the uncanny', 'the unhome1y' and 'unsett1edness'. According to Vid1er, Georg Lukacs a1so referred to a modern condition of "transcendental ." Exp1ained

Vidler:

'Homesickness', nostalgia for the true, natal home, thus emerges in the face of the

massive uprooting of war and ensuing Depression as the mental and psychological

corollary of homelessnes.s. It was in this context that and Gaston

Bachelard wistfully meditated on the {lost) nature of 'dwelling', through nostalgic

readings of the poets of the first, romantic uncanny.82

Wigley has perceived another connection between war and the home. At Co1ombia

University in 1992, he delivered a critique of Heidegger-'Heidegger's House: The

Violence of the Domestic' -in which he announced:

My particular interest here is with the uncanny sense in which public violence is

necessarily private. Or, more precisely, domestic. [ ... ] what role does private space

play in defining public violence? To ask this question is not to investigate some

form of domestic violence that precedes that of the public. It is not to point to

some fundamental violence within the walls of the house that makes the violence

that occurs outside them possible. Violence does not simply occur 'in' a space,

whether public or private; it is implicated in the very production and maintenance

of the distinction between spaces. Such distinctions are no more than a certain

effect of ongoing violence, [... ] which in turn makes other forms of violence within

81 Published in 1919just after the First World War. 82 Vidler, 1992, p. 7.

42 our culture possible. My concern here is therefore not with domestic violence but

with the violence of the domestic itself. [... ] The politics of the house [... ] are far

from domestic. 83

Wigley claimed that the "figure of the house"84 was a crucial element in the violence of the Nazis in Germany. Quoting liberally from Elaine Scarry's The Body in Pain

(1985), he noted that two domestic mechanisms, the oven and the shower, played vital roles in the Holocaust-during which victims were represented and treated like household pests. Murder was rationalised as house-cleaning. Like all forms of institutionalised violence, the domestic act of protection turned into a ritual of hurt or killing. Another interpretation of the unhomely-one particularly relevant to developing technologies-is that of succumbing to illusion. At the 1995 Biennale of Ideas in Sydney, Michael Ostwald traced the popular and bourgeois industry of theme from the 1897 (fin-de-siecle) opening of Steeplechase Park on New York's Coney

Island to the 1990s phenomenon of virtual worlds in cyberspace (Fig. 12). He described one cyber-park, The Sierra Network's lmagiNation, as "like Disneyland and other real­ world theme parks [... ] centred on the idea of personal i11usion [... ] where nothing is what it seems"85

Also at the Biennale, Scott McQuire presented concerns about the potential uncanniness of technological houses in which traditional walls were replaced by screens86. He was referring to reports on a house under construction in Seattle for

Microsoft's president, Bi11 , who explained in The Road Ahead:

My house is made of wood, glass, concrete and stone. [... ] My house is also made of

------83 Wigley, 1992, p. 92. 84 Wigley, 1992, p. 92. 85 Ostwald, 1996, pp. 84-87 86 McQuire, 1995.

43 Fig 12. Cyber cities are partially inspired by physical environments. silicon and software. [... ]

First thing, as you come in, you'll be presented with an electronic pin to clip to your

clothes. This pin will connect you to the electronic services of the house. [... ] will tell

the house who and where you are and the house will use this information to try to

meet and even anticipate your needs-all as unobtrusively as possible. Someday,

instead of needing the pin, it might be pos.sible to have a camera system with visual

recognition capabilities, but that's beyond current technology. When it's dark

outside, the pin will cause a moving zone of light to accompany you through the

house. Unoccupied rooms will be unlit. As you walk down a , you might not

notice the lights ahead of you gradually coming up to full brightnes.s and the lights

behind you fading. Music will move with you, too. It will seem to be everywhere,

although, in fact, other people in the house will be hearing entirely different music

or nothing at all. A movie or the news will be able to follow you around the house,

too. If you get a phone call, only the handset nearest you will ring. [... ] Handheld

remote controls will put you in charge of your immediate environment and of the

house's entertainment system. The remote will extend the capabilities of the pin. [... ]

You'll use the controls to tell the monitors in a room to become visible and what to

display. You'll be able to choose from among thousands of pictures, recordings,

movies and television programs[ ... ] If you're planning to visit Hong Kong, you might

ask the screen in your room to show pictures of the city. It will seem to you as if the

photographs are everywhere, although actually the images will materialise on the

walls of rooms just before you walk in and vanish after you leave. If you and I are

enjoying different things and one of us walks into a room where the other is sitting,

the house will follow pre-determined rules about what to do.87

Despite Gates' language of reassurance, McQuire appeared worried:

87 Gates, 1996, p. 218.

44 Gates' original plan called for interior walls consisting of a series of floor-to-ceiling

video screens. In some cases, like the trampoline room, the 360-degree panorama

would be supplemented by an additional screen on the ceiling. [... ]

The solidity of our walls has increasingly given way to the restless interior

luminosity of electronic screens. Looking through these strange windows, we

perceive the world divorced from our bodily constraints. We can see from where we

are not, from where we have never been. This kind of disembodied perception [... ]

has a strong sense of the uncanny about it.88

McQuire's notion about disembodied perception may be questionable-because humans, since the first cave-drawing created art-have been accustomed to "looking through strange windows": most recently those of photography and film. Although watching a video or television at home does revise perspectives, it does not necessarily conjure "a strong sense of the uncanny" in the sense of 'unhomeliness'. For example, it has been common in Chinese cities for neighbours to gather around a community­ owned television on the footpath outside their houses-sitting on folding chairs and stools. This habit demonstrates how a common experience of "looking through strange windows" can create a Vitruvian sense of congress at home, despite a physical location within the commotion of a public realm. Despite McQuire's anxiety, visiting Hong Kong from a room located elsewhere could heighten an occupant's senses of power-in-the-world, security and therefore comfort. For this to be possible, it would be necessary to know how to understand and control the scenes in the window-how to read the 'prospect' from the 'retreaf89 and how to close protective shutters. But this should not be a concern of post-postmodem

88 McQuire, 1995, p. 82. 89 'Prospect' and 'retreat' were concepts popular in the development oflarge eighteenth century landscapes. From a 'retreat' such as a folly, it was necessary to have a prospect of the surrounding landscape in order to feel protected within the enclosure.

45 humans, who almost certainly will learn how to drive future screen technologies in the same way that their industrial-era ancestors learned to navigate another kind of screen technology: the motor vehicle. To drive a car, it is necessary to both look through and move through another "strange window" -the scenes in the windscreen­ while being conscious of other moving pictures in rear-vision mirrors and side windows that could also threaten the driver's presence in space, and even ability to exist.

Navigating the dangers of destiny is particular to drivers of controllable moving objects. Despite a similar perspective through the screen, driving lends a greater sense of power than is experienced by a passenger-whether the vehicle is a car, a train, a bus, an aeroplane or a film90.

