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Lebanon: Background and U.S. Relations
Lebanon: Background and U.S. Relations Casey L. Addis Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs February 1, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R40054 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Lebanon: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Lebanon is a religiously diverse country transitioning toward independence and democratic consolidation after a ruinous civil war and the subsequent Syrian and Israeli occupations. The United States and Lebanon have historically enjoyed a good relationship due in part to cultural and religious ties; the democratic character of the state; a large, Lebanese-American community in the United States; and the pro-western orientation of Lebanon, particularly during the cold war. Current policy priorities of the United States include strengthening the weak democratic institutions of the state, limiting the influence of Iran, Syria, and others in Lebanon’s political process, and countering threats from Hezbollah and other militant groups in Lebanon. Following Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon in 2005 and the war between Israel and Hezbollah in the summer of 2006, the Bush Administration requested and Congress appropriated a significant increase in U.S. assistance to Lebanon. Since 2006, U.S. assistance to Lebanon has topped $1 billion total over three years, including for the first time U.S. security assistance for the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) and Internal Security Forces (ISF) of Lebanon. Several key issues in U.S.-Lebanon relations could potentially affect future U.S. assistance to Lebanon. The scope and influence of foreign actors, primarily Syria and Iran; unresolved territorial disputes; concerns about extremist groups operating in Lebanon; and potential indictments by the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) are among the challenges facing the Lebanese government and U.S. -
State Fragility in Lebanon: Proximate Causes and Sources of Resilience
APRIL 2018 State fragility in Lebanon: Proximate causes and sources of resilience Bilal Malaeb This report is part of an initiative by the International Growth Centre’s Commission on State Fragility, Growth and Development. While every effort has been made to ensure this is an evidence-based report, limited data availability necessitated the use of media reports and other sources. The opinions in this report do not necessarily represent those of the IGC, the Commission, or the institutions to which I belong. Any errors remain my own. Bilal Malaeb University of Oxford and University of Southampton [email protected] About the commission The LSE-Oxford Commission on State Fragility, Growth and Development was launched in March 2017 to guide policy to address state fragility. The commission, established under the auspices of the International Growth Centre, is sponsored by LSE and University of Oxford’s Blavatnik School of Government. It is funded from the LSE KEI Fund and the British Academy’s Sustainable Development Programme through the Global Challenges Research Fund. Cover photo: Fogline Studio/Getty 2 State fragility in Lebanon: Proximate causes and sources of resilience Contents Introduction 4 State (il)legitimacy 9 Ineffective state with limited capacity 15 The private sector: A source of resilience 22 Security 26 Resilience 29 Conclusion and policy recommendations 30 References 36 3 State fragility in Lebanon: Proximate causes and sources of resilience Introduction Lebanon is an Arab-Mediterranean country that has endured a turbulent past and continues to suffer its consequences. The country enjoys a strong private sector and resilient communities. -
Produced by the Human Security Centre Lead Author
1 Human Security Centre – Written evidence (AFG0019) Produced by the Human Security Centre Lead Author: Simon Schofield, Senior Fellow, In consultation with Rohullah Yakobi, Associate Fellow 2 1 Table of Contents 2. Executive Summary .............................................................................5 3. What is the Human Security Centre?.....................................................10 4. Geopolitics and National Interests and Agendas......................................11 Islamic Republic of Pakistan ...................................................................11 Historical Context...............................................................................11 Pakistan’s Strategy.............................................................................12 Support for the Taliban .......................................................................13 Afghanistan as a terrorist training camp ................................................16 Role of military aid .............................................................................17 Economic interests .............................................................................19 Conclusion – Pakistan .........................................................................19 Islamic Republic of Iran .........................................................................20 Historical context ...............................................................................20 Iranian Strategy ................................................................................23 -
