Introduction

Notes

Introduction

1. The comment, of course, articulates class as primarily a cultural category, and thus performs the task of disguising the realities of class as much as it illu- minates them. Displacing class as an economic category, a fundamental struc- tural feature of a capitalist society, might be seen as a way of de-politicising the question, rendering it safe by reducing it to talk about accents, attitudes, tastes and behaviours. This is an emphasis the English, in particular, are more than comfortable with. I will discuss some of these “displacements” throughout the book. 2. A powerful critique of class analysis came also from a resurgent feminism. More significantly, though, and going against this tide, were the contributions of female scholars who insisted on the continued relevance of class, and its necessary intersection with gender. This was begun in 1986 with Carolyn Steedman’s Landscape for a Good Woman, an early intervention in the ‘end of class’ debate. Other works include Valerie Walkerdine, Schoolgirl Fictions (1991); Annette Kuhn, Family Secrets: Acts of Memory and Imagination (1995); and Beverley Skeggs, Formations of Class and Gender (1997). 3. I will be referring to some of this work throughout: some key texts include Beverley Skeggs, (1997, 2004); Diane Reay (1997, 2000); Andrew Milner (1999, 2002); Gary Day (2001); Sally Munt (ed., 2000); Ben Rampton (2006). 4. Where succeeding Prime Ministers – most recently, Thatcher, Major and Blair – had hoped to see off the topic of class, still it rears its head, even at the most unpropitious moment: indeed at moments of supposed goodwill to all men and women. Thus, on the eve of Christmas 2005, I received the following by email attachment (I was one of many names on a long list). Described as the “Chav Xmas Story”, this followed: There’s this bird called Mary, yeah? She’s a virgin (wossat then?). She’s not married or nuffink, but she’s got this boyfriend, Joe, innit? He does joinery an’ that. Mary lives with him in a crib dahn Nazaref. One day Mary meets this bloke Gabriel. She’s like “Oo ya looking at?” Gabriel just goes ‘You got one up the duff, you have.” Mary’s totally gobsmacked. She give it to him large “Stop dissin’ me yeah? I ain’t no Kappa-slapper. I never bin wiv no one!” So Mary goes and sees her cousin Liz, who’s six months gone herself. Liz is largin’ it. She’s filled with spirits, Bacardi Breezers an’ that. She’s like “Orright, Mary, I can feel me bay-bee in me tummy and I reckon I’m well blessed. Think of all the extra benefits an’ that we are gonna get.” Mary goes “Yeah, s’pose you’re right”. Mary an’ Joe ain’t got no money so they have to ponse a donkey, an’ go dahn Bethlehem on that. They get to this pub an’ Mary wants to stop, yeah? To have her bay-bee an’ that. But there ain’t no room at the inn, innit? So Mary an’ Joe break an’ enter into this garridge, only it’s filled wiv animals. Cahs an’ sheep an’ that. Then these three geezers

209 210 Notes

turn up, looking proper bling, wiv crowns on their heads. They’re like “Respect, bay-bee Jesus”, an’ say they’re wise men from the East End. Joe goes: “If you’re so wise, wotchoo doin’ wiv this Frankenstein an’ myrrh? Why dincha just bring gold, Adidas and Burberry?” It’s all about to kick off when Gabriel turns up again an’ sez he’s got another message from this Lord geezer. He’s like “The police is comin an’ they’re killin all the bay- bees. You better nash off to Egypt.” Joes goes “You must be monged if you think I’m goin’ dahn Egypt on a minging donkey.” Gabriel sez “Suit yerself, pal. But it’s your look out if you stay.” So they go dahn Egypt til they’ve stopped killin the first-born an’ it’s safe an’ that. Then Joe and Mary and Jesus go back to Nazaref, an’ Jesus turns water into Stella. There are perhaps few better examples of the intersection of class and gender than this one. Steph Lawler (2000) has argued that working-class people are ‘Othered and pathologised within middle-class culture’ and that ‘working- class women stand in a specific relationship to this pathologisation’. Thus often working-class women are Madonna or whore, a familiar binary – so that ‘these women are constituted as exotic and repulsive Others when observed from a middle-class perspective’ (2000, p. 123). 5. The “chav” teenager, Vicki, depicted in BBC television’s comedy Little Britain, who is willing to swap her baby for a Westlife CD, provides a good example. Similarly, as Skeggs points out (2004), The Royle Family represents the working class as ‘immobile’, unthreatening and almost bovine in their appearance. I will discuss this further in Chapter 3. 6. For comment and debate in the press on this and other “anxieties” concern- ing working-class “disenfranchisement” see ‘Class division now is worse than the 1950s’, The Observer, January, 2005; and Madeline Bunting’s piece in The Guardian, ‘Ignored, angry and anxious: the world of the white working class’, 13 February 2006. 7. In his discussion of these approaches to class, Savage (2001) takes Thompson to task for failing to recognise that the cultural aspects he studied with regard to class consciousness or formation could not, when more closely examined, be reduced to class as the sole determinant. Savage argues that ‘gender, eth- nicity, age, national identity … all seemed equally, or more, salient’ (30). This observation then, in some significant sense, crucially undermines class analysis for Savage, though why it should do so quite so comprehensively is difficult to say. Surely it has generally been recognised that class is not always present (or possible) in some “pure” form, but is intertwined with other identities and movements related to nationalism, race, gender or sexuality, as well as being articulated and struggled over in the field of representation. Besides, Savage’s comment works the other way with regard to identity politics and any focus on the importance of gender, race and sexuality that ignores the powerful determining factor of class. As bell hooks (2000) asserts, in the context of class in America, ‘race and gender can be used as screens to deflect away from the harsh realities of class politics’, and she criticises this tendency, arguing that ‘the neat binary categories of white and black and male and female are not there when it comes to class’ (6). 8. The material drawn upon here is from the project ‘Does Work Still Shape Social Identity and Action’. ESRC/RES 148–25–0038 Notes 211