Ironically, the danger is heightened by the absence of a screen. Movies and television can only present synthetic experiences, and this will also be true, to a large extent, of virtual environments. While that limitation does not mean that screen experiences can only generate synthetic emotions, a real plunge in a parachute or trek through an Antarctic blizzard can never completely be replicated on screen because, in the guts and the brain, participants in such virtual experiences know that they can ultimately walk away to a cup of tea. While YR can pump the adrenalin of urgency and fright, it cannot really activate a dread of imminent death. The difference is in the membrane of the screen.

Boyer expresses this kind of scepticism in her chapter of Peter Droege's new book,

Intelligent Environments: There is something uncanny in [... ] any [... ] enthusiastic testimony that alludes to

what the new worlds of virtual reality will one day provide. [... ] This postmodern

technology, while still in its infan<.y, offers new modes of perception and opens new

90 ln this case, the projectionist feels more power to control the outcome than a mere member of the audience.

46 spaces for the imaginary. After one puts aside the always-ever-the-same self­

referential claims made by any avant-garde that unconventional modes of

representing reality and new state-of-the-art sensibilities are emerging, it might be

important to [... ] draw a few lessons about the promise of progres.s that technology

inevitably offers yet often destroys or dissimulates. There are, in other words, both

progres.sive and regres.sive factors in every new technological device and although

there may be marvellous new experiences provided and unbelievable new processes

to explore, they also are met with anxieties and repressions that most often hide

their origins and their will-to-control.91

While McQuire, Vid1er and other writers on the uncanny offer their readers interesting interpretations of exotic scenarios, they a1so sensationa1ise the prima1, unhome1y, thri11 of seducing extinction. Like Freud and Bertjamin, they are among a genre of prophets who appear to be enjoying, in the words of Baudri11ard, "hystericising the mi11ennium "92

time, IPICI and technl-ll'Chltecture

Cyberspace sets a new agenda for architecture: to create new, dynamic, expressions of time and space. But there are differences of opinion about how or whether architects can design virtua1 realms.

Texas-based architect Marcos Novak, a pioneer of virtual reality, recently urged architects to conceive new realms in cyberspace-yet also claimed that their brains are too constricted to succeed. 1n his view, architecture began to lose the plot in the eighteenth century, when Euclidean geometry-its very basis-was first cha11enged by

91 Boyer, M.C. 1997, nopagenumberyetavailable. 92 Baudrillard, 1996 (Internet document).

47 much bolder concepts of 'space-time' offered by mathematicians and physicists.

Today's world view gradually evolved from novel hyperbolic and elliptical geometries, through theories of relativity and quantum mechanics, to recent concepts of hyperspace and conjectural universes: creating "a condition that architecture, burdened by materiality, could no longer follow" 93. It must expand its concern with conventional space to understand the implications of time. In 'Transmitting

Architecture: The Transphysical City', an article in the lnternetjournal CTheory, Novak stated that: Time permeates every architectural gesture but in most cases, architecture's concern

with time is passive. Even where the idea of the time-image is employed in the

evocative arrangement of elements intended to speak through implication, the

elements and the arrangement are static, responding only to the slow accumulation

of patina and accident. The possibility of an animate, or at least animated,

architecture [... ] has yet to be explored. s4 ln this and other papers, Novak appeared scornful of architects for lagging behind scientists in curiosity, imagination and intelligence: "we build within the confines of the small lots of what our 1imited sensorium can comprehend directly"95 He also made it clear that the profession's traditional tools of representation-plans, sections, elevations, perspectives, axonometrics-are "completely impotent in arresting the trajectories of subatomic particles or the shape of the gravity waves of colliding black holes." What was his solution? Like a modern-day pied piper, he sought to entice architects to abandon an "obsolete" physical environment and begin to "actually construct spaces for human inhabitation in a completely new kind of public realm." In

93 Novak, 1996 (lnternet document). 94 Novak, 1996, is contradicted by recent readings of the Villa Savoye and other modernist houses as narrative structures which are active in time. See Kurtich Et Eakin, 1993, p. 144. 95 Novak, 1996 (Internet document).

48 his view, "when bricks become pixels, the tectonics of architecture become informationaJ"96.

Novak's scenario has flaws. 1t was long on passion and imagination while seeming to lack the cool objectivity he seemed to admire in scientists. ln advising a career­ switch for architects, he seemed to suggest that they could find salvation in multimedia design and animation-the realm of the visual artist. More disturbingly, he inferred that cyberspace wil1 render real buildings unnecessary by providing a superior reality. "Cyberspace," he told interviewer Knut Mork in 1995, "is extremely physical.

Being inside information means our entire bodies, not just our fingertips, are immersed. lt is hard to communicate this to people who have not yet experienced even today's primitive efforts"97•

Commentators such as Michael Heim and Howard Rheingold have confirmed that virtual reality creates a convincing sense of being part of the on-screen action-yet it is not yet proven that simulated experiences can obliterate reality. The current dash of perceptions between architects of physical spaces and designers of virtual realms probably will only be resolved when the full potential of VR technologies can be demonstrated-at least two decades from now.

In a recent paper on the lnternet, 'The Architecture of Digital Space,' Eden Muir and Rory O'Neill offered good and bad news for architects. On one hand, they believe, contemporary architects have a naive understanding of virtual space: they "tend to look at visual computing as mere representation and overlook its possibilities as an end-user space. ln the world of virtual design, the representation of the space is in fact the final embodiment of the space" and [... ] "more and more of what goes on in schools, businesses, and places of recreation will occur in front of a computer

96 Novak, 1996 {lnternet document). 97 Novak and Mork, 1995 (Internet document).

49 screen"98 This significant difference of perception is already creating tensions within architecture faculties between "the digital haves and have-nots" -the artist/philosopher architects and the architectural scientists. ln the commercial arena, further tensions are likely as architects increasingly have to compete globally for design work. However, Muir and O'Neill offer these words of consolation: As our culture expands its notion of what constitutes space for human experience, the architect can find some comfort in the realisation that one constant will be the

demand for the ability to design three-dimensional space.99 French architect/philosopher Paul Virilio has predicted the future as "a duplication of sensible reality into reality and virtuality [... ] a stereo-reality of sorts" 100 He suggested that this may cause "a total loss of the bearings of the individua1" 101. Sounding a

"cyberspace alarm" in CTheo,y, he wrote: Until now, history has taken place within local times, local frames, regions and nations. But now, in a certain way, globalisation and virtualisation are inaugurating a global time that prefigures a new form of tyranny. (... ] The local has, by definition, become global and the global local. Such a deconstruction of the relationship with the world is not without consequences for the relationship among the citizens themselves.102 ln Virilio's logic, incredible speeds of information will have a human cost: loss of orientation, which can be exploited by political and commercial interests in ways that may destroy democracy. ln this respect, he echoed the claim of Marx last century that capitalism would ultimately guarantee its own death through the consequences of its

98 Muir and O'Neill, 1996 (Internet document). 99 Muir and O'Neill, 1996 (Internet document). 100 Virilio 1996 (Internet document). 1O 1 Virilio, 1996 (Internet document). 1° 2 Virlio, 1996 (Internet document).

