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IG XII 9.212: a MACEDONIAN OFFICER at ERETRIA Aus: Zeitschrift Für Papyrologie Und Epigraphik 96 (1993) 249–257

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IG XII 9.212: a MACEDONIAN OFFICER at ERETRIA Aus: Zeitschrift Für Papyrologie Und Epigraphik 96 (1993) 249–257 RICHARD A. BILLOWS IG XII 9.212: A MACEDONIAN OFFICER AT ERETRIA aus: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 96 (1993) 249–257 © Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 249 IG XII 9.212: A Macedonian Officer at Eretria IG XII 9.212 is a decree of the city of Eretria on Euboia, honoring a Macedonian officer named Arrhidaios son of Alexandros as a public benefactor. It was first published by A. Wil- helm in "Epigraphai ex Euboias", EA 1892, 126-33 no. 3, with a facsimile and commentary. The text given by Ziebarth in IG XII 9 differs slightly from that of Wilhelm in the reconstruc- tions proposed for lines 10-13, but is otherwise that of Wilhelm as Ziebarth never saw the in- scription itself. Wilhelm concluded from the letter forms that the inscription probably dated from the first half of the 3rd century BC. In the opening lines of the decree mention is made of a basileus Alexandros, whom Wilhelm sought to identify in order to date the inscription more closely. He noted two rulers named Alexandros in the first half of the 3rd century: the son of the famous king Pyrrhos of Epeiros, whom it would be difficult, however, to associate with Eretria; and the less well known Alexandros Kraterou, nephew and viceroy over Greece of the famous Macedonian king Antigonos Gonatas. This latter Alexandros ca. 250 rebelled against his uncle and made himself an independent ruler in central Greece, and he is in fact mentioned in the Suda s.v. Euphorion as ÉAlejãndrou toË ba!ileÊ!anto! EÈbo¤a!, ufloË d¢ KrateroË. As he is thus specifically associated with Euboia, Wilhelm tentatively identi- fied him as the king Alexandros of the Eretrian decree, which he consequently dated to ca. 250.1 This assumption of Wilhelm's has found universal assent; as far as I have been able to discover only one scholar, R. Urban, has expressed any reservations, though Wilhelm him- self proposed his theory with a certain diffidence.2 In point of fact IG XII 9.212 has been largely ignored by modern scholars, the only dis- cussion of any length devoted to it being that of O. Picard in his book cited in n. 1 at pp. 272- 74. There are, however, serious problems with the interpretation of it proposed by Wilhelm and Picard, which merit more careful examination than they have yet received. At lines 10-13 the text, though somewhat broken, certainly praises Arrhidaios for helping the Greeks to ex- pel garrisons from their cities. Picard concludes from this that Alexandros Kraterou, Arrhi- daios' putative master, had a policy of removing the Macedonian garrisons of his uncle Anti- 1 See further Wilhelm RE s.v. Alexandros no. 15; O. Picard, Chalkis et la confédération eubéenne (BEFAR 234, 1979) 272-74. The date of his rebellion is disputed and cannot be gone into here; his death oc- curred about 245—see Plutarch, Aratos 17.1-18.1 recounting how Antigonos recaptured Korinthos after reput- edly having Alexandros poisoned. 2 R. Urban, Wachstum und Krise des Achaiischen Bundes (Historia Einzelschriften 35, Wiesbaden 1979) 22 n. 87 remarks that the attribution to Alexandros Kraterou cannot be regarded as proven. The attribution is accepted without comment by e.g. W.S. Ferguson, Hellenistic Athens (London 1911); W.W. Tarn, Antigonos Gonatas (Oxford 1914) 355 n. 35; and Ed. Will, Histoire politique du monde hellénistique I (Nancy 1966) 286- 87. Wilhelm himself stated that Alexandros was the king of this inscription "katå tØn gn≈mhn mou" (EA 1892 p. 131), and in his RE article he drew conclusions from IG XII 9.212 with the caution "wenn dieselbe richtig auf diesen Alexandros [sc. Kraterou] bezogen wird." 250 Richard A. Billows gonos from the Greek cities, renewing in this the propaganda about liberating the Greeks spread by his step-grandfather (and Antigonos Gonatas' father) Demetrios Poliorketes.3 Con- sideration of the nature of Alexandros' power and position, however, renders such a conclu- sion highly suspect. Alexandros had been placed by Antigonos in command of the Macedonian garrisons in Greece, especially at Chalkis, Korinthos, and perhaps Athens, the three main bastions of An- tigonos' power in Greece. We may ask ourselves how he went about rebelling against Anti- gonos, and on what he thereafter based his own power as ruler: the Macedonian garrisons could not simply be told to go away without some counterforce to back up the command, and with the garrisons gone Alexandros' power would have been gone too without some other force to rely upon. We know in fact that Alexandros, as independent ruler, had military forces