Why Was It Important for the Byzantines to Read Latin? the Views of Demetrios Kydones (1324-1398)
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Warfare in the Histories of John Kantakouzenos 299
Warfare in the Histories of John Kantakouzenos 299 Chapter 14 Warfare in the Histories of John Kantakouzenos Savvas Kyriakidis The purpose of this paper is to examine the descriptions of military operations that can be found in the Histories of the megas domestikos and emperor John VI Kantakouzenos (1347-54). The discussion of Kantakouzenos’ accounts of mili- tary operations contributes to the better understanding of his military thinking and provides a better insight to the nature of military conflicts in the Byzantine world in the first half of the fourteenth century. John VI Kantakouzenos is the only late Byzantine emperor who wrote a nar- rative of the political and military events of his period. His Histories cover the period 1320-1356, though some events, such as the temporary capture of Anhialos and Mesembria by John V Palaiologos (1341-91) date in the 1360s.1 Modern scholars describe the Histories either as an apologetic work for Kantakouzenos’ role in the civil wars of the fourteenth century which ruined Byzantium, or as memoirs.2 Regardless whether the distinction between memoirs and historiography can be applied in this case, Kantakouzenos’ agenda is easily discernible. He wanted to justify and explain his involvement in the civil wars and portray himself as a defender of the dynastic rights of the emperors of the Palaiologan dynasty.3 Kantakouzenos supported and financed the rebellion of Andronikos III Palaiologos (1328-41) against his grandfather Andronikos II Palaiologos (1282-28). This rebellion led to a civil war which was fought intermittently from 1321 until 1328 and resulted in the deposition of the elder Andronikos. -
A Chronological Particular Timeline of Near East and Europe History
Introduction This compilation was begun merely to be a synthesized, occasional source for other writings, primarily for familiarization with European world development. Gradually, however, it was forced to come to grips with the elephantine amount of historical detail in certain classical sources. Recording the numbers of reported war deaths in previous history (many thousands, here and there!) initially was done with little contemplation but eventually, with the near‐exponential number of Humankind battles (not just major ones; inter‐tribal, dynastic, and inter‐regional), mind was caused to pause and ask itself, “Why?” Awed by the numbers killed in battles over recorded time, one falls subject to believing the very occupation in war was a naturally occurring ancient inclination, no longer possessed by ‘enlightened’ Humankind. In our synthesized histories, however, details are confined to generals, geography, battle strategies and formations, victories and defeats, with precious little revealed of the highly complicated and combined subjective forces that generate and fuel war. Two territories of human existence are involved: material and psychological. Material includes land, resources, and freedom to maintain a life to which one feels entitled. It fuels war by emotions arising from either deprivation or conditioned expectations. Psychological embraces Egalitarian and Egoistical arenas. Egalitarian is fueled by emotions arising from either a need to improve conditions or defend what it has. To that category also belongs the individual for whom revenge becomes an end in itself. Egoistical is fueled by emotions arising from material possessiveness and self‐aggrandizations. To that category also belongs the individual for whom worldly power is an end in itself. -
Epidemic Waves of the Black Death in the Byzantine Empire