Lebanon: a Consociational Model to Be Refined
ISSUE BRIEF 10.15.18 Lebanon: A Consociational Model to be Refined Maria Tannous, Lebanese American University As conflicts continue to rage throughout required to achieve a stable political process the Middle East in the wake of the 2010 and accommodate the concerns of sectarian Arab uprising, divisions across ethnic and groups (Hudson 1997, 106). religious lines in several regional countries In light of this renewed attention on have brought consociational models of the Lebanese model, it is necessary to governance back into the spotlight. In an re-evaluate Lebanon’s consociational system effort to reconcile inter-group conflicts and in order to gauge whether it would be useful regulate power sharing in the region, public for other countries in the region experiencing discussions have highlighted the role of similar ethnic or religious divisions. consociational arrangements in resolving conflict in Lebanon. Lebanon has 18 officially recognized sects. Under the Lebanese THE TAIF AGREEMENT consociational system, agreement among The Taif Agreement was meant to restore the leaders of the major sects (Sunni, Shia, the consociational model as the country’s and Maronite) is required to pass a policy, governing mechanism and reduce approve an official’s appointment, convene institutionalized sectarianism. It was verbally parliament, or for a president to be elected agreed that the president of Lebanon must (i.e., parliament does not convene and be a Maronite, the prime minister a Sunni, elections are not held unless the sects agree and the speaker of parliament a Shia. To In light of this renewed on the winning candidate in advance). The this end, the accord tasked the Chamber of attention on the Lebanese model, or the “Lebanese formula” Deputies with organizing a national dialogue as described by Hudson (1997, 107), has Lebanese model, on the country’s political transition. -
Lebanon's Unstable Equilibrium
LEBANON'S UNSTABLE EQUILIBRIUM AUTHOR Mona Yacoubian November 2009 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE 1200 17th Street NW, Suite 200 Washington, D.C. 20036-3011 www.usip.org USIP Peace Briefing: Lebanon's Unstable Equilibrium INTRODUCTION Lebanon's recently announced national unity government has eased fears that the country would once again be mired in a dangerous political stalemate. Yet, despite the recent breakthrough, Lebanon's unstable equilibrium -- marked by both internal and regional tensions - - could still devolve into serious violence. Deep seated sectarian animosities persist, raising the prospects for political instability and civil strife if unaddressed. Regionally, mounting tensions with Israel raise the worrisome possibility of isolated border incidents spiraling into more serious conflict. Taken together these two underlying challenges to stability -- internal civil unrest and regional conflict with Israel -- could undermine Lebanon’s fragile peace. This paper will examine internal challenges to Lebanon’s stability. Formed five months after the June 2009 parliamentary elections, Prime Minister-designate Saad Hariri's consensus cabinet, comprised of his March 14th coalition together with members of the opposition March 8th bloc, is an essential step toward ensuring that Lebanon gains more stable footing. 1 The new government follows a compromise formula allotting 15 cabinet seats to the majority, 10 to the opposition, and five to President Michel Suleiman. While power-sharing arrangements are by nature less effective and more prone to stalemate, they are crucial to Lebanon’s delicately balanced confessional system and provide an essential pathway to civil peace. Beyond the new consensus government, two critical developments would help to facilitate peace and stability in Lebanon: . -
Lebanon: Background and U.S. Relations
Lebanon: Background and U.S. Relations Casey L. Addis Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs May 19, 2009 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R40054 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Lebanon: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Lebanon is a religiously diverse, democratic state transitioning toward independence after a ruinous civil war and the Syrian and Israeli occupations that followed. The United States and Lebanon have historically enjoyed a good relationship due in part to cultural and religious ties; the democratic character of the state; a large, Lebanese-American community in the United States; and the pro-western orientation of Lebanon, particularly during the Cold War. Current U.S. concerns in Lebanon include strengthening the weak democratic institutions of the state, limiting the influence of Iran and Syria in Lebanon’s political process, and disarming Hezbollah and other militant groups in Lebanon. Following Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon in 2005 and the war between Israel and Hezbollah in the summer of 2006, the Bush Administration requested and Congress appropriated a significant increase in U.S. assistance to Lebanon. Since 2006, U.S. assistance to Lebanon has topped $750 million over three years, including for the first time over $410 million in U.S. security assistance for the Lebanese Armed Forces and Internal Security Forces of Lebanon. Several key issues in U.S.-Lebanon relations could potentially affect future U.S. assistance to Lebanon. A political agreement among Lebanese parties in May 2008, brokered by the Qatari government and the Arab League in Doha, ended 18 months of political stalemate. -
