MEMORY, 2003, 11 &1), 65±80 Infantile amnesia reconsidered: A cross-cultural analysis Qi Wang Cornell University, NY, USA A number of theories have been offered over the past hundred years to explain the phenomenon of infantile amnesia, the common inability to remember autobiographical experiences from the first years of life. Recent comparative studies that examine autobiographical memories in different populations, par- ticularly populations in North America and East Asia, have yielded intriguing findings that provide a unique opportunity to revisit some of the major theoretical views and to propose new accounts. In light of these findings, this article discusses five theoretical explanations for infantile amnesia, including cognitive and social discontinuity, the emergence of the self, early parent±child memory sharing, functions of autobiographical memory, and the complexity of life experience. The reconsideration of infantile amnesia from a cross-cultural perspective suggests that while the basic mechanisms and contributing factors may be universal, the specific ways in which these mechanisms and factors are manifested differ qualitatively across cultures. A theoretical approach that takes the larger cultural context into account can help us understand this long-standing puzzle. Infantile amnesia, the common inability to recall universal and is, in fact, even more prominent in autobiographical events from the early years of some non-Western societies. On average, Euro- life, was first discussed by Freud &1949) who pean and Caucasian-American adults can con- asserted that it ``turns everyone's childhood into sciously remember events they experienced at something like a prehistoric epoch'' &p. 54). Freud about age 3.5 &Pillemer & White, 1989), which is claimed that such amnesia results from the more than 6 months earlier than native Koreans repression of sexual impulses, with a blockage and Chinese and overseas Asians &MacDonald, separating childhood memories from adult con- Uesiliana, & Hayne, 2000; Mullen, 1994; Wang, sciousness. Since Freud's time, the phenomenon 2001a). The content of earliest memories also of infantile amnesia has been a puzzle that con- shows marked differences across cultures. Child- tinues to intrigue psychologists. A number of hood memories reported by American adults tend explanations have been offered over the past to be voluminous, specific, self-focused, and hundred years, and the topic remains the focus of emotionally elaborate, whereas memories pro- theoretical debate &e.g., Conway & Pleydell- vided by Chinese are often skeletal, generic, Pearce, 2000; Fivush & Hamond, 1990; Howe & centred on relationships, and emotionally unex- Courage, 1993, 1997; Neisser, 1962; Nelson, 1996; pressive &Wang, 2001a). Even at preschool age, Pillemer & White, 1989; Schachtel, 1947; Wang, American children tend to have autobiographical Leichtman, & White, 1998). accounts that are more elaborate, more specific, Recent cross-cultural studies on adults' child- more self-focused, and less socially oriented than hood recollections and children's autobio- do their Korean and Chinese peers &Han, graphical reports have provided new insight into Leichtman, & Wang, 1998; Wang, 2002; Wang & this phenomenon. Infantile amnesia seems to be Leichtman, 2000). Requests for reprints should be sent to Qi Wang, Department of Human Development, Cornell University, Martha Van Rensselaer Hall, Ithaca, NY 14853±4401, USA. Email: [email protected] Thanks to Ulric Neisser whose inspiration and help made this article possible. Also thanks to Robyn Fivush, Michael Owren, Michael Ross, and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and critiques on earlier versions of this article. Special thanks go to the author's Harvard mentors and collaborators Michelle D. Leichtman and Sheldon H. White. # 2003 Psychology Press Ltd http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals/pp/09658211.html DOI:10.1080/09658210143000461 66 WANG These cross-cultural data raise a challenging Second, most cross-cultural studies to date have question: Are traditional theoretical views focused on North-American and East-Asian rooted in Western conceptions of memory, self, populations. Itherefore base my analysis mainly and human development able to account for the on findings from these cultures, while incorpor- phenomenon of infantile amnesia &Wang & ating data from other cultures wherever available. Brockmeier, 2002)? It is time to revisit existing On the other hand, comparisons between North- theories and to propose new ones, in light of the American and East-Asian cultures are of parti- new data. Here Idraw upon findings from differ- cular interest due to the drastic differences in ent cultures, particularly North-American and cognition, emotion, and