, 2003, 11 &1), 65±80

Infantile reconsidered: A cross-cultural analysis

Qi Wang Cornell University, NY, USA

A number of theories have been offered over the past hundred years to explain the phenomenon of infantile amnesia, the common inability to remember autobiographical experiences from the first years of life. Recent comparative studies that examine autobiographical in different populations, par- ticularly populations in North America and East Asia, have yielded intriguing findings that provide a unique opportunity to revisit some of the major theoretical views and to propose new accounts. In light of these findings, this article discusses five theoretical explanations for infantile amnesia, including cognitive and social discontinuity, the emergence of the , early parent±child memory sharing, functions of , and the complexity of life experience. The reconsideration of infantile amnesia from a cross-cultural perspective suggests that while the basic mechanisms and contributing factors may be universal, the specific ways in which these mechanisms and factors are manifested differ qualitatively across cultures. A theoretical approach that takes the larger cultural context into account can help us understand this long-standing puzzle.

Infantile amnesia, the common inability to universal and is, in fact, even more prominent in autobiographical events from the early years of some non-Western societies. On average, Euro- life, was first discussed by Freud &1949) who pean and Caucasian-American adults can con- asserted that it ``turns everyone's childhood into sciously remember events they experienced at something like a prehistoric epoch'' &p. 54). Freud about age 3.5 &Pillemer & White, 1989), which is claimed that such amnesia results from the more than 6 months earlier than native Koreans repression of sexual impulses, with a blockage and Chinese and overseas Asians &MacDonald, separating childhood memories from adult con- Uesiliana, & Hayne, 2000; Mullen, 1994; Wang, sciousness. Since Freud's time, the phenomenon 2001a). The content of earliest memories also of infantile amnesia has been a puzzle that con- shows marked differences across cultures. Child- tinues to intrigue psychologists. A number of hood memories reported by American adults tend explanations have been offered over the past to be voluminous, specific, self-focused, and hundred years, and the topic remains the focus of emotionally elaborate, whereas memories pro- theoretical debate &e.g., Conway & Pleydell- vided by Chinese are often skeletal, generic, Pearce, 2000; Fivush & Hamond, 1990; Howe & centred on relationships, and emotionally unex- Courage, 1993, 1997; Neisser, 1962; Nelson, 1996; pressive &Wang, 2001a). Even at preschool age, Pillemer & White, 1989; Schachtel, 1947; Wang, American children tend to have autobiographical Leichtman, & White, 1998). accounts that are more elaborate, more specific, Recent cross-cultural studies on adults' child- more self-focused, and less socially oriented than hood recollections and children's autobio- do their Korean and Chinese peers &Han, graphical reports have provided new insight into Leichtman, & Wang, 1998; Wang, 2002; Wang & this phenomenon. Infantile amnesia seems to be Leichtman, 2000).

Requests for reprints should be sent to Qi Wang, Department of Human Development, Cornell University, Martha Van Rensselaer Hall, Ithaca, NY 14853±4401, USA. Email: [email protected] Thanks to Ulric Neisser whose inspiration and help made this article possible. Also thanks to Robyn Fivush, Michael Owren, Michael Ross, and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and critiques on earlier versions of this article. Special thanks go to the author's Harvard mentors and collaborators Michelle D. Leichtman and Sheldon H. White.

# 2003 Psychology Press Ltd http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals/pp/09658211.html DOI:10.1080/09658210143000461 66 WANG

These cross-cultural data raise a challenging Second, most cross-cultural studies to date have question: Are traditional theoretical views focused on North-American and East-Asian rooted in Western conceptions of memory, self, populations. Itherefore base my analysis mainly and human development able to account for the on findings from these cultures, while incorpor- phenomenon of infantile amnesia &Wang & ating data from other cultures wherever available. Brockmeier, 2002)? It is time to revisit existing On the other hand, comparisons between North- theories and to propose new ones, in light of the American and East-Asian cultures are of parti- new data. Here Idraw upon findings from differ- cular interest due to the drastic differences in ent cultures, particularly North-American and cognition, emotion, and social behaviour among East-Asian cultures, to discuss five cognitive- the peoples, which derive from centuries of dif- social accounts, aiming at a more comprehensive ferences in religious, philosophical, and political understanding of infantile amnesia in a compara- traditions &Hsu, 1970; Markus & Kitayama, 1991; tive context. Ichoose to discuss the five theories Shweder et al., 1998). Iwill provide descriptive because they are particularly relevant to the stu- accounts of different beliefs and practices in these dies reviewed here that set forth to test cultural cultures in relation to remembering and explanations of infantile amnesia. Some of the when discussing each theory of infantile amnesia. theories &e.g., Fivush, 1994; Neisser, 1962) have Note, however, that this cross-cultural analysis is indeed motivated empirical cross-cultural work. conducted on a considerable degree of within- These theoretical views focus on both the loss of culture variation among individuals and sub- early and the remembrance culture groups &e.g., Miller & Sperry, 1987; Wang later on, with an increasing emphasis on the et al., 1998). establishment and/or enrichment of a new Third, the analysis of memory content helps to memory system and its functions. Together, they identify factors that operate to maintain early constitute a pluralistic account of infantile childhood memories. Although some theorists amnesia. Through a cross-cultural analysis, I have attributed the loss of memories of early examine whether and how various mechanisms experiences to the particular content of these and factors proposed in these theories are mani- memories &Freud, 1949; Neisser, 1962; Schachtel, fested in different cultures. My ultimate goal is 1947), research on infantile amnesia to date has to demonstrate that it is in the process of cul- mostly focused on the age and accessibility of tural symbolic, material, and discursive interac- earliest memories among adults and the ability to tions that autobiographical memory emerges as recall past events among preschool children. No both an individual expression and a cultural pro- systematic consideration has been given to the duct. characteristics of memory content that may facil- Let me first outline some characteristics of the itate or hinder memory retention. Here Iwill show present analysis. First, Iadopt Pillemer and that the analysis of memory content integrates the White's &1989) definition of autobiographical functional, cultural, and historical dimensions of memory, which refers to memory for self- early memories and therefore, is crucial for our pertaining information and events that can be understanding of the timing and