The Legitimate Heir
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INTRODUCTION the Capture of Constantinople by the Armies of the Fourth Crusade in 1204 Fragmented the Byzantine Empire. Territor
INTRODUCTION The capture of Constantinople by the armies of the Fourth Crusade in 1204 fragmented the Byzantine empire. Territories which did not submit to the Crusaders fell into the hands of Byzantine magnates who became rulers of numerous small political entities. The most important of these newly founded states, which each claimed to be the successor of the destroyed Byzantine empire, were the empires of Trebizond and Nicaea in Asia Minor and the principality of Epiros in the Balkans.1 The so-called empire of Nicaea, which was established as a viable state by Theodore I Laskaris (1204–1221), was the most suc- cessful of these. Laskaris averted the threat of a combined attack from the Latin empire of Constantinople and the Seljuks of Rum and over- came various local lords who, in the wake of the collapse of Byzantium, had established their own independent authorities in Asia Minor. His successors, John III Vatatzes (1221–1254) and Theodore II Laskaris (1254–1258), conquered large territories in the Balkans. They forced the rulers of Epiros to abandon their claim to the imperial title and reduced the military strength of the Latin empire of Constantinople. Under John III and Theodore II, Nicaea prevailed as the legitimate successor to the Byzantine empire. In 1261, the Nicaean army cap- tured Constantinople and Michael VIII Palaiologos (1259–1282), who had seized the throne from the Laskarids, restored the Byzantine empire. Yet, despite the conquests of the Laskarids and the recovery of Constantinople by Michael VIII, much territory which had belonged to the Byzantine empire before the Fourth Crusade remained beyond imperial control. -
Warfare in the Histories of John Kantakouzenos 299
Warfare in the Histories of John Kantakouzenos 299 Chapter 14 Warfare in the Histories of John Kantakouzenos Savvas Kyriakidis The purpose of this paper is to examine the descriptions of military operations that can be found in the Histories of the megas domestikos and emperor John VI Kantakouzenos (1347-54). The discussion of Kantakouzenos’ accounts of mili- tary operations contributes to the better understanding of his military thinking and provides a better insight to the nature of military conflicts in the Byzantine world in the first half of the fourteenth century. John VI Kantakouzenos is the only late Byzantine emperor who wrote a nar- rative of the political and military events of his period. His Histories cover the period 1320-1356, though some events, such as the temporary capture of Anhialos and Mesembria by John V Palaiologos (1341-91) date in the 1360s.1 Modern scholars describe the Histories either as an apologetic work for Kantakouzenos’ role in the civil wars of the fourteenth century which ruined Byzantium, or as memoirs.2 Regardless whether the distinction between memoirs and historiography can be applied in this case, Kantakouzenos’ agenda is easily discernible. He wanted to justify and explain his involvement in the civil wars and portray himself as a defender of the dynastic rights of the emperors of the Palaiologan dynasty.3 Kantakouzenos supported and financed the rebellion of Andronikos III Palaiologos (1328-41) against his grandfather Andronikos II Palaiologos (1282-28). This rebellion led to a civil war which was fought intermittently from 1321 until 1328 and resulted in the deposition of the elder Andronikos. -
OCTOECHOS – DAY of the WEEK Tone 1 – 1St Canon – Ode 3
OCTOECHOS – DAY OF THE WEEK Tone 1 – 1st Canon – Ode 3 – Hymn to the Theotokos You conceived God in your womb through the Holy Spirit, and yet remained unconsumed, O Virgin. The bush unconsumed by the fire clearly foretold you to the lawgiver Moses for you received the Fire that cannot be endured. Monday – Vespers / Tuesday - Matins: Aposticha – Tone 1 O VIRGIN, WORTHY OF ALL PRAISE: MOSES, WITH PROPHETIC EYES, BEHELD THE MYSTERY THAT WAS TO TAKE PLACE IN YOU, AS HE SAW THE BUSH THAT BURNED, YET WAS NOT CONSUMED; FOR, THE FIRE OF DIVINITY DID NOT CONSUME YOUR WOMB, O PURE ONE. THEREFORE, WE PRAY TO YOU AS THE MOTHER OF GOD, // TO ASK PEACE, AND GREAT MERCY FOR THE WORLD. Tone 2 – Saturday Vespers & Friday Vespers (repeated) – Dogmaticon Dogmatic THE SHADOW OF THE LAW PASSED WHEN GRACE CAME. AS THE BUSH BURNED, YET WAS NOT CONSUMED, SO THE VIRGIN GAVE BIRTH, YET REMAINED A VIRGIN. THE RIGHTEOUS SUN HAS RISEN INSTEAD OF A PILLAR OF FLAME.