50 accelerated production 1OJ. A more optimistic view of architecture's future is that the creative potential of computation can improve physical realms on earth as we11 as in cyberspace. While extraordinary, non-Euclidean, fantasies can be drafted realistically on screen, these must remain i11usions until constructed off screen. The power and versatility of computers will make it viable to build structures significantly more elaborate than has been generally achieved with the 'rational' aesthetics of industrial capitalism. After considering these issues, Melbourne architect Peter Zellner delivered the following observation to the lnternational Union of Architects' 1996 Congress in Barcelona: If one of architecture's classical functions has been to make appear or to make the world as a social construct legible, these advances promise to move the very ground upon which architectural culture is staked. How can we go about making an architecture about the loss of technological presence when architecture has usually required technology to assert its presence?!! Without presence we are left to work in the realm of spirits and ghosts. We operate, as in the Middle Ages, through uncertainty, awe and fear. {... ] As we enter an era of massive trans-global flows of knowledge, power, resources and populations, the opportunity to make an architecture that might reflect, track

or react to these factors must not be squandered. 104 As a response to technology, Ze11ner has designed designs for four "active" houses of

the future 105 ; an conceived to answer two questions: "Can architecture incorporate digital technology into itself, into its programs and spatial structures, instead of just hanging it off its walls? And can architecture change in a viable and affirmative

103 Marx, 1844. 104 Zellner, 1996, unpublished paper. 105 Jones-Evans, 1994.

51 way?106" His schemes propose environments for specific individua1s-including an ath1ete (Fig. 13) and a visua1 artist (Fig. 14)-to 1ive and work. These are custom­ designed, digita11y mediated, rea1ms which "operate 1ike a prosthetic107 armature­ extending the space of our physica1 and social se1ves across the physica1 and virtua1 universes." Zenner noted that his active houses, if bui1t, wou1d not foster a demarcation between pub1ic and private or rea1 and virtua1; instead they cou1d serve

"as a means of connection-a tie." Here he correct1y perceived that architecture's rea1 importance' to any cu1ture 1ies in its capacity to create environments which revea1 connections between the opposing positions of society's various dia1ectics 108.

Ze11ner's understandings of the prosthetic possibi1ities of digita1 architecture can be compared with the theories of a Japanese architect, Hiroshi Hara, who discussed in

GA Houses the idea of 'chrono1ogica1 architecture'-house designs which take account of the two systems of time influencing inhabitants. 1n his view, "human beings today

1ive by two docks" 109-a 'socia1 dock' shared by humanity, in which time moveseven1y and eternal1y; and an 'individua1 dock' which indicates the passage of time for an individual from birth to death. Whi1e the socia1 clock is equipped with count1ess a1arms set by socia1 conventions-for examp1e, when to wake up, when to 1eave the house for a meeting-the individua1 clock has on1y one hand rotating re1entless1y towards the condusion of a 1ifetime. Hara suggested that whi1e traditiona1 Japanese houses recognised both docks in their design, many contemporary houses do not. 1n his view: The house is a chronometric presence. However, the theory of modern architecture

106 Zellner, 1996, unpublished paper. 107 A prosthesis is a medical device used to replace or extend a missing part of the human body-a metaphor for virtual reality. l08 In 'Bridge and Door', (1985) Georg Simmel wrote of the paradox that society's reliance on parallel opposites automatically created a space between which served to bridge the differences. 109 Hara, 1996, p. 45.

52 Fig 13. Peter Zellner 's Track House for a future athlete . Fig 14. Peter Zellner 's Screen House for future artists. on the whole is not based on an awareness of time-space, whatever Giedion may

assert The two clocks are not taken into consideration [... ] we customarily take into

consideration only the social clock with its uniform flow of time. 110

Hara's proposed solution is to design houses which embody the concepts of "local dispersal" 111 -where occupants operate apart according to their individual docks-and

"local cohesion" 112 -in which they "huddle together" 113 to recognise the individual docks of cohabitants such as children, sick people and the elderly. ln effect, Hara appears to be debunking modernism's op~n plan to suggest that architects now provide more intimate common rooms for 'huddling' as well as private places (more than merely bedroom cells) to support individual pursuits. The same tendency is also becoming evident in Western architecture-not as a theoretical critique of modernism (at this stage) but as a practical response to recent loosening of family structures.

rec111trucd11 1111 1111 1n architecture's mythology on humanity's earliest shelter, there have been many assertions about how the first hut looked. Four issues have been fluidly debated: the shape and structure of the enclosure, the materials of construction, the roJe (or not) of decoration and the style of the roof. Some scholars have offered one model for 'the' primitive hut, others have suggested two and a few have recognised three. Yet there has been a general reluctance by writers to accept that many different primitive might have originated around the world at a similar stage of pre-history. Picture books of vernacular shelters show many types and variations that seem to have

110 Hara, 1996, p. 46. 111 Hara, 1996, p. 48. 112 Hara, 1996, p. 48. 113 Hara, 1996, p. 48.

53 originated long ago, in areas apparently remote from other culture~

Of the various ideals for a singular primitive hut, the most influential is l.augier's fanciful eighteenth century drawing (Fig. 15} of a rectangular dwelling with a double­ pitched roof; structural1y framed by tree trunks and seeming to be rain-proofed by foliage. This image-an elaboration of one of Vitruvius's interpretations-has always excited architects. A5 a current example. it partly inspired the form of Michael Ostwald and John Moore's recently proposed technological hut; intended to fly in twenty-first century "cyburbia" 114 (Fig. 16}. ln On Adam's House in Paradise. Joseph Rykwert explored the subtleties of many historical texts on ideal huts, but seemed (like many writers he reported) to privilege branch-and-foliage structures with high-pitched roofs over other kinds of shelters. such as caves, tents and mud brick or stone dwe11ings. On the matter of form, he claimed that both rectangular and circular house shapes were familiar in ltaly during the first millennium BC and in ancient China. Reporting archaeologists' observations of house-shaped burial urns (Fig. 17} from Europe, he noted that "the people who buried their dead in the round huts inhabited, when living. oblong, almost rectangular ones" 115• But then he wrote. without apparent evidence "it is tempting to assume that the circular huts represented an ear1ier form of dwelling" 116• Why? This statement illustrates Rykwert's tendency to assume. throughout the book. that there should be only one original hut. ln his view. it appears, the task of scholars is to argue which form. of various possibilities. came first. In the book's final paragraph. he concluded: It will continue to offer a pattern to anyone concerned with building, a primitive