Le Infezioni in Medicina, n. 3, 193-201, 2011 Le infezioni Epidemic waves of the Black nella sto - Death in the Byzantine Empire ria della medicina (1347-1453 AD) Ondate epidemiche della Morte Nera nell’Impero Bizantino Infections (1347-1453 d.C.) in the history of medicine Costas Tsiamis 1, Effie Poulakou-Rebelakou 2, Athanassios Tsakris 3, Eleni Petridou 1 1Department of Hygiene, Epidemiology and Medical Statistics, Athens Medical School, University of Athens, Greece; 2Department of History of Medicine, Athens Medical School, University of Athens, Greece; 3Department of Microbiology, Athens Medical School, University of Athens, Greece n INTRODUCTION a small geographical area is impressive; it is ba - sically a case of “all against all”. The Republics he completeness of the Byzantine historiog - of Venice and Genova held strategic and eco - raphy of the plague epidemics in the 14 th and nomically important areas in the region after T15 th century cannot be compared with that the 4 th Crusade (1204) and were in permanent of the West. References made to the plague are conflict with the Byzantines for control of the often in conjunction with other concurrent his - Aegean Sea and the trade roads [2, 3]. torical events. The political turmoil and the de - In the east, the Ottoman Turks of Asia Minor cline experienced by the Empire in the 13 th and exert pressure on the Empire of Trebizond, in - 14 th century gradually changed the mentality of vading the Balkan Peninsula, detaching Greek Byzantine scholars. Military defeats, civil wars, territories of the Byzantine Empire, while fight - earthquakes and natural disasters were joined by ing with Venice, Genova and the Knights of the plague, which exacerbated the people’s sense Saint John of Rhodes for control of the sea [4, 5]. -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Los Angeles the Unique
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles The Unique Late Byzantine Image from the Epic of Digenis Akritas: A Study of the Dado Zone in the Church of the Panagia Chrysaphitissa A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in Art History by Laura Nicole Horan 2018 © Copyright by Laura Nicole Horan 2018 ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS The Unique Late Byzantine Image from the Epic of Digenis Akritas: A Study of the Dado Zone in the Church of the Panagia Chrysaphitissa by Laura Nicole Horan Master of Arts in Art History University of California, Los Angeles, 2018 Professor Sharon Elizabeth Gerstel, Chair The epic of Digenis Akritas is one that captivates the audience’s mind as the story of a frontiersman defending the borders of the Byzantine Empire is intertwined with romance and moral virtues. The tale, in both written and oral versions, was spread for centuries throughout the empire. Remnants of the tale exist from mainland Greece, southern Italy and the Peloponnese where this paper is centered. My thesis focuses on a singular depiction of the epic in the church of the Panagia Chrysaphitissa near modern-day Chrysapha, Lakonia: the image of a battle between Digenis Akritas and his foe and lover, Maximou. The presence of a literary figure within the context of a painted church in the rural Morea may at first appear uncomfortable and jarring. How does the ii faithful viewer interpret the intersection of secular folklore imagery and the religious context within an ecclesiastical context. When considered in relationship to the moment in which it was created, the image begins to convey a story of interconnections with the greater world as political unease reshaped the region. -
1St Wife of Emp.Isaakios II
[EIRENE?], FIRST WIFE OF EMP. ISAAKIOS II -349- [EIRENE?], FIRST WIFE OF EMPEROR ISAAKIOS II ANGELOS, IS A PROBABLE TORNIKINA AND GATEWAY TO ANTIQUITY by Don C Stone1 and Charles R Owens ABSTRACT In most printed histories and reference works the first wife of Byzantine Emperor Isaakios II Angelos is described as unknown. She had married Isaakios, borne him several children, and died, all before Isaakios became emperor. In Section 1 we review evidence relating to the name of this first wife and some relationships that might involve her, concluding that she is very likely the daughter of Demetrios Tornikes, logothetes of the dromos (foreign minister) of emperors Isaakios II and Alexios III. In Section 2 we present a genealogical sketch of the Tornikes family, noting biographical details that further support this parentage. Foundations (2011) 3 (5): 349-390 © Copyright FMG and the authors 1. Her Name and Some Relationships and Titles Five sources from the time of Emperor Isaakios II Angelos (d.1204) or slightly thereafter give or might give information about his first wife: 1. Her name was given as Herina [Eirene] in the necrology of Speyer Cathedral, where her son-in-law Philipp, second husband of her daughter Eirene-Maria, is buried. 2. The Byzantine official Konstantinos Tornikes was called the theios (uncle) of Emp. Alexios IV Angelos (son of Emp. Isaakios II Angelos and the latter’s first wife) in December 1203 in an act of the monastery of Patmos. 3. Euthymios Tornikes, brother of Konstantinos, called himself despotes in a eulogy for Emp. Alexios III in 1201. -