// INSTEAD OF MOSES, CHRIST, THE SALVATION OF OUR SOULS. Tone 3 – Wed Matins – 2nd Aposticha ON THE MOUNTAIN IN THE FORM OF A CROSS, MOSES STRETCHED OUT HIS HANDS TO THE HEIGHTS AND DEFEATED AMALEK. BUT WHEN YOU SPREAD OUT YOUR PALMS ON THE PRECIOUS CROSS, O SAVIOUR, YOU TOOK ME IN YOUR EMBRACE, SAVING ME FROM ENSLAVEMENT TO THE FOE. YOU GAVE ME THE SIGN OF LIFE, TO FLEE FROM THE BOW OF MY ENEMIES. THEREFORE, O WORD, // I BOW DOWN IN WORSHIP TO YOUR PRECIOUS CROSS. Tone 4 – Irmos of the First Canon – for the Resurrection (Sat Night/Sun Morn) ODE ONE: FIRST CANON IRMOS: IN ANCIENT TIMES ISRAEL WALKED DRY-SHOD ACROSS THE RED SEA, AND MOSES, LIFTING HIS HAND IN THE FORM OF THE CROSS, PUT THE POWER OF AMALEK TO FLIGHT IN THE DESERT. -
Of Masters and Servants: Hybrid Power in Theodore Laskaris
ANDRIA ANDREOU - PANAGIOTIS A. AGAPITOS Of Masters and Servants Hybrid Power in Theodore Laskaris’ Response to Mouzalon and in the Tale of Livistros and Rodamne Abstract The present paper examines two Byzantine texts from the middle of the thirteenth century, ostensibly unrelated to each other: a political essay written by a young emperor and an anonymous love romance. The analysis is conducted through the concept of hybrid power, a notion initially developed by postcolonial criticism. It is shown that in the two texts authority (that of the Byzantine emperor and that of Eros as emperor) is constructed as hybrid and thus as an impossibility, though in the case of the political essay this impossibility remains unresolved, while in the romance it is actually resolved. The pronounced similarities between the two texts on the level of political ideology (e.g. the notion of friendship between master and servant, the performance of power relations, shared key concepts) informing the hybrid form of authority and its relation to its servants is a clear indication that they belong to the same socio-cultural and intellectual environment, namely the Laskarid imperial court in Nicaea around 1250. * The present paper is a substantially The aim of this study* is to examine two ostensibly unrelated Byzan- revised and expanded version of a talk tine texts. The first is a ‘political essay’ by the emperor Theodore II given at a workshop on Theodore Doukas Laskaris (1254–58) on the relation of friendship between Laskaris as emperor and author, organized by Dimiter Angelov and rulers and their close collaborators; it can be plausibly dated between Panagiotis Agapitos in Nicosia with 1250 and 1254, at the time when the author was crowned prince. -
BYZANTINE CAMEOS and the AESTHETICS of the ICON By
BYZANTINE CAMEOS AND THE AESTHETICS OF THE ICON by James A. Magruder, III A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland March 2014 © 2014 James A. Magruder, III All rights reserved Abstract Byzantine icons have attracted artists and art historians to what they saw as the flat style of large painted panels. They tend to understand this flatness as a repudiation of the Classical priority to represent Nature and an affirmation of otherworldly spirituality. However, many extant sacred portraits from the Byzantine period were executed in relief in precious materials, such as gemstones, ivory or gold. Byzantine writers describe contemporary icons as lifelike, sometimes even coming to life with divine power. The question is what Byzantine Christians hoped to represent by crafting small icons in precious materials, specifically cameos. The dissertation catalogs and analyzes Byzantine cameos from the end of Iconoclasm (843) until the fall of Constantinople (1453). They have not received comprehensive treatment before, but since they represent saints in iconic poses, they provide a good corpus of icons comparable to icons in other media. Their durability and the difficulty of reworking them also makes them a particularly faithful record of Byzantine priorities regarding the icon as a genre. In addition, the dissertation surveys theological texts that comment on or illustrate stone to understand what role the materiality of Byzantine cameos played in choosing stone relief for icons. Finally, it examines Byzantine epigrams written about or for icons to define the terms that shaped icon production. -