1 Northern Exposure: The Travails of Class in a Post-Industrial Landscape

1. The popularity of former Lancashire steeplejack turned industrial historian and televison presenter, Fred Dibnah, I would argue goes some way to re- inforcing this, too. For instance, see the series, Fred Dibnah’s World of Steam, Steel and Stone, shown on BBC2, Autumn, 2006. The series plays in well with the heritagisation of history – though I would argue that Dibnah’s excursion into the industrial past is less reification than commemoration. See Raphael Samuel (1994) on the positive aspects of history as heritage in his Theatres of Memory Vol. 1. 2. For further elaboration on this, and a discussion of the powerful gender inflec- tion associated with such representations, see Terry Lovell, ‘Landscapes and Stories in 1960s British Realism’, in Higson (ed.), (1986). 3. This is a central critique of Carolyn Steedman’s Landscape for a Good Women: A Story of Two Lives (1986), where she attacks the work of Richard Hoggart and Jeremy Seabrook, two influential writers on working-class life and culture in the post-war period in Britain, often – certainly in Hoggart’s case – with a particular focus on the North. See especially, The Uses of Literacy (1957) and Seabrook’s Working-Class Childhood (1982). In this context see also Beatrix Campbell’s criticisms in Wigan Pier Revisited (1984). 4. For instance, the building of Britain’s first giant mall, Meadowhall, in Sheffield, was on the former location of the huge Hadfield’s steelworks closed in 1984. 5. Peter Fannery’s drama series Our Friends in the North was broadcast by the BBC in 1996. It touches on many of the issues of place and class raised here, but requires a complete chapter of its own to do it full justice. 6. In Work, Consumption and the New Poor (1998), Zygmunt Bauman argues that ‘a steady, durable and continuous, logically coherent and tightly structured working career is no longer an available option’ (27). Citizenship is, then, not linked to work-based senses of self, say, but to the acts of consumption. If it becomes a duty of the citizen, as citizen, to consume in this new dispensation, then those excluded from such processes – such as those individuals docu- mented by Charlesworth – will be, according to Bauman’s analysis, marginalized and dismissed, as the choices they make in consuming goods will be, because of their material deprivations, defined as bad choices, and thus rendering them “bad” citizens (1998, p. 71). 7. My own upbringing was working class: the son of a factory worker and hos- pital domestic, raised in a small terraced house, two up/two down, in an industrial city in the English Midlands. I followed both my father and older brother into the factory (textiles), and work in a range of other areas of industry following that, before returning to education at a relatively late stage. This does, of course, shape many of my responses to class, and working-class life in the contemporary moment. 8. Most recently an article by Maria Elisa Cevasco, ‘Whatever Happened to Cultural Studies: Notes from the Periphery’, in Textual Practice 14 (3), 2000, 433–438. But also see the range of excellent essays in Sally Munt (ed.), Cultural Studies and the Working Class: Subject to Change (2000). I refer to other key texts which articulate such positions throughout the book. 212 Notes