degree of infan- transformed into linguistic form, written or tile amnesia. Table 1 summarises the aspects of spoken &overtly or covertly), through intentional memory content examined in past cross-cultural recollective efforts. It does not include memories studies. that are only enacted through behaviour and only Finally, empirical studies on infantile amnesia reinstated automatically by affective or contextual have focused on either adults' retrospective cues. In this view, infantile amnesia occurs when recollections of childhood events or preschoolers' memories from the earliest years of life are no early event memories. These two suites of work longer accessible to adult recall through con- tend to be isolated or treated as parallel during scious, language-based probes. Whether these theorisation. Although we have to wait for long- memories are lost, blocked, or not encoded itudinal investigations to directly examine the link &properly) in the first place is a question of debate, between early and the later &for reviews, see Howe & Courage, 1993; Nelson, inability of adults to access earliest memories, 1993a; Pillemer & White, 1989), and the theo- cross-cultural studies make it possible to look into retical views discussed here do seem to hold dif- this link at a group level. By systematically ferent opinions on this issue. Ishall offer my examining cultural variations in adults' childhood comments as the analysis comes along. recollections, children's autobiographical reports, INFANTILE AMNESIA RECONSIDERED 67

TABLE 1 Aspects of memory content examined in empirical cross-cultural studies

Memory content Description

Elaborativeness Volume, details, and descriptive texture of memories &e.g., adjectives, adverbs, and modifiers) Specificity Two distinct categories of memory, one of ``specific'' events that happened at a particular point in time &``When Iwas about 4, Igot stung by a bee'') and the other of ``generic'' events that took place regularly or on multiple occasions &``My mom took me to school every day'') Autonomous orientation Expressions of personal predilections &``Ipreferred not to go to class''), opinions &``That trip was really fun''), emotions &``Iwas mad at my brother''), and self-determination &``My mom didn't want me to stay out late, but Idid anyway'') Social orientation A group orientation as indexed by memory themes concerning collective activities of the family, school, or neighbourhood and focusing on an individual's interactions/relations with others; an individual orientation as indexed by memory themes that concern exclusively personal experiences/feelings &e.g., success, frustration, nightmares) and focus on an individual's own role in an event and parent±child reminiscing about shared past, I 2001a). If the development of adult-like emotion will show various social and cognitive factors that knowledge contributes to that offset, it would not affect children's personal remembering early on be surprising to find that American children and continue to operate on the content and acquire such knowledge earlier than their Chinese accessibility of adults' memories of the earliest peers. To test this hypothesis, 154 Caucasian- years of life. American and Chinese children were interviewed individually once at school. Children were pre- sented 20 short stories with a protagonist of their COGNITIVE AND SOCIAL age, gender, and ethnicity, and were asked to DISCONTINUITY identify the feeling states of the protagonist by choosing among faces showing happy, sad, scared, The cognitive-social discontinuity explanation of or angry emotions. Children's mothers and a infantile amnesia was presented by Schachtel second group of adults read the same stories and &1947) and Neisser &1962), who attributed it to the judged the protagonist's emotions in the same shifts in cognitive functioning that are con- fashion. Based on the proportion of concordant comitant with development towards adult modes judgements between children and adults in each of thought. In conformity with societal conven- culture, findings showed that American children tions that impose different responsibilities, values, &M = 0.66, SD = 0.14) had a better grasp of emo- and mores on adults than on children, early tion knowledge and made more rapid progress in memory schemata must accommodate to adult such knowledge than their Chinese peers &M = modes of thought as the child grows up. This dis- 0.55, SD = 0.13). This earlier acquisition of adult continuity in the ``mental tools'' required for emotion schemata in American children should processing, representing, organising, and retriev- help them to understand the emotional meanings ing event information makes the reconstruction of of events in a more mature way, and hence to early childhood memories almost impossible. organise their personal memories more efficiently Consequently, early memories are blocked or for long-term retention. obscured, as adults do not have the ``suitable In addition to describing the overall forgetting receptacles'' to access them. The shifts of cogni- that results from cognitive change, Neisser &1962) tive schemata occur not only in the realm of sen- specified the different consequences of various sation, perception, and language, but in the accommodative processes. In absorption and dis- domain of emotion as well. placement, later forms of cognitive schemata Wang's &in press) recent study of the schematic either absorb the earlier ones completely or push knowledge of emotion in American and Chinese them into the unconscious, leading to total 3- to 6-year-olds provides support for this ``dis- amnesia for infancy. In contrast, integration continuity account''. It has already been estab- &where the older structures become part of the lished that American adults show an earlier offset more comprehensive new ones) leads to only of infantile amnesia than do Chinese &Wang, partial loss of early memories or to changes of 68 WANG perspective. Neisser suggested that displacement The cognitive-social shift explanation of is most likely to occur when a culture emphasises infantile amnesia &Neisser, 1962; Schachtel, discontinuity between different phases of devel- 1947) further suggests that language acquisition opment, while integration tends to take place plays a primary role in the loss of early mem- when transitions are gradual and consistent. ories. The shift from pre-verbal to linguistic Let us consider this suggestion by looking at functioning produces new modes of cognitive child-rearing beliefs and practices in US and activity that do not allow full integration of China. To many American parents, particularly earlier representations. As a result, very few among the middle class, the child is, from birth, a memories of infancy are preserved. Other theor- full agent who has certain needs and potentialities ists have also discussed the overwhelming effect to be fulfilled and encouraged into full develop- of acquiring a language on the offset of infantile ment &Fiske, Kitayama, Markus, & Nisbett, 1998; amnesia &Fivush, 1994; Nelson, 1993a, 1996; Pil- Ochs & Schieffelin, 1984; Sunley, 1955). It is also lemer & White, 1989), emphasising both cogni- believed that socialisation should start immedi- tive and social functions of language in ately, ``since an empty mind and the absence of representing memories in linguistic form and in conflicting patterns are highly conductive to