and engaged in warfare and the garrisoning of Greek cities: warfare is attested against the Macedonian garrison at Athens, which remained loyal to Antigonos, and it is certain that Alexandros maintained a garrison in Korinthos.4 We may be sure, in fact, that far from ex- pelling the Macedonian garrisons of Chalkis and Korinthos, a proceeding which would have been difficult and dangerous if not impossible, Alexandros based his own power upon these very garrison troops, whom he merely seduced from their loyalty to Antigonos; in short that Alexandros' rebellion from Antigonos simply involved refusing to accept or follow orders from Antigonos and in future ruling his cities and garrisons in his own interest. The other in- formation we possess about Alexandros shows him to have been very far from the sort of ruler to be making propaganda about Greek liberty and freedom from garrisons (see n. 4 above). The difficulties justify a fresh look at the inscription, its date, the identify of king Alexander, and the historical and political background. I. The Inscription (see pl. VII) The height of the stele is 64 cm., and the inscribed text of 26 lines covers roughly the top three quarters of the surface. The surface of the stone is in a very poor condition: badly battered at the edges and worn as well as chipped in the centre, where much of the text is lost. This was already the case in Wilhelm's day, but the 3 Demetrios Poliorketes married Phila, the widow of Alexander's famous general Krateros (Plut. Dem. 14.2). Phila was the mother of Krateros by Krateros, and of Antigonos Gonatas by Demetrios (see Plut. Moralia 486a where Krateros jr. and Antigonos Gonatas are cited as a case of devoted brothers; cf. R.A. Billows, Antigonos the One-Eyed and the Creation of the Hellenistic State (Berkeley 1990) app. 3 nos. 10 and 60). Alexandros was thus the half-nephew of Gonatas, and the step-grandson of Poliorketes. 4 That Alexandros Kraterou maintained a garrison on Akrokorinthos appears from Plutarch, Aratos 17.1- 18.2, which describes how Antigonos Gonatas captured this garrison by surprise shortly after Alexandros' death; that he had a garrison at Chalkis is not specifically attested, but may be regarded as virtually certain, for Chalkis appears to have been, as it were, his second capital (cf. the anecdote preserved by the Suda s.v. Eupho- rion), and it is not clear how else he could have maintained his power there in the face of the perennial Greek preference for freedom. In addition, it appears that Alexandros installed a man named Nikokles as tyrant of Sikyon, which led to bad blood between himself and Aratos, who managed to depose Nikokles (see on this Will, Histoire politique I 288-90; and cf. Plut., Aratos 18.2 mentioning an attack on Korinthos by Aratos when Alexandros was still in charge there). Though Alexandros did later have an alliance with the Achaian League (Plut. ibid.), there is no evidence to suggest that he was regarded as a champion of Greek freedom, or that he led an alliance of "the Greeks" (he was in fact at war with Athens and Argos; see IG II2 774 and 1225). IG XII 9.212: A Macedonian Officer at Eretria 251 stone has deteriorated further since then, and some of the letters read by Wilhelm are no longer visible (these are underlined in the text below). The first three lines, which are entirely preserved and have 30, 27 and 28 let- ters respectively, indicate ca. 30 as the number of letters per line. However, the writing is uneven and untidy, the letter-size and spacing varying quite widely; in places the writing went right up to the very right edge of the stone as the cutter sought either to avoid having to break up a word, or at least to break it syllabically; and in the latter portions of the inscription the lines are somewhat longer as the stone widens slightly towards the bottom (it is ca. 28.5 cm. wide just above the first line of text, and 30 cm. wide just below the last line). In addition, the letters tend overall to be slightly smaller in the latter part of the inscription. Consequently, there is quite a wide variation in the number of letters per line (between 27 and 34). After each line I give in paren- theses the number of letters in it. The stone is stored in the Eretria Museum with the inventory n. 1152, as I learned from Professor Denis Knoepfler of the Université de Neuchatel. Thanks to the kind co-operation of the Chalkis Ephoreia of the Greek Archaeological Service, and of the guards of the Eretria Museum, I was able to inspect the inscription in 1983 and again in 1987, when I was also able to photograph it.5 My inspection confirmed most of Wilhelm's readings, at least wherever the letters still survive, except at one crucial point at the end of line 6, where Wil- helm overlooked the worn and partially destroyed last letter of the line.
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