2 In Search of the Working Class: The Rise of British Cultural Studies

1. This is what we can term the “traditional” history of British Cultural Studies. It has been contested, not least by those key figures within the formation itself. Thus Raymond Williams (1989) argued that the origins of Cultural Studies were not embedded in key texts like his own Culture and Society (1958), but in the adult education classes of the 1940s and 1950s, in which he and other scholars were active for the Workers’ Educational Association in Northern Ireland (WEA). For a fuller discussion of the “traditional” view, see Moyra Haslett, Marxist Literary and Cultural Theories (2000). 2. Haslett (2000) makes the point, too, referencing Christine Geraghty, that it is possible to regard ‘earlier antecedents, such as Humphrey Jenning’s documen- tary Spare Time (1939)’ as precursors to Cultural Studies proper, where ‘working- class communities are observed through the integration of industry and culture’ (159). 3. Speaking prior to the 2004 General Election, education policy was economic policy, according to the “New” Labour Prime Minister, Tony Blair. 4. So, for instance, Stuart Hall acknowledged that Williams’s work was in significant ways formative, despite the gradual shift away from his methods and towards more postmodern, certainly post-structuralist, paradigms. See, Hall, Morley and Chen (1996). 5. The best known work of Bourdieu’s to explicate this view is Distinction (1984). 6. Rosalind Coward’s 1977 review of Resistance through Rituals challenged this purported fusion – one mediated by Gramsci’s notion of hegemony – of struc- turalism and culturalism. There she pointed out that the two paradigms could not be reconciled, as culturalism stressed the essentially class-based nature of sub-cultural action and thus simply rehearsed the old base/superstructure argument she deemed outmoded. 7. This formulation belongs to Louis Althusser’s immensely influential rework- ing of the concept of ideology in his famous essay ‘Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses’, in Essays on Ideology, London, NLB/Verso, 1984. 8. McRobbie (1978, also 1980) pointed to the absence in both Willis and Hebdige of any serious discussion of girls in relation to sub-cultural resistance. She identifies oppositional patterns in girls’ attitudes to schooling, though such resistance, for McRobbie, only confirms their subordination (thus echoing here my critique of Willis). The Birmingham collective’s Policing the Crisis (1979) and The Empire Writes Back (1982) did much to redress the neglect of race in studies of sub-cultures and in the evolving interests of Cultural Studies more generally. 9. See for instance his chapters in Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices (1997).

3 Abyss-mal Sites: Representation and the British Working Class

1. Elsewhere Skeggs has talked about the importance of appearance in terms of recognition and the understanding of the self in the context of class. She Notes 213

argues that ‘some groups are denied access to economic and social resources because they are not recognised as being worthy recipients’ (Skeggs, 2000, p. 129), and in the process of this “de-recognise” themselves. This is a mode of symbolic violence which constitutes and reinforces class identities and dis- positions to the extent that such judgements (of value and of taste) become internalised by the denigrated groups themselves, a point also made by Sayer (Sayer, 2005, p. 67). This ‘visible mechanism of evaluative classification’ is how bodies become classed or gendered (Skeggs, 2000). Again, the example of the “Chav Xmas Story” exemplifies this. 2. Skeggs cites Foucault in this context: ‘The middle-class thus defined itself as different from the aristocracy and the working-classes who spent, sexually and economically, without moderation …. It differed by virtue of its sexual restraint, its monogamy and its economic restraint or thrift’ (in Skeggs, 2004, p. 37). 3. On this see, for example, Frederic Jameson’s (1981, p. 186) argument that the nineteenth century novel represented an important cultural form for the bour- geoisie, offering ideological solutions, or resolutions, for the middle class and their anxieties. This is echoed also in Raymond Williams’s assertion that in the 1840s, and the revolutionary year of 1848 in particular, ‘class relations, includ- ing class conflict, [became] the conscious material of fiction’, even if this dynamic is addressed ‘precisely so it can be reconciled or evaded’ (1981, p. 163). 4. See, for example, Brontë’s Shirley (1847), or Eliot’s Felix Holt (1866). Terry Eagleton, referencing Shirley, has pointed out that the novel’s attitude ‘to the working class weavers wavers accordingly between panicky contempt and paternalistic condescension’ (1986, p. 49). 5. The realist novel, as Jameson indicated (1981), provided a moral and ideological framework through which a middle-class readership could make sense of the world. The emergence of literary naturalism towards the end of the nineteenth century, however, produced a new rhetoric and a new stock of images to represent urban life and the British working class: less sentimental and moralistic, yet marked by an essentialism which rendered working-class subjectivity “degraded” by environmental factors, or factors linked to nega- tive hereditary features of working-class life (see Eagleton and Pierce (1979); and for an interesting analysis of the rhetoric of images at the end of the nineteenth century associated with class, gender and nation, see G. Davis (1988)). 6. Stuart Hall and Bill Schwarz identify what they call a ‘sharp historical discontinuity from the preceding Victorian period’; which would lead to a profound crisis of the state between 1910 and 1926 – what they term ‘a crisis of liberalism’ (95). This is the period of the rise of mass production and consumption in new and hitherto unexploited forms – in short, modernity itself. At the same time, ‘the main agencies for mass political representation … appeared between 1880 and 1920’, releasing the ‘major political forces of our own period’ (95). As Hall and Schwarz remind us, this leads to a new “collect- ivist” state which took diverse forms, creating social movements which take up the notions of social rights and mass democracy and push for vital new forms of industrial and political representation, constituting an often radical challenge to hitherto established notions of democracy. At the same time, this new emphasis on citizenship comes with a price. It is predicated upon moral 214 Notes

attributes – respectability, responsibility; “deserving”, “undeserving” – individualising class and dislocating it from economic factors. 7. This is a constitutive part of Marshall Berman’s powerful and influential exploration of modernism in All that is Solid Melts into Air. 8. It seems to be a notion, too, restricted only to working-class men in the work- place, leaving women aside altogether. 9. For an acute critique of the absence of economics in the understanding of class, see David Harvey’s ‘Class Relations, social justice and the politics of difference’, in Keith, M. and Pile, S. (eds), Place and the Politics of Identity (London, Routledge,1993). 10. Particularly notable, of course, in discourse centred on the so-called underclass, which leads Chris Haylett (2001) to claim that, ‘visions of the underclass have become part of the personal, public and political imagination of British culture in the 1990s’ (72), serving, it needs to be said, as a political device to divide the working class.