sug- sharing memories with others. The acquisition of gestibility'' &Bernard, 1973, p. 273). In line with language is universal; so is the phenomenon of these beliefs, socialisation in the American family infantile amnesia. However, modes of memory often starts early and changes gradually, in sharing are specific to cultures and have varied accordance with age-related social-cognitive consequences for memory, a theoretical view requirements and disciplinary demands &Gralinski that Iwill turn to later. & Kopp, 1993; Ochs & Schieffelin, 1984). To many The effect of culture is also noted. Neisser Chinese parents, in contrast, early childhood is &1962) stressed that acculturation, or any sub- divided into discrete periods: first of innocence stantial change in culture, requires a cognitive and then of reason &Ho, 1986; Stevenson, Chen, & reorganisation. As a result, memories of auto- Lee, 1992; Wolf, 1970; Wu, 1996). A young child at biographical events occurring before the culture the age of innocence is regarded as an incomplete change may be largely cut off from personal his- individual who requires no parental input beyond tory or altered to suit the present attitudes of the the necessities of food, clothing, and shelter, and individual. To test this hypothesis, Otoya &1987) who cannot take responsibility for any wrong- compared early childhood memories of bilin- doing or failure. Children at the age of reason guals proficient in English and Spanish, who had &starting from about 4 to 6 years of age), however, either grown up entirely in the US or moved are expected to obey their parents while preparing there after age 6. The earliest memories repor- to eventually fulfil both societal and filial obliga- ted by bicultural participants &61.2 months) were tions. Although disagreement exists over the from more than 1 year later than those of mono- timing of the two periods &Chao, 1994; Miller, cultural participants &45.6 months). Similarly, Wiley, Fung, & Liang, 1997), socialisation in the Leichtman, Davies, and Wang &2000) gave bilin- Chinese family tends to be characterised by a gual Chinese-American middle-school students dramatic shift, changing abruptly from little sys- open-ended memory interviews about early tematic training to strict, even harsh discipline. childhood events in either Chinese or English. Thus, according to Neisser's &1962) proposal, Participants who were more acculturated &e.g., the drastic discontinuity in Chinese socialisation is having switched their inner voice entirely to likely to induce absorption or displacement of English and being less fluent in Chinese) had cognitive schemata and produce massive amnesia earliest memories 17 month later than their less for early childhood. In contrast, the gradual tran- ``Americanised'' peers &44.9 and 27.6 months, sition in American socialisation should lead to respectively), regardless of the language in which integration, resulting in relatively minor amnesia. they were interviewed &Michelle Leichtman, per- This is, indeed, echoed in the differences in the sonal communication, 2000). Other studies have age and elaborativeness of the earliest memories shown that bilingual immigrants recall more between Americans and Chinese &Wang, 2001a), childhood events &occurring in the country of suggesting that early environments may create origin) in their mother tongue than in their different degrees of discontinuity in cognitive adopted language. As a ``context'' or ``state'' at growth, which may, in turn, cause different and retrieval, language plays an impor- degrees of discontinuity in memory. tant role in determining the accessibility of auto- INFANTILE AMNESIA RECONSIDERED 69 biographical memories &Marian & Neisser, 2000; amnesia.1 According to Howe and Courage &1993, Schrauf, 2000; Schrauf & Rubin, 1998). Findings 1997), the onset of a cognitive self at about 18 to of Otoya &1987) and Leichtman, Davies, & 24 months, as indicated by mirror self-recognition, Wang &2000) further suggest that, independent provides ``a knowledge structure whose features from language, cultural transitions may produce serve to organize memories of experiences that changes of cognitive structure, which further happened to `me' '' &Howe & Courage, 1997, p. influence the accessibility of early memories. 499). It is a rudimentary form of the conceptual The more substantial or abrupt the cultural shift, self &Neisser, 1988) that continues to evolve with the greater is the infantile amnesia that an indi- age and experiences. Other researchers argue that vidual is likely to experience. the onset of autobiographical memory requires a Although dramatic changes in social circum- more sophisticated self-conceptual system emer- 1 stances during the early years of life make ging at about 32 to 4 years, the same age period retrieval of childhood memories more difficult, from which American adults on average retrieve such an effect cannot be generalised to all life earliest childhood memories. Nuanced versions of transitions occurring in this period, such as entry the advanced self-concept include a temporally to school or a family move, as the cognitive-social extended self &Povinelli, 1995), a conscious self- shift theory would predict. Indeed, Wang et al.'s identity &Foulkes, 1999), and an evaluative self- &1998) study of native Chinese high-school and awareness &Welch-Ross, 2000). In spite of the college students showed that individuals who had disagreement over the nature and timing of the attended preschool &41.5 months) reported child- self required, there is a consensus among the hood memories dating from 11 months earlier theories that, as autobiographical memory is than those who had not &52.5 months). Moreover, ``memory for information related to the self'' individuals who began preschool earlier exhibited &Brewer, 1986, p. 26), a functioning self is a pre- earlier autobiographical memories. Mullen &1994) requisite to the emergence of such memories. found a similar positive relation between the Once established, the self serves to organise timing of a family move and the age of earliest autobiographical information in a structured memory in her Caucasian-American and Asian- fashion, which facilitates the retention of the American samples. Notably, among the indivi- information in long-term memory. This theo- duals who had attended preschool or experienced retical view suggests that early event memories an early family move, only a small percentage become inaccessible later on because they are not provided earliest memories that were actually linked to the newly established self-concept and about the school entry &5%) or the move &3%). In therefore are not made autobiographical, other words, these changes themselves are not although it is not clear in the theories whether likely memorable events so much as providing these memories are lost or remain intact.2 potentially datable milestones that help to locate Evidence for the self-concept account is mixed. an earlier event in time, thereby facilitating Reese and colleagues have conducted longitudinal retrieval of earlier memories &Mullen, 1994; Wang studies to empirically test the ontogenetic con- et al., 1998). On the other hand, it is equally nection between the emergence of the cognitive arguable that, instead of making some memories self suggested by Howe and Courage &1993) and more accessible, school entry or family move may the acquisition of personal event memory. They induce the adult subjects to assign earlier dates to found that individual differences in self-recogni- 1 the events they remember &Ulric Neisser, personal tion skill at 19 months predicted the abilities of 22- communication, 2001). Nevertheless, the cogni- year-olds to report autobiographical events and to tive and social discontinuity created by such life share memories with others &Harley & Reese, transitions does not seem to have detrimental 1999). However, findings from a follow-up study consequences for memory, a finding that chal- lenges the Schachtel-Neisser model. 