The Apocryphal Bulgarian Sermon of Saint John Chrysostom on the Оrigin of Paulicians and Manichean Dimensions of Medieval Paulician Identity
Studia Ceranea 10, 2020, p. 425–444 ISSN: 2084-140X DOI: 10.18778/2084-140X.10.21 e-ISSN: 2449-8378 Hristo Saldzhiev (Stara Zagora) https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4116-6600 The Apocryphal Bulgarian Sermon of Saint John Chrysostom on the Оrigin of Paulicians and Manichean Dimensions of Medieval Paulician Identity ne of the most interesting documents concerning the early history of Pau- O licianism in Bulgarian lands is the apocryphal Saint John Chrysostom’s ser- mon on how the Paulicians came to be1. Its text is known entirely or partly from eight copies; the earliest ones are dated back to the 16th century2. The best-known variant is the copy from the Adžar collection N326 (17th century), preserved at the Bulgarian National Library3. It was found and published for the first time by Jor- dan Ivanov, the discoverer of the sermon, in 1922. Since then the Adžar and other copies have been published or quoted in different studies and research works4. The meaningful differences between the different copies are insignificant, except for the final passage. According to the Adžar copy, St. John Chrysostom from Petrič went to the Bulgarian land to search for the two “disciples of the devil”, but accord- ing to the others, he sent to the Bulgarian land delegates who brought “disciples of the devil” to Petrič5. That gives a reason to think that the copies transmitted the text of the initial original relatively correctly. According to Anisava Miltenova 1 Below in the text I will refer to it as “the sermon”. 2 А. МИЛТЕНОВА, Разобличението на дявола-граматик. -
Course Listing Hellenic College, Inc
jostrosky Course Listing Hellenic College, Inc. Academic Year 2020-2021 Spring Credit Course Course Title/Description Professor Days Dates Time Building-Room Hours Capacity Enrollment ANGK 3100 Athletics&Society in Ancient Greece Dr. Stamatia G. Dova 01/19/2105/14/21 TBA - 3.00 15 0 This course offers a comprehensive overview of athletic competitions in Ancient Greece, from the archaic to the hellenistic period. Through close readings of ancient sources and contemporary theoretical literature on sports and society, the course will explore the significance of athletics for ancient Greek civilization. Special emphasis will be placed on the Olympics as a Panhellenic cultural institution and on their reception in modern times. ARBC 6201 Intermediate Arabic I Rev. Edward W. Hughes R 01/19/2105/14/21 10:40 AM 12:00 PM TBA - 1.50 8 0 A focus on the vocabulary as found in Vespers and Orthros, and the Divine Liturgy. Prereq: Beginning Arabic I and II. ARTS 1115 The Museums of Boston TO BE ANNOUNCED 01/19/2105/14/21 TBA - 3.00 15 0 This course presents a survey of Western art and architecture from ancient civilizations through the Dutch Renaissance, including some of the major architectural and artistic works of Byzantium. The course will meet 3 hours per week in the classroom and will also include an additional four instructor-led visits to relevant area museums. ARTS 2163 Iconography I Mr. Albert Qose W 01/19/2105/14/21 06:30 PM 09:00 PM TBA - 3.00 10 0 This course will begin with the preparation of the board and continue with the basic technique of egg tempera painting and the varnishing of an icon. -
Περίληψη : Manuel Laskaris Was a Member of the Laskaris Family and One of the Six Brothers of Theodore I Laskaris (1204-1222)