hut situated permanently perhaps beyond the reach of the historian or

114 Ostwald and Moore, 1997, pp. 74-78. 115 Rykwert, 1981, p. 175. 116 Rykwert, 1981, p. 175.

54 Fig 15. Laugier's primitive hut, 1755. Fig 16. Michael Ostwald and John Moore's cyburbian version of the primitive hut. Fig 17. Chalcolithic burial urns. archaeologist. in some place I must call Paradise. 117 Yet Vitruvius contradicted quests for a single ideal of the hut. He specified two original forms-both with flat roofs-and claimed that these were refined later by the addition of a double-pitched roof: At first they set up forked stakes connected by twigs and covered these walls with mud. Others made walls of lumps of dried mud, covering them with reeds and leaves to keep out the rain and the heat. Finding that such roofs could not stand the rain during the storms of winter, they built them with peaks daubed with mud, the roofs

sloping and projecting so as to carry off the rainwater. 11 8 Another perspective was offered by French architectural historian Antoine-Chrysostome

Quatremere de Quincy (1755-1849), who suggested 119, more accurately than earlier writers, that prehistoric people made three kinds of houses to accommodate three ways of life: rock dwellings for nomadic hunters; tents for shepherds and wood cabins for farmers. Quatremere's three models usefully expanded the mythology of the hut. But he was unfamiliar with cabins made of mud (Fig. 18), day bricks, dry-stone construction (Fig. 19), blocks of ice (Fig. 20) or even the bones of neolithic mammoths (Fig. 21 ). Yet as far back as Vitruvius-living during the reign of Alexander, when the Roman Empire had expanded overland across Europe and into Arabia and Africa-Europeans were aware that early humans created various shelters in response to their geographies and climates. ln Quatremere's time, several generations of maritime explorers had furnished Europe with descriptions of how people lived in far-away lands-but he apparently chose not to adopt this evidence. Why not? Such instances of selective recognition occur frequently in architecture's literature

117 Rykwert, 1981, p. 221/. 118 Vitruvius, 1960, p. 39. 11 9 According to Rykwert, 1981, p. 37.

55 Fig 18. Syrian beehive houses: probable origin 6000BC . Fig 19. Remains of Scottish drystone houses; probable origin 1500-2000BC . Fig 20. Artie igloo. Fig 21 . Reconstructed hut of mammoth bones at Mezhirich, Ukraine. -and are evident in many texts promoting double-pitched roofs. For example, contemporary architects Donlyn Lyndon and Charles Moore explained in Chambers of a Memory Palace that "the gable roof with its peak along the spine is so generic that it is found in all cultures that build with wood. lts shape is inherent to the process of building with pieces of wood sloping toward each other for mutual support to span a roof'120. Although their contention is well supported by evidence, the authors ignored significant exceptions-for example, the flat-roofed, timber-framed dwellings of ; the kickapoo native huts of Mexico, made of cyprus or sycamore saplings bent into oval and dad with mats; or the many examples of round­ roofed thatch structures found throughout Africa. lt is true that gable roofs have been the dominant style for houses and monuments in European cities since the ancient civilisations of Rome and Greece. Yet flat roofs were common in ancient Egypt and remain so for houses in many Mediterranean and Arab countries. Also Europe has always known of other exotic roof forms-such as pyramids, domes and onion domes. Despite the variety of alternatives, Lyndon and Moore dearly see the double­ pitched roof as the principal archetype representing shelter. For them, it is a "shape that reminds". 1t is one of: [... ] some generic shapes that are so deeply embedded in our culture that they almost inevitably start a train of associations, reminding us of other places, other cultures, or, more simply, the presence of other people. To carry such associative force, these shapes must in turn be either ubiquitous-found again and again so that they become thoroughly familiar-so so intensely, engagingly particular that

they are emblazoned in our minds. The gable roof typifies the former [... ]1 21

~~------120 Lyndon and Moore, 1994, p. 235. 121 Lyndon and Moore, 1994, p. 235.

56 An imaginative explanation for the primacy of the double-pitch roof in architectural theory was introduced by Antonio Averlino Filarete, a fifteenth century 'Renaissance man', who wrote: [... ] it must be believed that when Adam was driven out of Paradise, it was raining.

Since he had no readier shelter, he put his hands up to his head to defend himself

from the water. 122

This simple gesture-arms raised, elbows out and hands linked over the head (Fig. 22)­ is implicit in the triangle that is recognised universally as the symbol for shelter.

Despite the known existence of many other roof forms-and modernism's attempts over the past eighty years to promote flat, mono-pitched and curved roofs-the triangle alone remains a universal image of 'home'.

lf architects of the twentieth century have become less relevant to decision-making on urban development than they were in previous centuries (a constant lament that could be contested 123), one reason may be that its attempts to discredit the pitched roof are suspected by contemporary societies. lt has been widely suggested in the media that modernism's flat-roofed housing-particularly the brutalist apartment towers of the 1920s to 1970s-have been socially disastrous: not only because the roofs were rarely landscaped as the recreation terraces envisaged by Le Corbusier, but because they were also centrally placed on swathes of grass not designed for recreation. Yet an earlier model for high-density, high-rise housing-Ber1in's brick perimeter blocks with gable roofs and central -is successful and imitated in

122 Filarete, circa 1464., quoted in Rykwert, 1981, p. 118. 123 Such claims are often made-particularly by architects-but have not been proved. It could be instead suggested that before the rise of the merchant classes in the seventeenth century, architects were extremely limited in their potential range of clients. Their destiny was to serve the needs and aspirations of the highest levels of the aristocracy. The slowness of communications restricted the development of an architectural agenda separate (as today) from the needs of Europe's royal families. A good example of the problems facing pre-twentieth century architects is Leonardo da Vinci, who developed many brilliant concepts for war machines during a long period of peace in Europe. Instead of being funded to build these machines, his income came from designing parties and spectacles for Italy's upper classes.

57 Fig 22. Filarete's first shelter. other cities. Gable roots are also believed to guarantee financial success tor developers of suburban housing estates (Fig. 23), no matter where around the world they are built. Architects despair of this proliteration of gables-considering it evidence of society's preterence to wallow in nostalgia instead of boldly progressing torward. Yet it is often claimed that modern architects don't understand the emotional impact of gable roots: their ability to satisfy some kind of primal human need. Supporting this idea is the consistent appearance of gables in young children's drawings of the ideal home. 1-<'or them, a home is simply a triangle on a rectangle, with smoke curling into the sky.