1 ``The self'' in this article pertains to the conceptual self. Theorists have referred to this aspect of self variously as self- concept, self-knowledge, self-cognition, self-understanding, THE EMERGENCE OF THE SELF self-representation, conceptual representation of the self, etc. 2 Howe and Courage &1997) later argue that failures to recall early life experiences result from a failure to maintain Another proposed cognitive mechanism is the information in memory , rather than a problem of development of self-concept, which is thought to finding the right retrieval cue. This view suggests that early be a critical precursor to the offset of infantile memories are indeed lost. 70 WANG

&Reese, 2002) indicated that this effect was in fact &Markus & Kitayama, 1991). These self- moderated by other factors such as maternal conceptions generally remain constant in a parti- reminiscing style and children's initial language cular culture in spite of substantial individual and skill. Reese suggests that self-recognition may be subgroup variations. They affect the way people only an indirect contributor to later verbal mem- sample, process, and retain information &Fiske et ory of children. Studies by Welch-Ross &2000) al., 1998; Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Shweder & have yielded preliminary findings showing that the Bourne, 1984; Triandis, 1989). Specifically, development of an organised self-concept facili- ``independent'' are sensitive and responsive tates children's recall of past events. to self-focused information that is elaborately To date there is no evidence that the onset of represented in their memory system. In contrast, self-concept &of primitive or advanced forms) ``interdependent'' selves are attuned to informa- varies as a function of culture or prior experiences tion about social interactions and collective &e.g., with mirror) &Priel & de Schonen, 1986). The activities, with exclusively self-focused informa- self-concept account is therefore unable to explain tion being less salient. the pervasive cultural differences in the age and This selectivity in information processing and content of earliest memories. Indeed, given that representation may affect the content and acces- both memory and self are socially formulated sibility of memory for autobiographical events &Bruner, 1990; Fivush, 1994), the emergence and over the long term. To test this hypothesis, Wang development of memory and self must be under- &2001a) conducted a study where 256 Caucasian- stood in the social context. To address this issue, American and Chinese college students reported Wang and colleagues examined childhood recol- their earliest childhood memory on a memory lection and self-description in young Chinese questionnaire and provided self-descriptions on a adults who came from either only-child or shortened Twenty Statements Test &TST) &Kuhn multiple-child families &Wang et al., 1998). Com- & McPartland, 1954). The average age at earliest pared with sibling adults, only-child Chinese memory of Americans &41.9 months) was almost 6 showed a greater ``individual-orientation'', where months earlier than that of Chinese &47.5 months). they described themselves in more self-focused Americans reported voluminous, specific, self- terms &e.g., ``Iam short, smart, and ambitious''), focused, and emotionally elaborate memories; provided earliest memories that were from almost they also placed emphasis on individual attributes 9 months earlier &39.0 months), and were more in describing themselves &e.g., ``Iam honest, focused on their personal roles and experiences. happy, intelligent''). In comparison, Chinese pro- These findings are consistent with previous vided relatively brief accounts of earliest experi- observations that the copious adult paid ences centring on collective activities, general to only-children in Chinese families tends to pro- routines, and emotionally neutral events; they also duce egotistical offspring &e.g., Lee, 1992). Early included a great number of social roles and group upbringing thus appears to shape how the self is memberships in their self-descriptions &e.g., ``Iam organised and, further, how personal experiences a Buddhist, a son, a student''). Across the entire are remembered. In addition to requiring that a sample, individuals who described themselves in conceptual self be in place, the offset of infantile more self-focused and positive terms provided amnesia may be facilitated or hindered by parti- more specific and self-focused memories. It cular characteristics of self sustained by divergent appears that an independent self is linked with the socialisation practices. early establishment of an elaborate, specific, The influence of the self on autobiographical emotionally charged, self-focused autobio- memory becomes more potent when examined in graphical history, whereas an interdependent self a broader comparative context. As anthro- is linked with the later establishment of a skeletal, pological and psychological studies indicate, a generic, emotionally unexpressive, relation- variety of cultural stances are embodies in the centred autobiographical history. conception of selfhood. In Western cultures that Thus, autobiographical memory varies in con- emphasise the inherent separateness of distinct tent, form, style, and timing of emergence, persons, the self is perceived as individuated, self- depending on whether the culture views the self as contained, and well-bounded. In contrast, many essentially separated from or bonded to other East-Asian cultures emphasise the web of human selves. Focusing on the self as an autonomous relatedness, and view the self as realised through agent seems to increase the chances of encoding bilateral connections with significant others durable, consciously accessible, self-focused INFANTILE AMNESIA RECONSIDERED 71 memories for later retrieval. Focusing on the self Haden, & Fivush, 1993; Tessler & Nelson, 1994). as part of larger groups engaged in collective Elaborative parents tend to have lengthy memory activities, on the other hand, may discourage talks with their children, provide rich and embel- remembering detailed, individual-centred auto- lished information about the events under dis- biographical information. These cross-cultural cussion, and invite children to co-construct stories data also suggest that the cultural construct of the about shared experiences. In comparison, prag- self acquired through early socialisation may matic parents tend to have short and directive affect every stage of remembering. The content conversations with their children about past and accessibility of early childhood memories may events, provide very little embellishment about reflect not only the characteristics of the child's what happened, and often try to elicit correct