IΔΡΥΜA ΜΕΙΖΟΝΟΣ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΥ Συγγραφή : Γιαρένης Ηλίας Μετάφραση : Βελέντζας Γεώργιος Για παραπομπή : Γιαρένης Ηλίας , "Manuel Laskaris ", Εγκυκλοπαίδεια Μείζονος Ελληνισμού, Μ. Ασία URL: <http://www.ehw.gr/l.aspx?id=7801> Περίληψη : Manuel Laskaris was a member of the Laskaris family and one of the six brothers of Theodore I Laskaris (1204-1222). In the years of John III Vatatzes (1222-1254), he was in disgrace, while when Theodore II Laskaris assumed the throne (1254-1958), he was recalled along with the rest of his relatives. He became an important trusty counselor of the emperor and was honoured by him with the notable title of protosebastos. He was not a successful fighter in the battlefield, though. After Theodore II died in 1258, he did not support the election of Michael Palaiologos as the regent of John IV Laskaris and, as a result, was exiled in Prousa. Άλλα Ονόματα Manuel Komnenos Laskaris, Manuel Tzamanturos, Maximos Τόπος και Χρόνος Γέννησης late 12th / early 13th century Τόπος και Χρόνος Θανάτου third quarter of the 13th century Κύρια Ιδιότητα protosebastos 1. Βiography Manuel Laskaris was the youngest brother of the emperor of Nicaea Theodore I Komnenos Laskaris, and the last of all six Laskaris brothers. The Laskaris brothers from the eldest to the younger were: Isaac, Alexios, Theodore (I Komnenos Laskaris, emperor in the exile of Nicaea), Constantine (XI Laskaris, uncrowned Byzantine emperor), Michael and Manuel.1 The activity of Michael Laskaris is also mentioned by George Akropolites, Theodore Skoutariotes and George Pachymeres, who calls him ‘Tzamanturos’( Tζαμάντουρος).2 There is information about his life and work until Michael VIII assumed the throne; Michael Laskaris must have died in exile in Prousa. -
A Chronological Particular Timeline of Near East and Europe History
Introduction This compilation was begun merely to be a synthesized, occasional source for other writings, primarily for familiarization with European world development. Gradually, however, it was forced to come to grips with the elephantine amount of historical detail in certain classical sources. Recording the numbers of reported war deaths in previous history (many thousands, here and there!) initially was done with little contemplation but eventually, with the near‐exponential number of Humankind battles (not just major ones; inter‐tribal, dynastic, and inter‐regional), mind was caused to pause and ask itself, “Why?” Awed by the numbers killed in battles over recorded time, one falls subject to believing the very occupation in war was a naturally occurring ancient inclination, no longer possessed by ‘enlightened’ Humankind. In our synthesized histories, however, details are confined to generals, geography, battle strategies and formations, victories and defeats, with precious little revealed of the highly complicated and combined subjective forces that generate and fuel war. Two territories of human existence are involved: material and psychological. Material includes land, resources, and freedom to maintain a life to which one feels entitled. It fuels war by emotions arising from either deprivation or conditioned expectations. Psychological embraces Egalitarian and Egoistical arenas. Egalitarian is fueled by emotions arising from either a need to improve conditions or defend what it has. To that category also belongs the individual for whom revenge becomes an end in itself. Egoistical is fueled by emotions arising from material possessiveness and self‐aggrandizations. To that category also belongs the individual for whom worldly power is an end in itself. -
The Miracle Cycle Between Constantinople, Thessalonike, and Mistra
chapter 14 The Miracle Cycle between Constantinople, Thessalonike, and Mistra Maria Alessia Rossi This paper will address the dialectic between the City and the cities from an art historical perspective. I will focus on the development of Christ’s Miracle Cycle in Constantinople, Thessalonike, and Mistra. The comparison of three churches housing this iconography, one from each city, will give an insight into the relationship between the capital and the other cities of the empire in the early Palaiologan period: the monastery of Chora in Constantinople (1316–21), the parekklesion of St. Euthymios in Thessalonike (1303), and the church of the Aphendiko in Mistra (1311–13).1 The aim is to examine the differences and simi- larities in the layout and grouping of the episodes of this Cycle, as well as the function and meaning they came to convey. In the first instance, this is in order to understand why this rare iconography was chosen to decorate churches so far away from each other. Secondly, this paper will ask whether the icono- graphic scheme conveyed different meanings in different cities and