Surprisingly, this simple image is also pervasive on the Internet-a medium which touts the necessity tor humanity to abandon familiar concepts from the past and become immersed in an unknown future. Ironically, the success of technologies that support nomadic litestyles might depend on marketing that promises home-like experiences and memories for people without a fixed abode.

arcilltectuN ani the lledy

If architecture's original theory is the notion of shelter tor human beings, its second oldest concept is that buildings symbolise the human body and are dressed and decorated to 'talk' about the people which constructed them. Although basic tlaws of logic are contained in this philosophy, buildings otten reveal much about the social and economic circumstances of the times when they were conceived. 1-<'rom the caryatids of ancient Greece-load-bearing statues shouldering the shame of vanquished enemies-to the grandiose granite entry foyers of 1980s office buildings, architecture has always retlected the priorities of specific individuals and their cultures.

Architecture's key tool tor expression has been the manipulation of a person-related (.t)l(I-!': il l'l'.i

··r,,.~ "-'lL r $4Cl0, L1 :1-.

1n ~ r. 1n

Fig 23. Recent advertisement for suburban housing in Sydney. scale to modulate aspects of structure in ways that will generate the desired perceptions in human observers. ln Vitruvius and Renaissance Classical writers, the principal elements-especially the -ofpubJic buildings must be proportioned to correctly symbolise the ideal figure (usually male but sometimes female). The fact that various theories of proportion were always in circulation, and that many architects departed from those theories 124, did not seem to bring into question the basic rationale of expressing flesh in stone.

In Gothic architecture of the Middle Ages-reviled by Classicists until the neo­

Gothic revival in the nineteenth century-columns were transformed from symbols of men into symbols of tan, elegant trees connecting the ground with the Jight of heaven.

They still represented living beings but to serve the purpose of an increasingly powerful medieval Catholic church, they were designed to celebrate a higher force ruling over humanity. Like tree trunks, cathedral columns soared from the feet of worshipful people on earth to reach up towards God (Fig. 24).

In the twentieth century, Le Corbusier introduced a new system of body-conscious architectural scale, based on the Modular-a human-derived proportioning system which reinterpreted the Classical tradition to foster results that attempted to contradict Classical buiJt works. The most obvious differences of modernism were its emphasis on horizontality instead of verticality and on flat instead of pitched roofs.

Although not a fo11ower of the Modulor, Frank Lloyd Wright's houses best exemplify the modern understanding of human scale. In ·1ne Natural House', Wright wrote: The size of the human figure should fix every proportion of the dwelling or of

anything in it Human scale was true building scale. [... ] Taking a human being for

my scale, I brought the whole house down in height to fit a normal one-ergo,

5'81/2" tall, say. This is my own height.[... ] It has been said that were I three inches

124 Rykwert, 1996.

59 Fig 24. Cathedral of Notre Dame at Amiens, 1220-1236. taller, [... ] all my houses would have been quite different in proportion. Probably. 125 (Fig. 25) Over the past thirty years in philosophica1 literature and fifteen years in bui1t architecture, many of the idea1s of modernism have seemed to be in dedine-and the theory of the body has been deve1oping an a1arming trajectory. 1t is now frequently said that the body is dying and, with it, architecture's very reason to exist. Architects have a1ways been taught to be1ieve that the foundations of the discipline rest on its re1ation to the human figure. However, in a recent conference paper ca11ed 'Body Troubles', Robert McAnu1ty exp1ored serious new di1emmas: Once 'man' has gone, and presumably taken his body along with him, what are we architects left with? Who do we serve? Where do we look for our formal models? Must we abandon ourselves to the 'procession of simulcra', revelling in an apocalyptic fin-de-millennium free fall? Must we resuscitate our fallen man phenomenologically or psychoanalytically so as to reground our destabilised foundations? Or can we begin to imagine other ways of traversing the horns of this dilemma, routes which map the site of the body and multiply the possibilities for

architectural action? 126

Those questions wi11 keep phi1osophers busy for at least the next half-century. Until the actua1 socia1 impacts of the new communications techno1ogies are revea1ed, the prob1ems of architecture's re1ationship with the body wil1 be argued between an avant-garde striving to define the new techno1ogica1 society and humanists seeking to restore connections with nature and history. Today's avant-garde rejects humanist concepts of the body-the idea1 of the Vitruvian man as the generator of bui1ding design. Some contemporary theorists,

125 Wright, 1954, p. 89. 126 McAnulty in Whiteman, et al. 1991, p. 181.

60 Fig 25. Living room of the Jacobs house, designed by Frank Lloyd Wright, 1948. notably Anthony Vidler, suggest that philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre first articulated the ideas circulating now. In Being and Nothingness Sartre wrote: I live my body in danger as regards menacing machines for manageable

instruments. My body is everywhere: the bomb which destroys my house also

damages my body insofar as my house was already an indication of my body. 127

This understanding of the body's relationship to (industrial) technology has attracted many contemporary philosophers, although its assumptions now have to be explained in relation to computer technologies. Sartre's view certainly provides one interpretation of the explosively shattered architectural visions of the 1980s/ear1y 1990s deconstructivist movement led by Zaha Hadid, Daniel Libeskind, Peter Eisenman and

Bernard Tschumi. Jn general, deconstructivist architects attempted to physically represent the post-Structuralist philosophy that society cannot move on afresh unless it first demolishes its current systems of thinking, revealed in an its languages, as a way of exposing attitudes (fragments of culture) which are irrelevant or capable of damaging society. Foucault and Derrida are key philosophers who have contributed to this view.

Deconstructivism's basic paradox-that this philosophy cannot answer the question

'what comes after deconstruction?' is now being addressed. lt is generally assumed that the traditional pillars of contemporary Western culture-its systems of law, , government, gender relations and the family-have been thoroughly taken apart by theorists-now what happens? ln architectural theory, there can be no answers until the creators of new technologies present a complete range of possibilities. However, there is recognition that the body (and architecture) is suffering and its wounds need to be healed. Predictably, there are various versions of this idea.

127 Sartre, 1959, quoted by Vidler, 1992, p. 69 and fully quoted by McAnulty in Whiteman et al., 1991, p. 187.

61 An alarmist view is given by Peter Lamborn Wilson at the Doors of Perception2 conference, which sought to explore new understandings of home:

The true American home is built for Society of Divorce in which the isolation and

oedipal misery of the family produces 'inner separation', so to speak, or alienation.