self at the time of the remembered experience, but answers in a way that resembles a memory test. also the cultured schemata constituting the adult's Compared with the children of pragmatic parents, self and personality at recollection. the children of elaborative parents typically remember more details and come to discuss past experiences in a more coherent and elaborative EARLY PARENT±CHILD way. Harley and Reese's &1999) longitudinal study MEMORY-SHARING with New Zealand Europeans showed similar long-term effects of parental reminiscing style on According to the social-interactionist account of children's skills. infantile amnesia, children acquire auto- Do early narrative environments differ across biographical memory through learning to con- cultures in ways that may account for the sys- verse about their experiences with significant tematic cultural differences in adults' earliest others &Fivush, Haden, & Adam, 1995; Nelson, recollections? Against the backdrop of the social- 1993a, b; Pillemer & White, 1989; Tessler & Nel- interactionist hypothesis, comparative studies son, 1994). Early narrative interactions, especially have revealed frequency, stylistic, and thematic parent±child conversations about shared experi- differences between parent±child memory con- ences, teach children appropriate forms of perso- versations in North-American and East-Asian nal reminiscing &i.e., what to remember, how to cultures. Mullen and Yi &1995) found during a 1- remember, and why to remember it), reinstate day observation that Caucasian-American past experiences through linguistic representa- mothers engaged their 3-year-old children in tion, and highlight the social function of auto- talking about past events three times as often as biographical memory. Studies conducted in Korean mothers. Studies by Wang and colleagues North-American culture have demonstrated that &Wang, 2001b; Wang, Leichtman, & Davies, 2000) children participate in memory conversations with showed that when American and Chinese mothers adults early in life, and by age 3 to 4Ðthe average talked with their 3-year-old children at home onset of autobiographical memory in American about shared past events, American mothers used adultsÐchildren can independently contribute to an elaborative conversational style in which discussions of the shared past &Fivush & Hamond, mother and child co-constructed their memories 1990). The social-interactionist account views the by elaborating on and supplementing each other's offset of infantile amnesia as a direct result of responses, together keeping the conversation children's developing narrative skills &Fivush et going. In contrast, Chinese mothers employed a al., 1995; Fivush & Schwarzmueller, 1998) or the pragmatic conversational style where they fre- establishment of a narrative-based, socially quently posed and repeated factual questions accessible, new memory system &Nelson, 1993a; without providing embellished information. The Pillemer & White, 1989). Events occurring before Chinese children often simply replied to their the acquisition of such skills or the new memory mothers' inquiries without giving any new infor- system are either eventually lost or remain inac- mation. Choi &1992) also found that Korean cessible to intentional verbal recall. mothers tended to be more directive and less Researchers have identified two markedly dif- supportive than Canadian mothers when conver- ferent conversational styles among North- sing about the past with their young children. American parents and their children that show The content of parent±child conversations fur- long-term effects on children's autobiographical ther reveals different focuses of early socialisa- memory &Leichtman, Pillemer, Wang, Koreishi, & tion. American parents often comment on Han, 2000; Peterson & McCabe, 1994; Reese, children's personal roles, preferences, feelings, 72 WANG and opinions, focusing on the child as the central ence the content and long-term accessibility of character of the co-narrated story. Taiwanese, their memories. These cross-cultural findings Korean, and Chinese parents, in contrast, fre- extend the social-interactionist theory of memory quently refer to social norms and behavioural development, highlighting the importance of early expectations, conveying to children collective narrative environments in shaping the timing and values such as obedience to authority, appropriate degree of infantile amnesia. conduct, and a sense of shame &Miller et al., 1997; Mullen & Yi, 1995; Wang, 2001b; Wang et al., 2000). This didactic attitude of Asian parents FUNCTIONS OF accords with Confucian ethics shared in these AUTOBIOGRAPHICALMEMORY cultures that emphasises discipline, moral recti- tude, and filial piety &Ho, 1986; Wu, 1996). In Memory is functional. People remember events short, the narrative interactions between Ameri- that are personally significant and forget those can parents and their children reflect the cultural that seem trivial, at least within the normal range emphasis on autonomy and self-affirmation. of human experiences. This functional approach In studies where Caucasian-American and to memory is implied in the accounts elaborated Asian preschool children were asked to recount by Freud &1949) and Schachtel &1947), as well as in their personal experiences independently, the contemporary cognitive theories of memory. Both style and content of their narratives reflected Freud and Schachtel believed that very early these cultural variations in parent±child reminis- memories contain elements, sexual or psychoso- cing &Han et al., 1998; Wang, 2002; Wang & matic, that are not acceptable to the adult world Leichtman, 2000). During individual interviews, and therefore are not socially and psychologically American, Korean, and Chinese 4-, 6-, and 8- functional as the child grows older. As a result, year-olds were asked open-ended questions about these memories are repressed. In addition, autobiographical events, such as how they spent Schachtel &1947) suggested that memories pre- their last birthday or what happened at a recent served are reconstructed from past experiences in time when they felt a particular emotion. Amer- the service of present needs, fears, and interests. ican children provided elaborative, self-focused Similarly, a number of contemporary theorists memory narratives and placed a great emphasis have posited that both encoding and retrieval of on personal predilection and autonomy. In com- personal information strongly depend on the parison, Asian children's narratives were often structures of mental schema containing an indivi- skeletal, relation-oriented, and exhibited a great dual's implicit self-theories, attitudes, and beliefs. concern with social engagement, authority, and Memories that are not consistent with or func- moral rectitude. Notably, these structural and tional to current goals, as memories from early thematic differences between personal memories childhood may not be, tend to be either recon- of American and Asian children well correspond structed or forgotten &e.g., Conway & Pleydell- with the cultural differences in adults' childhood Pearce, 2000; Ross, 1989; Singer & Salovey, 1993). recollections &Wang, 2001a). The functional view of memory emphasises both Thus, different conversational styles employed initial selective encoding and later retrospective by American and Asian parents provide different