4 ‘Speaking for more than Itself’: Answerability and the Working-Class Text

1. For a discussion of working-class writing in the United States see for instance, Janet Zandy (2000) Calling Home: Working-Class Women’s Writing; also Hands: Physical Labour, Class, and Cultural Work (2004). An excellent collection of essays on the study of working-class writing, and working-class culture more generally is John Russo and Sherry Lee Linkon’s (2005) New Working-Class Studies. 2. He uses the term to describe a type of narrative which places the working- class subject, and working-class concerns, at the centre of the text, opening up the genre to social and political analysis, with the aim of mobilising the reader towards a more active response to the inequities and struggles which the story describes. 3. A recent article by Lorna Martin explores British television and the working class. See The Observer, 27 August 2006. 4. See also Janet Zandy (2004), pp. 90–92. 5. For further commentary on this see, Geoff Gilbert, “Can Fiction Swear? James Kelman and the Booker Prize”, in Rob Mengham (1999). 6. I have already highlighted Sillitoe’s work in Chapter 3. See also Pat Barker, Union Street (London, Virago, 1984); The Century’s Daughter (London, Virago, 1986); Barry Hines, The Heart of It (London, Michael Joseph, 1994) and Irvine Welsh, Trainspotting (London, Martin Secker and Warburg, 1993), to name but a few. 7. In his survey of socialist fiction in the 1930s, H. Gustav Klaus listed some- thing like 70 publications mostly by working-class writers, despite the inevitable problem of time, education and outlets these writers faced. See H. Gustav Klaus, ‘Socialist Fiction in the 1930s’, in J. Lucas (ed.), The 1930s (Brighton, Harvester, 1978), p. 36. 8. Ibid. 9. Ken Worpole’s Dockers and Detectives (1983) further underlines the range of working-class writing extant at this period. Discussing what he calls working Notes 215

class Expressionism in the 1930s he argues that ‘For the many people brought up in single industry communities, with strong local traditions, there were as many for whom class was experienced as the dislocation of generations, the rootlessness of city life, a succession of casual jobs and the constant search for employment often involving moving from town to town’ (79). In this writing working class life is seen differently from that of some realist novelists (see also, Fordham (2001)). 10. Barbara Foley’s Radical Representations: Politics and Form in U.S. Proletarian Fiction, 1929–1941 (1993) categorises working-class writing in the following modes: proletarian fictional autobiography, proletarian bildungsroman, proletarian social novel and collective novel (83). 11. And the most obvious and celebrated example in the British context is Lewis Grassic Gibbons’s proletarian epic, A Scots Quair. 12. On this see Simon Dentith, ‘Tone of Voice in Industrial Writing in the 1930s’, in H. Gustav Klaus and Stephen Knight (eds) (2000). 13. Walter Benjamin (1969) makes some interesting points on this score. In his essay ‘The Storyteller’, Benjamin writes about the devaluing of experience and the erosion of tradition in the modern world. In documenting the decline of the ‘storyteller,’ his discussion identifies two generic traditions of storytelling. He writes: ‘If one wants to picture these two groups through their archaic representatives, one is embodied in the resident tiller of the soil, and the other in the trading seaman’ (84). Benjamin argues: ‘Experience which is passed on from mouth to mouth is the source from which all storytellers have drawn. And among those who have written down the tales, it is the great ones whose written version differs least from the speech of the many nameless storytellers’ (84). What seems important to Benjamin, in his discussion of the “tale,” is that it will always describe a common historical experience. The storyteller is of the people and thus relates the collective life of the people in a mode of address – a narrative orientation – dialogically angled towards the people themselves, and this lies with an attention not only to the- matic content but to the deployment of language itself. Again, there might be no better example here than Lewis Grassic Gibbon’s A Scots Quair. 14. See Beverley Skeggs (2004) on this, too, where she argues that contemporary ‘injunctions’, in the form of television confessional programmes, perform precisely the same function for postmodern times. 15. For greater detail of the strike see, Huw Beynon (ed.) (1985), Digging Deeper; Andrew Richards (1996), Miners on Strike: Class, Solidarity and Division in Britain. For a powerful fictional depiction of the events see David Peace (2003), GB1984.