Lebanon Date: 14 August 2009
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: LBN35294 Country: Lebanon Date: 14 August 2009 Keywords: Lebanon – Elections – 2009 – Sunnis – March 14 This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. Please provide a brief report on the position of Sunnis and the political situation in Lebanon following the June 2009 elections? 2. Please provide information on the June 2009 election results. RESPONSE 1. Please provide a brief report on the position of Sunnis and the political situation in Lebanon following the June 2009 elections? 2. Please provide information on the June 2009 election results. Executive Summary Note: There are various Romanised spellings of religious denominations, political parties and place names. Different sources refer to Hizballah and Hizbollah, Shia and Shi’a, Shiite and Shi’ite, Ta’if and Taef. In this response the spellings Hizballah, Shia, Shi’ite and Ta’if are employed, however alternative spellings in source materials have not been altered. Since the end of the civil war in 1990 there have been a number of violent and potentially state-destabilising incidents in Lebanon. Perhaps the most serious include the assassination of the Sunni former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri in 2005 and clashes between Hezbollah (Shi’ite) supporters and Sunni Muslims in Beirut in May 2008. -
Qatar: Governance, Security, and U.S
Qatar: Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Updated September 25, 2019 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44533 SUMMARY R44533 Qatar: Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy September 25, 2019 The State of Qatar has employed its ample financial resources to exert regional influence separate from and independent of Saudi Arabia, the de facto leader of the Gulf Cooperation Council Kenneth Katzman (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Oman), an alliance of Specialist in Middle six Gulf monarchies. While fostering a close defense and security alliance with the United States, Eastern Affairs Qatar has intervened in several regional conflicts and has, at times, engaged Sunni Islamists, Iran [email protected] and Iran-backed groups, and Israeli officials. Qatar has maintained consistent dialogue with Iran while also supporting U.S. efforts to limit Iran’s regional influence and U.S. combat against For a copy of the full report, major regional terrorist organizations such as the Islamic State organization. please call 7-.... or visit www.crs.gov. Qatar’s support for regional Muslim Brotherhood organizations and its Al Jazeera media network have contributed to a backlash against Qatar led by fellow GCC states Saudi Arabia and the UAE. In June 2017, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Bahrain, joined by Egypt and a few other governments, severed relations with Qatar and imposed limits on the entry and transit of Qatari nationals and vessels in their territories, waters, and airspace. The Trump Administration has sought, unsuccessfully to date, to mediate a resolution of the dispute, hindering U.S. -
Qatar: Background and U.S
Qatar: Background and U.S. Relations Christopher M. Blanchard Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs November 4, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL31718 Qatar: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Qatar, a small peninsular country in the Persian Gulf, emerged as a partner of the United States in the mid-1990s and currently serves as host to major U.S. military facilities. Qatar holds the third- largest proven natural gas reserves in the world, and is the largest exporter of liquefied natural gas. Its small citizenry enjoys the world’s highest per capita income. Since the mid-1990s, Qatari leaders have overseen a course of major economic growth, increased diplomatic engagement, and limited political liberalization. The Qatari monarchy founded Al Jazeera, the first all-news Arabic language satellite television network, in 1995. Over time, the network has proven to be as influential and, at times, as controversial as the policies of its founders, including during recent unrest in the Arab world. In June 2013, Emir Hamad bin Khalifa al Thani abdicated in favor of his son Tamim bin Hamad, marking the first voluntary and planned transition of power in Qatar since it became an independent country in 1971. In a 2003 referendum, Qatari voters approved a new constitution that officially granted women the right to vote and run for national office. The constitution envisions elections for two-thirds of the seats in a national Advisory Council. However, elections have not been scheduled, and the term of the current Advisory Council has been extended to 2016. Central Municipal Council elections were last held in May 2011. -