reconstruction in determining memory retention, models of autobiographical remembering to their seemingly open to the possibility that memory children. The highly elaborative, child-centred ``loss'' may result from any encoding, storage, or conversational style of American mother±child retrieval failures. pairs is well suited to the goal of facilitating the Nelson &1993a, 1996) puts forward an adaptive development of children's autonomy and auto- evolutionary perspective in which all memory is biographical remembering. The pragmatic, considered as a functional system with adapta- mother-centred conversational style of Asian tional value. She makes an explicit distinction mother±child pairs situates children within a lar- between the function of autobiographical memory ger social hierarchy and downplays the use of and other earlier-established &in development and memory to construct one's unique personal his- evolution) memory systems. She contends that tory. Growing up in different narrative environ- shared memory talk gives rise to an auto- ments, children gradually internalise different biographical memory system, which, once estab- values and styles from their parents in talking lished, serves both social and personal functions, about personal experiences, which further influ- i.e., an important device for social solidarity and a INFANTILE AMNESIA RECONSIDERED 73 necessary ingredient in the human concept of the biographical memory in American, Korean, and self. Pillemer &1998) further elaborates on the Chinese 4- and 6-year-olds, Han et al. &1998) various functionsÐadaptive, emotional, directive, found that older children in all cultures provided and communicativeÐof remembering personal more specific memories than younger children event memories. These theoretical approaches, &US: Ms=4.16 and 4.47; Korea: Ms=3.00 and however, do not directly attribute the offset of 4.20; China: Ms=2.85 and 3.68). However, by age infantile amnesia to the function of auto- 6, Asian children's narratives were similar to those biographical memory, both of which are viewed as of American 4-year-olds in the degree of specifi- being achieved through sharing memory narra- city. Such cultural difference in memory specifi- tives &Nelson, 1993a). The suggestion here is that city, apparent early in preschool years and memory function may not only be an outcome of persisting into adulthood, may reflect the func- but also a contributor to the retention of early tions of specific versus generic memories empha- event memory. sised in different cultures &Wang, 2001a). Specific The functional account of infantile amnesia can episodic memories &e.g., a memory about having a best be understood in a cross-cultural context, birthday party with Chelsea Clinton) are unique particularly in relation to different self-concep- to the individual and therefore help to differ- tions. In Western cultures that advocate an inde- entiate the self from others. Generic script mem- pendent, autonomous self, personal event ories &e.g., a memory about going to church every memories with specific details and elaboration are Sunday) form the knowledge base of social con- an important way for people to distinguish them- ventions that is necessary for successful partici- selves as unique individuals. In contrast, in many pation in human activities. East-Asian cultures that inculcate an inter- Whether and how early memories are preserved dependent, relational self, there may be less need for later retrieval may also be influenced by their for elaborated, detailed autobiographical mem- perceived importance &function) in constituting ories. Also, representing the self as a collection of one's self and identity. Western cultures place a unique individual attributes may result in encod- great value on the accumulated history of an ing and recollecting self-focused information that individual. As Hume &1739/1882, p. 542) stated, reflects and expresses such individuality, whereas ``Had we no memory, we never shou'd have any representing the self as part of on-going relation- notion . . . of that chain of causes and effects, which ships may facilitate remembering events about constitute our self or person.'' In this view, a significant others or about the self in relation to coherent, elaborate, well-integrated life history others that further reinforce such collectivity. The with the individual cast as the central character is different functions of autobiographical memory indispensable for psychological integrity and well- pertinent to cultural construct of the self have being. In other words, ``the sureness of `I was' is a direct implications for the different degrees of necessary component of the sureness of `Iam' '' elaborativeness and social orientation identified in &Wyatt, 1963, p. 319). In many Asian cultures, in both adults' and children's personal narratives in contrast, the construction of identity is less American and Asian cultures &Han et al., 1998; dependent on a unique autobiographical history Mullen, 1994; Wang, 2001a, 2002; Wang & but more on a web of relationships &Markus & Leichtman, 2000). Kitayama, 1991; Triandis, 1989). Social status and The same account can be further applied to roles, be it as a member of a family, a profession, a explain the different degrees to which people group, or a nation, are regarded as crucial ele- report specific &e.g., ``the time Ifell in a pond'') ments in defining one's self. Sankaranarayanan versus generic memories &e.g., ``going to school''). and Leichtman &2000) found that, when asked Research has shown that depressed patients tend about memories of childhood events, their rural to recall a larger proportion of generic memories Indian informants appeared puzzled and even than do normal controls &Williams & Scott, 1988), annoyed, ``Why would one want to remember and younger children are less capable of reporting such things?'' This devaluation of early memory in specific memories than older children &Fivush et forming one's self and identity may have con- al., 1995; Nelson, 1996). Substantial individual tributed to the greater degree of infantile amnesia variations have also been documented within the among Asians. A recent study by MacDonald et US &Pillemer, 1998; Singer & Salovey, 1993). The al. &2000) with New Zealanders also lends support mechanisms underlying such differences are yet to for the functional account. Consonant with their be fully explicated. In their study on auto- cultural emphasis on the importance of the past, 74 WANG