5 Working through Change (i): Oral Testimony and the Language of Class

1. This Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) funded project, Does Work Still Shape Social Identities and Action (ESRC RES 148-25-0038), examines the significance of work to identity formation in contemporary British society. This work was carried out with colleagues: Tim Strangleman, Christine Wall, Jane Martin and Steve Jefferys. Here I have drawn upon some of my own interim findings. 216 Notes

2. There is a further dimension to this, too. In the terms developed by Bourdieu through the concepts of linguistic capital and, more broadly, cultural capital, these practices of articulation are invariably bound up with issues of power (1993). They are socially distributed and validated within a culture which is marked by an inequality of access to such cultural capital as well as an established hierarchy of what exactly such capital amounts to – and thus the capacity to tell stories and have them heard finds authorisation through institutional sites, established formations and power relations – and this proposition, of course, informed arguments in Chapter 4 – which determine the right to speak, how to speak, who can speak and whether a discourse is regarded as legitimate or not. Thus it is incumbent upon anyone who considers themselves to be working with groups marginalized at a number of different and coinciding levels to make space for the narratives of those who do not usually get heard and to listen carefully to what they have to say, best described as an act of complex solidarity between speaker and listener. 3. Indeed, it can be argued that working-class lives are not really like this anyway – they lack the seemingly assured teleology of many middle-class career narratives. This has been particularly the case in recent times: the economic restructuring of the 1980s and 1990s leaving many working-class people redundant and adrift. 4. Skeggs (2004) notes, referring to the work of Strathern (1992) that these ‘forms of control are manifested in inner-directed technologies of the self, which in consumerism are expressed as technologies of choice’ (56). The sense of the ‘entrepreneurial self’ is linked to notions of both individuality and choice in the production of the self, and this middle-class imperative of the ‘self-managing individual can be seen clearly in the rhetoric of identity politics’ (57). 5. I have attempted to do this in relation to autobiography. See Kirk, 2003, chapter 5, and 2006. 6. My arguments in Chapter 3, where I analyse representations of the working- class in the novels of writers like Dickens and Gaskell, are clearly more critical than Williams appears to be at this stage. 7. See John A. Vincent on some of these issues, where he suggests that ‘a greater emphasis on contextual fluidity of generational identities rather than a single structure of sequential generations can help link an empirically based political economy of generational inequality with a cultural sociology of generation’ (580). In, ‘Understanding Generations: Political Economy and Culture in an Ageing Population’, The British Journal of Sociology, 56; 4 (2005) 579–599. 8. In the Corrosion of Character, Sennett starts off by telling the story of a father and son. Enrico, the working-class father, a janitor, and Rico, his son, a man on the road to upward mobility, working as an executive and earning an executive’s salary. Though a janitor all his life, Enrico had, for Sennett, never- theless ‘achieved a measure of social honour’ (17). Enrico had ‘carved out a clear story for himself … his life thus made sense to him as a linear narrative. … The janitor felt that he had become the author of his life, and though he was a man low on the social scale, this narrative provided him with a sense of self-respect’ (16). But this was a time of a more “stable” capitalism. Rico, his achieving son, had to deal with “flexible” capitalism. Despite material rewards, this career narrative was fraught with anxiety and troubled introspection, fuelled by the ever-present fear of “downsizing”, so that in the Notes 217

end Rico ‘feared that the actions he needs to take and the way he has to live in order to survive in the modern economy have set his inner, emotional life adrift’ (20). While Enrico stood tall in the light of a working life nobly lived, his son was “hollowed out” by the more destructive nature of a modern system which no longer values such qualities as “time served”.

6 Working through Change (ii): Work-life Histories and Narratives of Class

1. One such space where this structure of feeling is explored is in railway workers’ autobiographies. There exists a huge number of these, as Tim Strangleman (2005) has shown in his article ‘Class Memory: Autobiography and the Art of Forgetting’. 2. I have argued elsewhere (2003) that nostalgia, or what I call ‘nostalgic memory’ represents a symbolic act of recovery: of neglected experience, forgotten voices, silenced groups. 3. We see this repeatedly in our research: men (and women) of a certain age, and within the three sectors we are examining, “forced” to retire before their time, and an accompanying bitterness, even distress, accompanies this. 4. See Janet Zandy (2004) for a discussion of this in a North American context. 5. Volosinov (1973) has put this in slightly different terms: ‘the personality of the speaker … turns out wholly a product of social relations’ (90). Replace personality with character and we have broadly the same thing. 6. See Williams on these categories in Marxism and Literature (1977), pp. 128–135. 7. See particularly the Introduction in Annette Kuhn, Family Secrets: Acts of Memory and Imagination (London: Verso, 1995). 8. This refers to Sennett and Cobb’s, The Hidden Injuries of Class (1992). 9. On this see Antonio Gramsci’s Prison Notebooks (1971). There he argues that if a mode of production constitutes a set of relations which will, in turn, throw up cultural and intellectual formations representative of given groups or classes, then we need to consider the organic intellectuals of the working class. That the notion of a working-class intellectual has been, and continues to be, regarded in some circles as an oxymoron, is countered by Gramsci in his assertion that ‘all men [and women] are philosophers’ (323). 10. For a wide and illuminating discussion of these changes see Tim Strangleman, Work Identity at the End of the Line: Privatisation and Culture Change in the UK Rail Industry (London, Palgrave, 2004). 11. Diane Reay’s paper, delivered at a Working-Class Studies seminar at London Metropolitan University on 20 October 2005 makes a very similar point.