Doha Agreement
United Nations S/2008/392 Security Council Distr.: General 10 June 2008 Original: English Letter dated 22 May 2008 from the Permanent Observer of the League of Arab States to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council Pursuant to Article 54 of the Charter of the United Nations, I have the honour to transmit herewith copies of the following: (a) the Doha Agreement regarding the outcome of the Lebanese national reconciliation conference; and (b) the outcome and resolutions issued by the Council of the League of Arab States at its extraordinary session held at the ministerial level on 11 May 2008 (see annex). I should be grateful if you would arrange for the present letter and its annex to be circulated as a document of the Security Council. (Signed) Yahya Mahmassani Ambassador 08-40255 (E) 140708 170708 *0840255* S/2008/392 Annex to the letter dated 22 May 2008 from the Permanent Observer of the League of Arab States to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council [Original: Arabic] Doha Agreement on the outcome of the meeting of the Lebanese National Dialogue Under the generous sponsorship of His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, Emir of the State of Qatar; In continuation of the efforts of the Arab Ministerial Committee on the Lebanese crisis under the leadership of His Excellency Shaikh Hamad bin Jassim bin Jabr Al-Thani, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the State of Qatar and of Mr. Amre Moussa, Secretary-General of the League of Arab States, and Their Excellencies -
Political Party Mapping in Lebanon Ahead of the 2018 Elections
Political Party Mapping in Lebanon Ahead of the 2018 Elections Foreword This study on the political party mapping in Lebanon ahead of the 2018 elections includes a survey of most Lebanese political parties; especially those that currently have or previously had parliamentary or government representation, with the exception of Lebanese Communist Party, Islamic Unification Movement, Union of Working People’s Forces, since they either have candidates for elections or had previously had candidates for elections before the final list was out from the Ministry of Interior and Municipalities. The first part includes a systematic presentation of 27 political parties, organizations or movements, showing their official name, logo, establishment, leader, leading committee, regional and local alliances and relations, their stance on the electoral law and their most prominent candidates for the upcoming parliamentary elections. The second part provides the distribution of partisan and political powers over the 15 electoral districts set in the law governing the elections of May 6, 2018. It also offers basic information related to each district: the number of voters, the expected participation rate, the electoral quotient, the candidate’s ceiling on election expenditure, in addition to an analytical overview of the 2005 and 2009 elections, their results and alliances. The distribution of parties for 2018 is based on the research team’s analysis and estimates from different sources. 2 Table of Contents Page Introduction ....................................................................................................... -
Country Advice Lebanon Lebanon – LBN37789 – Lebanese Forces
Country Advice Lebanon Lebanon – LBN37789 – Lebanese Forces political party – Confessional system 1 December 2010 1. Please send some general information on the Lebanese Forces political party, including who were their leaders and/or important milestones since 1994. Please include any information you feel may be useful. Background The Lebanese Forces political party formed as a mainly Maronite Christian military coalition during the civil war between Christian, Muslim and Druze militias between 1975 and 1990. The Lebanese Forces was one of the strongest parties to the conflict, during which time it controlled mainly-Christian East Beirut and areas north of the capital. In 1982, during the civil war, a key figure in the Lebanese Forces, Bashir Gemayel, who was the then President of Lebanon, was killed. The Lebanese Forces was regularly accused of politically-motivated killings and arrests and other serious human rights abuses before the war ended in 1990, although other factions in the conflict were accused of similar abuses. The Phalangists, the largest militia in the Lebanese Forces, massacred hundreds of civilians in the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps in 1982. The anti-Syrian Lebanese Forces was banned in 1994, but remained influential among the 800,000-strong Maronite Christian community that dominated Lebanon before the war.1 While the Lebanese Forces has perpetrated human rights abuses, a 2004 Amnesty International report stated that “Samir Gea'gea and Jirjis al-Khouri, like scores of other LF members, may have been victims of human