Maori adults &32.6 months) reported earliest require adventure, be it manifesting in sport, in memories from 10 months earlier than partici- gambling, or in risking oneself in physical danger. pants of European descent &42.9 months) and It is these variations that provide the stuff of life more than 2 years earlier than Asian immigrants stories. Depending on the lifestyle of an indivi- &57.8 months). dual, the availability of landmark events and the Finally, the functional approach provides a new likelihood of recounting these events vary perspective to understanding different cultural accordingly and have direct consequences on the attitudes towards memory sharing. As a common richness and elaborativeness of his or her auto- social practice, memory sharing in North- biographical history. In this view, the lack of American culture not only helps to construct a memory may be originated from the lack of unique autobiographical self &Fivush, 1994; Nel- memorable experiences in the first place, rather son, 1996), but also serves important interpersonal than an inability to encode, maintain, or retrieve functions. It brings closer the narrator and the information in long-term memory. listener by demanding from both parties trust, This approach to memory has not been directly effort, and a sense of involvement and commit- applied to explain infantile amnesia. Nevertheless, ment, thereby creating a context of co-constructed current data have provided some evidence. When and further, shared, thoughts and feelings. As comparing earliest childhood memories among Pierre Janet once commented, ``The essential goal Chinese young adults who grew up in either urban of retention and remembering is not limited to or rural environments, Wang et al. &1998) found recounting actions; rather, it is to bring hearers to that the former group was able to report memories an experience of the sentiments they themselves from more than 1 year earlier than the latter &42.7 would have had if they had been present at the and 55.7 months, respectively). This finding is events'' &cited in Ross, 1991, p. 148). Such co- unlikely to be due to a global cognitive factor construction of the past is not fostered in the same associated with socio-economic differences, way among Asians, whose interconnectedness can because both samples were from highly selective often be effectively achieved through existing schools. Leichtman &1996) found similar rural± social orders such as kinship and relational hier- urban differences among Indian children in access archy. Purposeful recounting of one's past with to early autobiographical memories. It is possible others appears unnecessary or even improper in that, compared with the simple and stable life of this respect. On the other hand, talking about the rural areas, the relatively rich and complex life- past is regarded as instrumental in educating the style of the city could have contributed to the young and reinforcing the collective &Hsu, 1970; greater accessibility to early childhood events in Miller et al., 1997). The different functional views the urban samples. Change and novelty associated of memory sharing contribute to different narra- with the city life produce the material out of which tive environments both within the immediate autobiographical memories are developed and family circle and in the larger cultural milieu sustained. Repose and redundancy associated &Mullen & Yi, 1995; Pillemer, 1998; RoÈ ttger- with the countryside, on the other hand, render a RoÈ ssler, 1993; Wang et al., 2000), which in turn life with boredom and no story. This account is give rise to different personal remembering. closely related to the functional approach, where the value of experiencing and remembering unique life events varies according to one's living THE COMPLEXITY OF LIFE environment. EXPERIENCE The life variation account for infantile amnesia can be further applied to the world context. As A life with adventures, dramas, and changes revealed in anthropological studies &Hsu, 1970), comprises momentous and significant events that Western cultures, especially in the US, tend to are both memorable for their own sake and likely promote changes and variations, ``where change is to be often told and retold with interested others. desired because it is equated with progress, and A life with stability and repetition, on the other where neither the physical nor the human scene is hand, gives little chance for an individual to constant'' &p. xiii). In contrast, Asian cultures sample meaningful, consequential events out of value stability and continuity; they are ``wholly his or her memory and to ``brag'' about them with steadfast . . . where life for a majority was almost others. As Scheibe &1986) claims, the construction, fully predictable'' &p. xiii). Accordingly, a culture development, and maintenance of life narratives of change may create a variable, ``exciting'' life- INFANTILE AMNESIA RECONSIDERED 75 style for its individuals and, as a result, abundant only create enriched, elaborated, enduring life memorable events to dwell upon, whereas a cul- stories, but also give individuals motivations for ture of constancy may create a life of repetition future venturing. As discussed earlier, memory and ``ordinariness'' and therefore, few notable sharing is highly regarded in North-American events to live by. This suggestion agrees with culture where people are often inclined to talk cross-cultural findings where Asians show a more about their personal dramas and are fascinated by extensive and pervasive amnesia for their early those of others &Pasupathi, 2001; Pillemer, 1998). childhood than do Europeans and Caucasian- Even at preschools, it is a common practice that, Americans &MacDonald et al., 2000; Mullen, 1994; every Monday morning, the youngsters sit in a Wang, 2001a). Interestingly, in light of con- circle each telling a story about the fun things he temporary societal changes, a prediction from this or she did over the past weekend. Sharing mem- explanation would be that in future years we ories of oneself with others is not equally valued in should see less difference in early memories many Asian cultures where people often show between Asian and Western cultures. clumsiness and/or reluctance in discussing their The different attitudes towards variation versus own life experiences and do not encourage others certainty are also reflected in child-rearing prac- to do so &RoÈ ttger-RoÈ ssler, 1993). Memory sharing tices. In many American families, young children underscores the psychosocial function of auto- are allowed a great deal of autonomy and are biographical memories and the adventures that encouraged to explore their environment. Parents create these memories, motivating individuals to often believe that the young child's spontaneity venture further and remember more. It is not and curiosity are benevolent rather than danger- surprising, then, that Americans are often better ous and, therefore, should be encouraged &Wol- than Asians at providing coherent and detailed fenstein, 1955). In contrast, Asian parents accounts of life events. emphasise the inhibition of explorative behaviour and risk-taking among children &Wu, 1996). They often discourage, or even prevent, their young CULTURE, INDIVIDUAL, AND THE children from actively exploring or manipulating PHENOMENON OF INFANTILE much of their accessible environment because it is AMNESIA: A SYNTHESIS thought to be ``dirty'' or dangerous. Kagan, Kearsley, and Zelazo &1980) reported that while Infantile amnesia, the lack of remembrance of Chinese mothers believed that staying close to the early childhood, is a universal phenomenon. It mother was the trait most characteristic of their differs across cultures, however, in timing and children, American mothers gave their top ranks magnitude. Autobiographical memories of the to laughing easily, being active, and being talka- early years of life show semantic and structural tive. A childhood full of trials, uncertainties, and variations across cultures, which are apparent adventures, as well as the associated fear, antici- early among preschool children and persist into pation, and excitement, is more likely to engender adulthood. In light of the available cross-cultural elaborative, vivid, self-focused memories that