Our domestic architecture already contains all these disappearances, or rather it is

'inscribed with the signs' of break-ups, or melt-downs, terminal emptinesses. Home

in this sense can only be seen as a focus for the disappearance of the body. 128

Lamborn Wilson's view is supported by many cyber-theorists, who appear to have a sentimental attraction to the idea that virtual reality offers an opportunity for humans to simply disappear from the real world and its traumas. At the same conference,

Jeffrey Shaw gave a paper called'@ Home with Jeffrey Shaw,' in which he stated:

One paradox of life in cyberspace is the loss of the real body conjoined with the

gain of virtual bodies. While journeying the expanses of the televirtual

Newfoundland, our sedentary bodies are indolently logged into the enabling

machineries. The real body needs to be artificially maintained (Fig. 26)-a spurious

effort is needed to maintain the integrity of our bodies in an environment which no

longer makes a natural demand on its exertion. 129

However, those philosophers who believe that humans must continue to interact with the real world are looking for concepts to patch up the scars of human conflict with their physical environments. A more positive perspective is offered by Elaine Scarry in

The Body in Pain ( 1985) and Anthony Vidler in a 1988 lecture responsively titled The

Building in Pain: The Body and Architecture in Post-Urban Culture. ln this paper,

Vidler asked:

How does the perception that the building is a body manage to survive the various

------~-----·----- ~~- 128 Lamborn Wilson, 1994 (lntemet document). 129 Shaw, 1994 (lntemet document).

62 Fig 26. Exercising the body at the interiace of reality and virtuality. attacks on the Classical model of the body? Has the notion that a building is a body disappeared? Has the body really disappeared? If not, how does it appear and what

kind of presence might it have? 1JO Vidler's response was that white the body (and 'self) have changed since Freud, they stilt exist to animate our experience of architecture. Like $carry, he suggested that because att artefacts bear the marks of bodies which made or projected them, the pre­ eminence of the body cannot be in doubt. However, the kind of body that Vidler and other theorists appreciate is animistic rather than anthropomorphic. ln other words, the soul is now acknowleged as part of the body-a crucial revision of the Classical and Modernist positions. Another route to the animistic perspective has been offered by Alberto Perez-Gomez in a review of the work of American architect John Hedjuk titled 'The Renovation of the Body.' Here, Perez-Gomez celebrated a pre-Classical (Homeric) understanding of the body, which did not yet understand a distinction (later created by Classical metaphysics and modern science) between the body and the way that it engaged with the world. He wrote: In spite of our rationalist prejudices, body and world remain mysteriously related. The world is endowed with meaning in the immediacy of perception, and it is given

a physiognomy which derives from the projection of our body image onto it. 13 1 ln this and other texts, Perez-Gomez attempted to quash a purely scientific, 'rational' view of the world, and preached the importance of human connections to nature. He sought recognition of the value of instinctive emotions as well as empirical reasoning. This view is shared by many contemporary humanists who hope to mend connections to nature that were severed by the industrial revolution. They also believe that it is

l 30 Vidler, 1988, l3l Quoted by McAnulty in Whiteman et al., 1991, p. 185.

63 necessary to mend the industrial era's damage to the planet-which sustains all living beings. ln this increasingly global age, another agenda for humanists is to encourage links between Western and Oriental cultures, and highlight the customs and concepts of specific localities to modify an international world-view which is often supposed to be becoming increasingly homogeneous 132• At the Doors2 conference, John Perry Barlow showed slides of his globally wired home on a ranch in Montana, and stated this agenda:

'Prana' is the Hindu word for both breath and spirit. I think the central question of

this conference and perhaps for the twenty-first century, is whether or not prana

can fit through a wire. 133

Here, Barlow raised a utopian notion which has yet to be realised by architects. An early gesture towards this goal has come from William J. Mitchell, who, in City of

Bits, proposed "recombinant architecture" -a built environment of "programmable places" which would satisfy human needs by a combination of ambience and access to networks of information. These environments should reinterpret the ancient Vitruvian ideal of architecture as a synthesis of commodity, firmness and delight. For Mitchell, commodity would be "as much a matter of software functions and interface design as it is of floor plans and construction materials." Firmness would combine the

"integrity" of both physical structures and computer structures. And delight? Mitchell concluded that "delight will have unimagined new dimensions."

132 The international phenomenon of 'urban tribes' suggests that humans will always seek to express points of difference from mainstream cultural perceptions-yet will want to make these statements in the company of others of similar persuasion. l 33 Barlow, 1994 (Internet document}.

64 a place far tbe aeal Delight-a sentiment for 'softies'-has been thoroughly stifled in the writings of avant­ garde architectural movements during the twentieth century. On the rare occasions when modernist theorists have even acknowledged this feeling, they have tended to reinterpret its generally understood meaning-great pleasure-in subtle ways that seem to promote sophisticated propositions which, if realised, would probably trigger quite different emotions in 'uneducated' people. A recent example (of many anti-happy texts since the early 1900s) is Bernard Tschumi's explanations of the pleasures of architecture in his deconstructivist philosophy book, Architecture and Disjunction: I would suggest that the ultimate pleasure of architecture lies in the most forbidden parts of the architectural act; where limits are perverted and prohibitions are transgressed. The starting point of architecture is distortion-the dislocation of the universe that surrounds the architect. [... ] The architecture of pleasure lies where concept and experience of space abruptly collide, where architectural fragments collide and merge in delight, where the

culture of architecture is endlessly deconstructed and all rules are trangressed. 134 Tschumi's attitude-at once progressive and self-defeating-has been subscribed to by many avant-garde architects of the 1990s, but has origins in the futurist manifestoes of early this century. For modernism's male pioneers, delight was (if anything) the peak of an adrenalin rush generated by high-speed mechanical activities such as flying an aeroplane, driving a car, taking a train, or crossing the Atlantic by steamship 135_ For the conceptualists of industrial age buildings, delight was not to be associated with 'womens' activities around the home. Yet the word 'delicious'-the principal adjective of 'delight'-is about taste. The taste of good food cooked in that homely

134 Tschumi, 1994, pp. 91-2. 135 See Korn, 1923; le Corbusier, 1923; van der Rohe, 1924; all quoted in Conrads, 1970.

65 realm, the ; and the taste of erotic acts usually performed in bedrooms.

Modernism also sought to deny delight in children. The movement's pioneers were born in a century (the nineteenth) when most parents believed that children should be seen and not heard. Toddlers' shrieks of joy while creating chaos with colourful, ornamental toys was, for modernists, a pain to be endured or avoided, not a pleasure to be entertained as an influence on housing design. Even in the public realm-judging by recent critics' responses to 'popular' architecture like the Mickey Mouse-eared office blocks at Disney's American headquarters-it seems that design strategies towards happiness are to be suspected.