Conclusion

1. Although I was critical in my opening chapter of Charlesworth’s emphasis on the importance of his working-class background, this did not constitute a criticism of the intervention nor the purpose behind it. I would welcome the importance of positionality asserted by Charlesworth, bound, in a sense, to a working-class habitus, or structure of feeling. My criticism was aimed at the overriding tendency in Charlesworth’s analysis towards disallowing the 218 Notes

working-class voices space to speak for themselves rather than simply speak for them. 2. That is not to say that the notion of structures of feeling cannot be read as a way of understanding (in Jameson’s terms, cognitive mapping) that can also be exclusionary and insular, as well as enabling and productive. 3. In the United States of America, working-class studies has emerged over the past decade as an exciting focus of study on university campuses, where university teachers and researchers, attempting to think through class, are in the process establishing connections with the wider working-class community and its institutions and representatives. See the discussions, for instance, in John Russo and Sherry Lee Linkon (eds), New Working-Class Studies (New York, Cornell University Press, 2005). Bibliography

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abyss 36, 98 British Rail 175, 178, 182, 184, 185 adiaphorisation 99 Bronte, C. 79 Adorno, T. 35 Bunting, M. 210 n Age of Affluence 1, 38 Burroughs, W. 51 agency 8, 36, 50, 155 Butler, J. 2 Althusser, L. 48, 50, 55, 56 Authoritarian Populism 35 Cannadine, D. 1, 92 autobiography 12, 131–40 Class in Britain 1 Carey, J. 83 Bakhtin, M. 48, 112, 113, 145, Centre for Contemporary Cultural 146, 147, 148, 150, 156, Studies (CCCS) 10, 44 171, 191 Cevasco, M. 37, 211 n and answerability 103–4 Character 183 and dialogics 112–14, 146, 178 Charlesworth, S. 3, 6, 13, 14, 27–37, and mutlispeechness 145 50, 62, 63, 64, 141, 153, 154, 199, Barker, P. 125 200, 204 Barthes, R. 51 A Phenomenology of Working Class Baudrillard, J. 59–60 Experience 3, 27, 31, 62, 156, Bauman, Z. 99–100, 211 n 199 Work, Consumption and the Chartism 80–1 New Poor 99–100, 211 n Chavs 4, 99, 209–19 n Beck, U. 3, 96 Class Beezer, A. 48 and consciousness 29, 39, 177, Benjamin, W. 130, 215 n 186, 187 Berman, M. 214 n and deference 6 Beynon, H. 2 and dignity 6, 183 Bhabha, H. 66 and displacing 79–81, 209 n Billy Elliot 27 and experience 5–6, 155–60 Blair, T. 2 and language 106–114 Bleasdale, A. 21, 22, 125 and memory 161–4 Boys from the Blackstuff 21–3, 125 and pride 189 Bloomsbury Group 124 and race and gender 18, 75, 85, Booth, W. 85 152, 180–86 In Darkest England and the and recognition 29, 100, 153–4, Way Out 85 164–5, 181–3 Bourdieu, P. 5, 6, 7, 8, 27, 46, 50, and respect 6, 29, 153–4, 164–5, 109, 150, 153, 164, 167, 187, 192, 181–3 200–2, 216 n and transition 191–99 and capitals 46, 119, 164, 192 definition of 7–9 and habitus 8, 50, 153–4 see also working class The Weight of the World 150, 167, classlessness 2, 21, 32, 95 187, 200 Coal Was Our Life 25 Brassed Off 27 Cobb, J. 198

228 Index 229

Collins, M. 4 Federation of Worker Writers and The Likes of Us: A Biography of the Community Publishers (Fed) 12, White Working Class 4 126–33 commitments 166–7, 171–2, Fentress, J. and Wickham, C. 161–4, 173, 183 173 Communist Manifesto 76 Social Memory 161 Conrad, J. 85–7 Fiske, J. 61, 62–4, 65 Heart of Darkness 85–6 Fordham, J. 118 The Secret Agent 86–7 Forster, E. M. 87–8 consumer 3, 29, 60 Howards End 87 consumerism 3, 29, 60, 61, 90 Foucault, M. 55, 213 n consumption 3, 29, 34 Fowler, B. 109 Coronation Street 20 Frankfurt School 33 Coward, R. 212 n Fraser, N. 2 Craig, C. 107–8 Cultural Studies 37, 38, 45, 54 Gaskell, E. 16, 76–8, 105 and British 11, 12, 36–44 North and South 16 and sub-cultures 44–54 Mary Barton 76–8, 105 and populism 61–6 General Strike 114 Genet, J. 51 Day, G. 9, 16, 21, 76, 81, 83, 90, 208 Giddens, A. 2, 3, 96, 144 de-industrialisation 10, 21, 27, 95 Gilroy, P. 66 Dentith, S. 112, 145, 146, 215 n Goldthorpe and Lockwood 1 diaspora 66–70 Gramsci, A. 28, 46, 55 Dibnah, F. 211 n and hegemony 46, 55, 68 Dickens, C. 16, 78, 79 and organic intellectual 28, 187, Hard Times 16, 78 217 n Bleak House 78 Greenwood, W. 19, 120–1 Dombey and Son 78 Love on the Dole 120–1 Disraeli, B. 16 Grele, R. 147 Sybil 16 Grierson, J. 114 Dolby, N. 138–40 Norma Dolby’s Diaries 138–40 Hall, S. 11, 44, 45–9, 53, 54, Dyer, R. 20 55–7, 60, 66–71, 212 n, 213 n Eagleton, T. 2, 41, 71, 82, 86, and diaspora 66–71 157, 213 n and sub-cultures 45–9 Eagleton and Pierce 213 n and Thatcherism 55–7 Eastwood 15 Harrison, T. 114 Edinburgh Television Festival 4 Harvey, D. 30 Edwinstowe 15 Haslett, M. 212 n Eldridge, J. and Eldridge, L. 159 Haylett, C. 214 n Eliot, G. 79 Haywood, I. 80, 83, 115, 118, 125, Eliot, T.S. 41, 81, 82, 84, 88 129, 160 Preludes 88 Working-Class Fiction The Waste Land 88 103 encoding-decoding 53 Hebdige, D. 45, 49, 50, 53 Englishness 66 Subculture: The Meaning of Style 45, Eyesteinsson, A. 82 49, 50, 51, 61–2 230 Index