contexts. The reconquest of Constantinople by Emperor Michael VIII in 1261 sealed the beginning of the Palaiologan period and was hailed by its contemporaries as the will of God.2 Nevertheless, the empire was reduced in size, and surrounded 1 For a general overview of the artistic and cultural patronage of the period, see Edmund Boleslaw Fryde, The Early Palaeologan Renaissance (1261–c. 1360) (Leiden, 2000). For the years concerning Andronikos II’s reign, see Alice-Mary Talbot, “Building Activity in Constantinople under Andronikos II: The Role of Women Patrons in the Construction and Restoration of Monasteries,” in Byzantine Constantinople: Monuments, Topography and Everyday Life, ed. -
Epidemic Waves of the Black Death in the Byzantine Empire
Le Infezioni in Medicina, n. 3, 193-201, 2011 Le infezioni Epidemic waves of the Black nella sto - Death in the Byzantine Empire ria della medicina (1347-1453 AD) Ondate epidemiche della Morte Nera nell’Impero Bizantino Infections (1347-1453 d.C.) in the history of medicine Costas Tsiamis 1, Effie Poulakou-Rebelakou 2, Athanassios Tsakris 3, Eleni Petridou 1 1Department of Hygiene, Epidemiology and Medical Statistics, Athens Medical School, University of Athens, Greece; 2Department of History of Medicine, Athens Medical School, University of Athens, Greece; 3Department of Microbiology, Athens Medical School, University of Athens, Greece n INTRODUCTION a small geographical area is impressive; it is ba - sically a case of “all against all”. The Republics he completeness of the Byzantine historiog - of Venice and Genova held strategic and eco - raphy of the plague epidemics in the 14 th and nomically important areas in the region after T15 th century cannot be compared with that the 4 th Crusade (1204) and were in permanent of the West. References made to the plague are conflict with the Byzantines for control of the often in conjunction with other concurrent his - Aegean Sea and the trade roads [2, 3]. torical events. The political turmoil and the de - In the east, the Ottoman Turks of Asia Minor cline experienced by the Empire in the 13 th and exert pressure on the Empire of Trebizond, in - 14 th century gradually changed the mentality of vading the Balkan Peninsula, detaching Greek Byzantine scholars. Military defeats, civil wars, territories of the Byzantine Empire, while fight - earthquakes and natural disasters were joined by ing with Venice, Genova and the Knights of the plague, which exacerbated the people’s sense Saint John of Rhodes for control of the sea [4, 5]. -
Aspects of St Anna's Cult in Byzantium
ASPECTS OF ST ANNA’S CULT IN BYZANTIUM by EIRINI PANOU A thesis submitted to The University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies Institute of Archaeology and Antiquity College of Arts and Law The University of Birmingham January 2011 Acknowledgments It is said that a PhD is a lonely work. However, this thesis, like any other one, would not have become reality without the contribution of a number of individuals and institutions. First of all of my academical mother, Leslie Brubaker, whose constant support, guidance and encouragement accompanied me through all the years of research. Of the National Scholarship Foundation of Greece ( I.K.Y.) with its financial help for the greatest part of my postgraduate studies. Of my father George, my mother Angeliki and my bother Nick for their psychological and financial support, and of my friends in Greece (Lily Athanatou, Maria Sourlatzi, Kanela Oikonomaki, Maria Lemoni) for being by my side in all my years of absence. Special thanks should also be addressed to Mary Cunningham for her comments on an early draft of this thesis and for providing me with unpublished material of her work. I would like also to express my gratitude to Marka Tomic Djuric who allowed me to use unpublished photographic material from her doctoral thesis. Special thanks should also be addressed to Kanela Oikonomaki whose expertise in Medieval Greek smoothened the translation of a number of texts, my brother Nick Panou for polishing my English, and to my colleagues (Polyvios Konis, Frouke Schrijver and Vera Andriopoulou) and my friends in Birmingham (especially Jane Myhre Trejo and Ola Pawlik) for the wonderful time we have had all these years.