Cynicism seems to have increased in architectural theory since the collapse of the

Beaux Arts tradition in France in 1969. During the heyday of the Beaux Arts in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the idea of pleasure in architecture was not only well understood, but ardently pursued. In The Genius of Architecture, a 1780 manual on how to design a for a noble family, Nicolas Le Camus de Mezieres wrote an entire chapter on "the art of pleasing in architecture" and numerous sub­ sections covering the correct design of all rooms used by all members of the household; including the children and servants, not forgetting even the under-groom for the horses. This book, which was partly translated by Sir John Soane before he died in London, emphasises the notion of harmony, created by "following Nature", as the "sole true means" of producing pleasurable architecture. Unlike Tschumi, Le

Camus announced that: There is nothing more distasteful than contrasts; they are as unpleasing to the eye as a faulty proportion; they are a defect in the harmony.136

To Beaux Arts designers, the visual harmony of one's surroundings could lead to many kinds and intensities of psychological pleasure. Indeed, harmonious proportions,

136 Le Camus, 1780, p. 90.

66 colours, materials and ornaments could be literally seductive-as suggested in a recently translated French novella The Uttle House, originally written in 1879 (a century after Le Camus) by Jean-Francois de Bastide, with eighteenth century architectural drawings by Jacques-Francois Blonde]. Jn this frivolous tale of

"architectural seduction", a flirtatious virgin calJed Melite is dared by the Marquis de

Tremkour, a charming libertine, to visit his ma;son de pfa;sance near Paris. His house is designed to be so exquisite in its appointments, so "artfuJJy contrived for Jove" that "the guest's sexual appetite is progressively aroused by the scenography of tasteful decor."137

This eighteenth century understanding of the house as a site for intensely pleasurable psychological experiences has been lost in modern times [... ] to some extent subsumed by the horrors of two post-industrial World Wars and Communist revolutions in the planet's two most populous countries. Thanks to telegraphic communications, there is now a general consciousness of the human cost of wars in removing many millions of people from their homes and families; often, indeed, their own Jives.

Instead of seeing the home as a place to feel delight in the moment, contemporary philosophers such as Gaston Bachelard (1957) and classicaJJy oriented postmodernists such as Lyndon and Moore (1994), perceived the home as a place to indulge in memories: personal and primal. Claimed Bachelard: Of course, thanks to the house, a great many of our memories are housed, and if the

house is a bit elaborate, if it has a cellar and a . nooks and corridors, our

memories have refuges that are all the more clearly delineated. All our lives, we

come back to them in daydreams.138

137 Rodolphe El-Khoury, introduction to De Bastide, 1879., p. 33. 138 Bachelard, 1958, p. 8.

67 Bachelard proposed a new branch of psychoanalysis-which he called 'topoanalysis' -to study "the sites of our intimate lives." 139 At the base of this realm of study would be an understanding that "the unconscious is housed [... ] it is well and happily housed in the space of its happiness" 140. This idea has also been explored by Clare Cooper

Marcus in her recent book, House As a Mirror of Self: Exploring the Deeper Meaning of Home; based on interviews with several dozen men and women about their relationships with past and present abodes. Discussing disputes between one couple-the wife a fan of olde-worlde architectural 'nooks' such as bay windows and the husband a modernist architect fond of designing soaring spaces-Marcus suggested that this difference between desires for openness or enclosure might be a difference of gender: In studies of where children play, boys are observed much more frequently in wide open spaces, girls on the edges of spaces or in semi-enclosures. In a master's thesis on , Berkeley student Louise Mozingo discovered that men in urban plazas tend to sit in exposed up-front locations, whereas women more frequently sit at the back or in more secluded places. Another Berkeley student study by Tony Chiao found that of two frequently used teen hangouts in that city, one that was on an exposed street corner was most frequently used by males; the other, in a secluded , was used mostly by females. If indeed there are gender-specific spatial proclivities-as my interviews and some research studies suggest-it is a small wonder that there are sometimes conflicts between couples over the creation of homes and the selection of a setting for that

home. 141 While there is increasing scientific evidence to explain general differences of mentality

l 39 Bachelard, 1958, p. 12. l 40 Bachelard, 1958, p. 12. 141 Marcus, 1994, p. 143.

68 between men and women, Marcus also noted that the psyches of all individuals incorporate different, variable balances of opposite urges that are often classified as male and female. Jn her view, a house design that supports one psychological 'gender' more strongly than the other will be pleasant only to those occupants of the house who have another outlet for the opposite parts of their psyche that also need support. For each of us, our growth toward emotional maturity requires that we come to terms with the two aspects of our psyche that often seem to be struggling for supremacy: the soft, nurturing, sensual side, traditionally perceived as feminine; and the more assertive, intellectual, out-in-the-world side, traditionally labelled as masculine. Each of us incorporates both these elements and if one is

overemphasised, the other will struggle for recognition. 142 When Marcus asked her interviewees to roughly sketch their ideal home, many of them (of both sexes) drew a house with two parts, often linked by a central courtyard. One couple achieved this by keeping two adjacent apartments-one for work and the other for sensual experiences and entertainment. By the simple act of shutting the door on one realm, the experience of the other was maximised. Marcus' book is a valuable guide to the psychological aspects of home-the ability of houses (inanimate structures) to sustain an emotional relationship with the people who inhabit them. Her work offers architects dues to designing future houses to support the soul, but it cannot offer prescriptions-because the home, always destined to express the concerns of the people within it, cannot be a static entity. As Stewart

Brand has stated, in How Buildings Learn: Every house is a 'biography' house[ ... ] to some degree. Families can't help changing

and their homes can't help changing with themt 43 (Fig. 27).

142 Marcus, 1994, p. 256. 143 Brand, S. 1994. back cover.

69 coac•11111

A discussion about houses of the future must be inconclusive because prophecies for tomorrow cannot today be realised and proven. No particular designs of habitats can be prescribed for all circumstances because, while many house types and styles are adopted internationa11y, the variables of climate, site, , culture, time, human relationships and individuality defy attempts to standardise their design. Also, architectural theory (in which this paper is situated) is marginal to the main action in building human shelters. Most (ninety percent?) of the world's houses are not designed by architects-even if architectural trends sometimes affect their styling.

However, acceptance of those obvious points does not prevent architectural writers from developing concepts and prophecies in response to anticipated circumstances.

These are some possibilities:

First, the idea of the window/screen-both membranes of glass which allow people to see scenes beyond their immediate environment but not physically enter them unless the glazing is removed-may become more prevalent in house aesthetics. There are already many precedents (including Philip Johnson's 1949 Glass House at New

Canaan, Connecticut, and Mies van der Rohe's 1950 Farnsworth house at Plano, lHinois) of transparent walls usurping the roof, the solid wan, the column and beam and the platform as the principal means of structural expression in a building. Today, however, there is much potential to use innovative kinds of glass for various functional and aesthetic purposes. Current technologies include 'intelligent g1ass' 144 which can, through links to and heat sensors, transmitvariable amounts of sunlight into a

144 An Australian centre for solar-glazing technology is the Solarch facility at the University of New South Wales.

70 building, to automatically maintain interior warmth at a set with less need for electrical heating and air-conditioning. Opaque, coloured slabs of 'crystallised' glass 145 are being substituted for granite and marble as exterior wall claddings. And glass and mirror are beginning to be used more frequently as weatherproof and durable roofing materials which can exploit the energy of the sun to provide buildings with inexpensive heat, light and power.