an findings, Ihave revisited three major cognitive- individual can reflect upon over the lifetime, social accounts of infantile amnesia and outlined compared with a childhood of routine and pre- two new explanations pertinent to memory func- dictability. MacDonald et al.'s &2000) data with tions and the complexity of life experience. These Maori adults also support the claim that the nature five theoretical views focus on different psycho- of children's early experiences may play a role in social processes related to the offset of infantile the age and content of earliest memories. Growing amnesia and the emergence of autobiographical up in an environment where funerals are an memory. Given the nature of autobiographical important part of community life and often memory, they are not independent from one involve active participation of young children, another but interconnected through a threadÐthe many Maori adults recalled in their earliest ``self''. memories funerals that occurred when they were The cognitive-social discontinuity account only 3, whereas none of their European and Asian emphasises the influence of mental changes that counterparts did so. result from social demands when the child enters A culture of personal story telling also the adult world &Neisser, 1962; Schachtel, 1947). encourages adventure. Telling and retelling auto- Such changes should indeed comprise a sophisti- biographical events with interested others not cated, socially endorsed self-concept built upon 76 WANG the earlier in-placed ``cognitive self'' &Howe & Finally, a life filled with varied experiences Courage, 1993, 1997), which is necessary but may generates material out of which autobiographical not be sufficient for the remembering of personal memories are developed, remembered, and experiences &Povinelli, 1995). The importance of embellished. Cultural institutions and practices the self is further reflected in social-interactionist place different emphases on change versus con- and functional approaches to memory develop- tinuity, thereby creating differences in the avail- ment. In these approaches, parent±child colla- ability of enduring life stories that can be told and borative construction of the shared past facilitates retold to oneself and with others. the establishment of an autobiographical history Thus, the present analysis lends support to a that serves as a primary source for self-under- pluralistic account of infantile amnesia. Many standing and an enduring self-concept &Nelson, ideas developed using data from Western samples 1996; Pillemer, 1998). The complexity of life hold up well to close scrutiny with cross-cultural experience further affects the availability of self- findings. Nevertheless, while more basic and relevant events for individuals to remember and abstract aspects of mechanisms and contributing to tell. The present cross-cultural analysis illus- factors may operate similarly in different cultures, trates the connections among these theories, the specific ways in which these mechanisms and bringing into awareness the effects of different factors are expressed or manifested differ quali- conceptualisations and structures of the self in tatively. For a personal event to be remembered shaping the degree of infantile amnesia. It further and to persist over time, the child has to have a indicates that autobiographical memory emerges well-developed self-concept to provide a refer- through the interplay among many intrapersonal, ential frame. She or he has to have ``mature'' interpersonal, and sociocultural factors. schemata to understand and organise the event First of all, the cognitive discontinuity entailed information. She or he has to have sufficient nar- by mental growth and societal demands makes it rative skills to share the memory with others and difficult or impossible to retrieve memories of to internalise others' verbal representation into events that took place before the change occurs. her or his own memory system. Yet cultures offer Such discontinuity, however, varies in nature and different affordances, requirements, and prefer- duration across cultures, which contributes to encesÐin terms of in what form, at what pace, and different degrees of forgetting. for what purposeÐfor self-concept, cognitive Second, the emergence of the cognitive self and schemata, and narrative skills to develop and later more sophisticated self-concept in the course further play their roles. Cultures also create macro of development makes it possible that an event and micro contexts embodying different beliefs, can be remembered as happening to ``me''. Cul- institutions, tools, and symbols that shape the ture-specific construct of the self further shapes ways people live, experience, and remember. The the timing, content, and style of early personal offset of infantile amnesia is thus a result of a event memories. complex matrix of influences where ``culture and Third, early parent±child memory sharing the psyche `make each other up' '' &Shweder et al., helps children encode memory information in 1998, p. 867). linguistic form and, consequently, facilitates the One may ask whether cultural differences in retention and retrieval of the memories. Parents autobiographical memory reflect actual differ- in different cultures do not engage their children ences in memory representations or simply result in memory conversations equally or in the same from different narrative norms across cultures. My manner, and these differences produce culture- answer is ``both!'' Culturally shared systems of specific personal reminiscing in children as meaning or ``cultural models'' &Holland & Quinn, young as age 3. 1987) provide a behavioural foundation for indi- Fourth, the psychosocial function of auto- viduals in participating in, interpreting, remem- biographical memory determines, ultimately, bering, and recounting life events. Content and what, how, why,andwhen individuals remember stylistic differences in memories among people their experiences and even whether they remem- from different cultures should therefore reflect ber at all. Cultures hold different views of the the pervasive effect of cultural models on both functions of personal memory and memory shar- memory representations &memory traces origin- ing, which results in different degrees of elabora- ally encoded and reconstructed over time) and tiveness, specificity, and social orientation in memory narratives &at the very moment of memory. retrieval). Wang and Ross &2001) recently con- INFANTILE AMNESIA RECONSIDERED 77 ducted a study to empirically test this question the cultural system, play a crucial role in deter- using a self- manipulation paradigm, and mining the emergence of autobiographical their results support this theoretical view. In memory and the mode in which that memory is addition, although memory researchers tend to preserved. A comprehensive theory of infantile focus on either representation or narrative due to amnesia must encompass both individual and their empirical and theoretical constructs, these cultural sentiments, taking account of the two aspects of memory are often intertwined, psychosocial niche in which the phenomenon is given that each time of verbal recollection writes taking shape and being shaped. and rewrites the memory traces that originally may or may not be encoded in linguistic format. 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