social behaviour among East-Asian cultures, to discuss five cognitive- the peoples, which derive from centuries of dif- social accounts, aiming at a more comprehensive ferences in religious, philosophical, and political understanding of infantile amnesia in a compara- traditions &Hsu, 1970; Markus & Kitayama, 1991; tive context. Ichoose to discuss the five theories Shweder et al., 1998). Iwill provide descriptive because they are particularly relevant to the stu- accounts of different beliefs and practices in these dies reviewed here that set forth to test cultural cultures in relation to remembering and forgetting explanations of infantile amnesia. Some of the when discussing each theory of infantile amnesia. theories &e.g., Fivush, 1994; Neisser, 1962) have Note, however, that this cross-cultural analysis is indeed motivated empirical cross-cultural work. conducted on a considerable degree of within- These theoretical views focus on both the loss of culture variation among individuals and sub- early childhood memory and the remembrance culture groups &e.g., Miller & Sperry, 1987; Wang later on, with an increasing emphasis on the et al., 1998). establishment and/or enrichment of a new Third, the analysis of memory content helps to memory system and its functions. Together, they identify factors that operate to maintain early constitute a pluralistic account of infantile childhood memories. Although some theorists amnesia. Through a cross-cultural analysis, I have attributed the loss of memories of early examine whether and how various mechanisms experiences to the particular content of these and factors proposed in these theories are mani- memories &Freud, 1949; Neisser, 1962; Schachtel, fested in different cultures. My ultimate goal is 1947), research on infantile amnesia to date has to demonstrate that it is in the process of cul- mostly focused on the age and accessibility of tural symbolic, material, and discursive interac- earliest memories among adults and the ability to tions that autobiographical memory emerges as recall past events among preschool children. No both an individual expression and a cultural pro- systematic consideration has been given to the duct. characteristics of memory content that may facil- Let me first outline some characteristics of the itate or hinder memory retention. Here Iwill show present analysis. First, Iadopt Pillemer and that the analysis of memory content integrates the White's &1989) definition of autobiographical functional, cultural, and historical dimensions of memory, which refers to memory for self- early memories and therefore, is crucial for our pertaining information and events that can be understanding of the timing and degree of infan- transformed into linguistic form, written or tile amnesia. Table 1 summarises the aspects of spoken &overtly or covertly), through intentional memory content examined in past cross-cultural recollective efforts. It does not include memories studies. that are only enacted through behaviour and only Finally, empirical studies on infantile amnesia reinstated automatically by affective or contextual have focused on either adults' retrospective cues. In this view, infantile amnesia occurs when recollections of childhood events or preschoolers' memories from the earliest years of life are no early event memories. These two suites of work longer accessible to adult recall through con- tend to be isolated or treated as parallel during scious, language-based probes. Whether these theorisation. Although we have to wait for long- memories are lost, blocked, or not encoded itudinal investigations to directly examine the link &properly) in the first place is a question of debate, between early memory development and the later &for reviews, see Howe & Courage, 1993; Nelson, inability of adults to access earliest memories, 1993a; Pillemer & White, 1989), and the theo- cross-cultural studies make it possible to look into retical views discussed here do seem to hold dif- this link at a group level. By systematically ferent opinions on this issue. Ishall offer my examining cultural variations in adults' childhood comments as the analysis comes along. recollections, children's autobiographical reports, INFANTILE AMNESIA RECONSIDERED 67 TABLE 1 Aspects of memory content examined in empirical cross-cultural studies Memory content Description Elaborativeness Volume, details, and descriptive texture of memories &e.g., adjectives, adverbs, and modifiers) Specificity Two distinct categories of memory, one of ``specific'' events that happened at a particular point in time &``When Iwas about 4, Igot stung by a bee'') and the other of ``generic'' events that took place regularly or on multiple occasions &``My mom took me to school every day'') Autonomous orientation