Hitchcock, P. 104, 112, 113, 115, Kuhn, A. 6, 178 120, 125 Family Secrets 178 The Dialogics of the Oppressed 112 Labour Party 54 Hobsbawm, E. 16, 19 Laclau and Mouffe 55–6 Hoggart, R. 20, 24, 31–4, 36, 39, 44, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy 55 45, 90, 173, 191 Lawler, S. 210 n Holderness, G. 118 Lawrence, D. H. 15, 16–18, 32 The Uses of Literacy 20, 24, 31, 33, “Nottingham and the Mining 35, 36, 39, 44, 61, 90, 173 Community” 16 hooks, b. 210 n The Rainbow 17 Huyssen, A. 58, 89 Leavis, F. R. 41, 117, 122–3 hybridity 67 Linkon, Sherry Lee 218 n diasporic hybridity 68, 69 Little Britain 4 Hynes, S. 117 Lopez, Ortega, J. 115 Lovell, T. 211 n Identity 11, 22, 26 Lovett, W. 135 identity politics 66–70, 95, 100 Lowry, L. S. 19 ideology of affluence 47 and the North 19–20 and literature 75–6 Lukacs, G. 82 individualism 90–8 Lyotard, J. F. 58, 59 Industrial Midlands 15, 16 Macherey, Pierre 157 Jacques, M. 55, 56 Manchester 16 Jameson, F. 16, 37, 57, 58, 84, 86 Marx, K. 36, 105, 164, 190 Jefferson, T. 45–8 Marxism 58 Resistance through Rituals 45 Marxism Today 57 Jenkins, S. 106, 108, 111 Marxist 7, 31, 49 Jennings, H. 114 masculinity 22, 76 Jessop, B. 55 and manual labour 173–6 Johnson, R. 117 Mass Observations 19, 114, 124 Jones, L. 118–20 Massey, Doreen 21, 30 Cwmardy 118–20 McGuigan, J. 61, 95 We Live 118–20 McRobbie, A. 53, 61, 65, 212 n Joyce, J. 82 Medhurst, A. 95 Ulysses 82 Medvedev, P. 146, 147 Meiksins-Wood, E. 2 Keating, P. 78 Merleau-Ponty, M. 27 Kelman, J. 106–9, 110, 111, 113 Michael, L. 125–6 How late it was, how late 106 middle class 35, 75, 182 The Bus Conductor Hines 106 Milner, A. 2, 10, 11, 57, 61, 65, 68, You have to be Careful in the Land of 71, 97 the Free 106 Re-Imagining Cultural Studies 11 Kirk, J. 2, 3, 21, 44, 47, 73, 125, Miners’ Strike 137–40 126, 164 mining 25–7 Twentieth Century Writing and the modernism 83–94 British Working Class 3 and the masses 83–94 Klaus, H. Gustav 214 n Moretti, F. 82 Index 231