Yet glass seems unlikely to be valued by architects only as a transparent substance, because it has been established-through controversies over Mies van der Rohe's

Farnsworth house 146 and other glazed box residences-that many humans do not like the sense of being enclosed in a place exposed to the gaze of outsiders. After several decades of architectural experimentation with the potential of glass to serve as a transparent wall, it is apparent that panoramic windows have disadvantages. In certain cases, an exterior scene may be thought to compete with rather than complement interior aesthetics: also, large windows and glazed sliding doors reduce the wall space available to hang artworks and the flexibiJity of furniture arrangements. ln recent years, some architects have spoken against the 'window-wa11' and in favour of smaller openings designed to strongly frame carefully chosen vistas 147 •

This example of transparency and opacity both being valued in _building design can be extended to several other combinations of opposites which architects may need to re-assess as new technologies and ways of living become established. For example,

Clare Cooper Marcus' research into how people interpret their homes 148 seems to

145 One notable brand of crystalline glass slabs is Neoparies, from Japan. 146 The Farnworth house was built in 1950 at Piano, lllinois. lts architecture was unacceptable to the first occupant, who moved out quickly and took a law suit against van der Rohe. lts discomforting qualities are discussed in Sennett, 1990, pp. 112-3. 147 These views were expressed by Australian architects Glenn Murcutt and Alex Popov in Susskind, 1996, pp. S-7. l 48 Marcus, 1996.

71 confirm that houses are appreciated when they a11ow different moods and activities to simultaneously occur in distinct places. This idea is supported by Hiroshi Hara's explanation of a dual chronology in traditional Japanese houses149 and his complaint that one of those concepts of time-'the individual dock' of experiences over a lifetime-is not evident in some modern houses. Hara infers that architects of future houses should be conscious of the differing desires and circumstances of people at different ages, but Marcus seems to come at this notion from another direction: that individuals are combinations of opposites and expect their homes to also have a schizophrenic character which supports both rest and action, private and public activities, 'male' and 'female' moods, quiet and loud situations, indoor enclosure and outdoor exposure, and the senses of spatial intimacy and expansion.

Those points amount to a long shopping list of aspirations which cannot entirely be resolved in most houses and seem to contradict the basis of urban consolidation: sma11 dweHings, densely grouped. One resolution of the di1emma between the current agenda in urban politics to preserve rural land and the desire of many individuals for large family houses might be large housing complexes, bui1t on obsolete industrial sites, that offer a hierarchy of three kinds of space for residents: lockable personal cells for private activities and possessions; places {either owned or rentable) for sma11 groups to privately share activities such as dining, watching television, listening to music, working or entertaining visitors; and places shared by the community of residents; such as an 'in-house' cafe and/or bar, gymnasium, function room, television lounge, library and possibly a serviced office. Add to these facilities, of course, the general attractions of the outside world.

Whether multiple or single dwellings, many future houses are likely to be seen as less domestic and Jess private; less a retreat from the world. They wi11 become

149 Hara, 1996, pp. 10-21.

72 increasingly understood as places which cater to the sensibilities of both containment

(via physical enclosure) and escape (to a virtual environment). One of the key social trends already influencing this shift of attitude away from the idea of a home as a completely private zone is the increasing tendency for middle-class working parents to employ servants to manage household tasks and the upbringing of children.

Some writers. including Christopher Reed 150 and Witold Rybczynski 151, have claimed that 'domesticity' refers to a bourgeois family home, separated from the workplace, managed without servants and probably by women. 1f this concept-much more specific than a dictionary definition of "pertaining to the household" 152 -is accepted, then 'domestic' is not the appropriate adjective for houses which shelter unconventional single-parent families and non-family members such as nannies, include a frequently used home-office, or are regularly visited by live-out servants such as gardeners and cleaners, as well as business associates of the occupants. Yet the popular connotations of domesticity seem unlikely to disappear: these include intimacy, warmth, informality, private human interaction and comfort; sentiments represented in eighteenth century paintings of house interiors by Dutch artists such as

Jan Vermeer, Emanuel de Witte and Pieter de Hooch, in late nineteenth century water­ colours by Swedish artist Carl Larsson of his own family home (Fig 28), and also today in a genre of whimsical, romantic cartoons that often accompany articles about techno-homes in magazines such as The New Yorker and Wallpaper. All these artworks include people as part of the scene, in marked contrast to the twentieth century tendency to exclude people from photographs of interiors 153•

15 o Reed, 1996, p. 7. 151 Rybczynski, 1986, p. 51. 152 Delbridge and Bernard (eds.), 1982 The Compact Macquarie Dictionary, p. 257. 153 The genre of consumer magazines known as 'shelter journals' -for example, House and Garden, Casa Vogue, Home Beautiful, etc-sometimes include in-situ portraits of householders on the opening pages of house features, but otherwise do not depict people occupying rooms. People are not appreciated by the editors because their appearance can seem to clash with a decorating or architectural scheme; or their

73 Fig 28. Larsson family home in nineteenth century Sweden , by Carl Larsson. Traditional sentiments about home also seem to be lingering in the exterior design of residences-even those being touted as futuristic. Most of the new-technology houses which have so far been prototyped around the world-such as a 'tomorrow's house' in the Netherlands154, an 'Intelligent House' in Tokyo155 and a 'smart' demonstration home in Adelaide 156-have been deliberately designed to outwardly appear no different from a typical suburban bungalow topped by a gabled roof. This association with tradition in house aesthetics may be part of a deliberate strategy to market new technologies in ways that emphasise their convenience, friendliness and potential to support rather than disrupt 'normal' life. Accepting the basically conservative nature of human societies, it seems likely that most houses of the future (like houses of the present) will be designed according to traditional 'values' about what a home should look and feel like. This understanding is exemplified by the common (and cross-cultural) children's sketch of a rectangle with a triangle roof and curling smoke from the chimney. Of course, because architects are trained to strive for progressive aesthetics, some will continue to conceive one-off houses in unfamiliar designs; their task will be to make images representing the stereophonic combination of reality and virtuality. Other architects may continue to design according to the twentieth century modernist ideal of abstraction, but of course this concept can no longer be promoted as modern in the sense of novelty and innovation.

Although this paper has explained a range of prospects for change in house design, it cannot propose any single scenario which has potential to overcome the

physical presence could seem to diminish the scale of a space. Rooms often appear larger in photographs than in real life. 154 111ustrated and discussed on the Internet site http//:www.livtom.html 155 Explained by Professor Ken Sakamura of the University ofTokyo in Droege, forthcoming, page numbers not known. l 56 As reported in Tanner, 1997, p. 42.

74 unpredictable pragmatics of profit, the persistence of tradition, the vagaries of fashion styling and the tendency for architects, as artists critiquing cultures, to track away from concepts which comfort the societies they also exist to serve.

75 references

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