Morley, D. 45, 53, 123 Russell, D. 10, 15, 16 The Nationwide Audience 45, 53 Northern England and the National Mount, F. 4 Imagination 10 Mind the Gap: The New Class Russo, J. 218 n Divide in Britain 4 Rustin, M. 60 Mulhern, F. 43, 71 Munt, S. 2, 96 Said, E. 70, 84, 85 Murdock, G. 56 Samuel, R. 20–3, 24, 137–8, 164 Satre, J. P. 36 “New Ethnicities” 68 Savage, M. 1, 2, 7, 9, 90–3, 177, 186, New Times 55–7, 60–1 204, 205–6, 210 n Nicholls, P. 84, 88, 89 Sayer, A. 3, 5, 6, 8, 12, 73, 153–5, North 10, 14–19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 27, 164–8, 174, 176, 180, 189, 192, 28, 31, 37 196, 212 n ideas of 13–27 The Moral Significance of Class north–south divide 16 5, 153 of England 10, 13 Scotland 14 of the Watford Gap 14 Seabrook, J. 23–4, Northamptonshire 14 Unemployment 23–4 nostalgia 24, 44, 164, 173, 176 Sennett, R. 151, 168, 183, 216–17 n nostalgic memory 44, 164, 176 The Corrosion of Character 151, Nottingham 14 168, 183 Shameless 4, 99 O’Kane, J. 62, 63, 64, 65 Sillitoe, A. 15, 93–4 oral history 11, 142–68 Saturday Night and Sunday Morning and uses of composure 148–50, 15, 20, 93–4 152, 173–4, 198 Skeggs, B. 6, 8, 9, 11, 37, 49, 53–4, and form 152 73–5, 76, 79, 81, 89, 96–102, Orwell, G. 13, 19, 23, 28, 31, 36, 103, 152, 164, 203–4, 206, 212–13 n, 116–17, 119, 199 216 n The Road to Wigan Pier 13, 31, 36, Self, Class, Culture 11, 37, 73, 89 119, 199 Smiles, S. 75 Owens, Agnes 125 Self-Help 75 Smith, S. 135 Portelli, A. 152, 161, 170, 171, 172 Soja E. 30 post-industrial 14, 24, 29, 126 Sparks, C. 53, 61 post-industrialism 25 Stallybrass, P. 79, 80 post-Marxist 53 Steedman, C. 96, 135, 211 n postmodernism 57–9, 143 Landscape for a Good Woman 96 Potteries 15 Storey, J. 58, 143 Preston, I. 138–40 Strangleman, T. 137, 186, 217 n structure of feeling 8, 15, 18, 27, 29, Rampton, B. 7, 180, 207 30, 34, 39, 40, 41, 84, 89, 110, Reay, D. 195, 217 n 112, 125, 137, 147, 151, 152–160, Reisz, K. 20 164, 170, 173, 176, 179, 182, 186, representation 11, 35, 73–102 117, 205 of the industrial North 13–37 see also residual, emergent, see also working class dominant 152–160, 175 232 Index

Taylor, P. 10 and formations 123–4, 126, 127 Thatcher, M. 4, 60 and hegemony 143–4 Thatcherism 10, 22, 33, 51, 54, 55–7 and institutions 122 The Full Monty 27 and knowable community 138, The New East End: Kinship, Race and 176 Conflict 4 Marxism and Literature 145 The Royle Family 4, 99 and official consciousness 115, The Third way 2 155–60 Thompson, A. 148–50, 173–4, 198 and practical consciousness 9, 46, Anzac Memories 148 113, 144–5, 155, 160–1 Thompson, E.P. 7–8, 44, 45, 92, 135, and selective tradition 58, 122 146, 147, 208 Television, Technology and Form 45 The Making of the English Working Towards 2000 67, 70 Class 44 see also structure of feeling Turner, R. 24–7 Willis, P. 45, 49–50, 53 Coal Was Our Life 24, 27 Learning to Labour 45, 49, 50, 51, 53 Winterson, J. 125 Oranges are not the only Fruit 125 Underclass 36, 98 Woodin, T. 127 Unemployment 22–3, 24 work 22 Upward mobility 98 and community 28, 161–4 and identity 22, 161–7 Vincent, D. 133–5, 139 working class Vincent, J. 160, 216 n academics 34 Volosinov, V. 8, 9, 12, 112, 113, 131, community 20, 21, 22, 161–4, 145, 174, 178, 181–2, 184–6, 217 n 171–3, 176, 183 also logic of social evaluation culture 23, 31–2, 37, 49–50, 155–6 146–7, 174, 178, 194 dis-identification 204–6 and evaluative accent 146 end of 31 and inner-speech 8, 113, 144, experience 27–37 145, 156 formations 40 and utterance context 145 individualism 91–4 and loss 24, 161–4, 184–6 Waters, C. 19, 31, 136–7 novelists 19 welfare state 40 representations 74–102, 103 White, A. 79, 80 sub-cultures 45–54, 59 Wilkinson, E. 19, 115 writing 103–41 Williams, R. 8–9, 11, 16, 34, 35, 39–45, see also class 46, 54, 55, 60, 63, 64–5, 66, 70–72, Worpole, K. 127, 140, 214 n 83, 91–3, 101–2, 103, 104, 107, 110, Dockers and Detectives 214–15 n 113, 115, 131, 143–6, 149–60, 176, The Republic of Letters 127 179, 192, 200, 202, 207, 213 n Border Country 125 Young, I. 1, 2 and common culture 40, 41, 43, Young Foundation 4 66, 71, 72 Communications 45 Zandy, J. 104, 109, 114, 115, 141, and culture 8, 40–4 214 n Culture and Society 10, 39, 44, 63, Zizek. S 100–1 91–3 Zweig, F. 1