Icons and Saints of the Eastern Orthodox Church Pdf, Epub, Ebook
ICONS AND SAINTS OF THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Alfredo Tradigo | 384 pages | 01 Sep 2006 | Getty Trust Publications | 9780892368457 | English | Santa Monica CA, United States Icons and Saints of the Eastern Orthodox Church PDF Book In the Orthodox Church "icons have always been understood as a visible gospel, as a testimony to the great things given man by God the incarnate Logos". Many religious homes in Russia have icons hanging on the wall in the krasny ugol —the "red" corner see Icon corner. Guide to Imagery Series. Samuel rated it really liked it Jun 21, It did not disappoint on this detail. Later communion will be available so that one can even utilize the sense of taste during worship. Statues in the round were avoided as being too close to the principal artistic focus of pagan cult practices, as they have continued to be with some small-scale exceptions throughout the history of Eastern Christianity. The Art of the Byzantine Empire — A Guide to Imagery 10 , Bildlexikon der Kunst 9. Parishioners do not sit primly in the pews but may walk throughout the church lighting candles, venerating icons. Modern academic art history considers that, while images may have existed earlier, the tradition can be traced back only as far as the 3rd century, and that the images which survive from Early Christian art often differ greatly from later ones. Aldershot: Ashgate. In the Orthodox Church an icon is a sacred image, a window into heaven. Purple reveals wealth, power and authority. Vladimir's Seminary Press, The stillness of the icon draws us into the quiet so that we can lay aside the cares of this world and meditate on the splendor of the next. -
Journal of Religious Culture Journal Für Religionskultur
__________________________________ Journal of Religious Culture Journal für Religionskultur Ed. by / Hrsg. von Edmund Weber Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main in Association with / in Zusammenarbeit mit Matthias Benad, Mustafa Cimsit, Natalia Diefenbach, Martin Mittwede, Vladislav Serikov, Ajit S. Sikand, Ida Bagus Putu Suamba & Roger Töpelmann in Cooperation with the Institute for Religious Peace Research / in Kooperation mit dem Institut für Wissenschaftliche Irenik Assistent Editor/ Redaktionsassistentin Susan Stephanie Tsomakaeva ISSN 1434-5935 - © E.Weber – E-mail [email protected]; http//publikationen.ub.uni-frankfurt.de/solrsearch/index/search/searchtype/series/id/1613; __________________________________ No. 262 (2020) Christian Muslim and Byzantine-Muslim religious polemic, interreligious debate, apologetics A Bibliographical Collectiom By Maria Vaiou 1 Selected documents Byzantine Against Muḥammad (ca.. 10th or 11th c.), ed./Lat. tr. PG 104, cols 1447–58. CMR 2, 577–9. Agallianos, Theodore (d. bef. 1474)=ed. Ch. G. Patrinelis, Ho Theodoros Agallianos kai hoi anekdotoi logoi autou [=Ὁ Θεόδωρος Ἀγαλλιανὸς ταυτιζόμενος πρὸς τὸν Θεοφάνην Μηδείας καὶ οἱ ἀνέκδοτοι λόγοι του. Μία νέα ἱστορικὴ πηγὴ περὶ τοῦ πατριαρχείου Κων/λεως κατὰ τοὺς πρώτους μετὰ τὴν ἃλωσιν χρόνους] (Athens, 1966). [apologetic logoi of 1463, status of patriarchs in the decade after the conquest of the capital] ODB, 1, 33–4; C.J.G Turner, ‘Notes on the works of Theodore Agallianos contained in Codex Bodleianus Canonicus Graecus 49”, in BZe 61 (1968), 27-35. Amiroutzes, George, Dialogue –Lat. tr. J. Werner (Nuremberg, 1514); ed./Span. tr. Jorge Ameruzes de Trebisonda, El dialogo de la fe con el sultan de los Turcos, editión crítica, traducción y estudio Oscar de la Cruz Palma (Madrid, 2000) [Nueva Roma, 9]; A. -
0584-98881249243K.Pdf
Zbornik radova Vizantolo{kog instituta HßÇH, 2012 Recueil des travaux de l’Institut d’etudes byzantines XßIX, 2012 UDC: 94:355.426Š(495.02)"12/13" DOI:10.2298/ZRVI1249243K SAVVAS KYRIAKIDIS (University of Johannesburg, South Africa) THE IDEA OF CIVIL WAR IN THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH-CENTURY — BYZANTIUM This paper discusses thirteenth and fourteenth-century Byzantine perceptions of civil wars, which were a common feature in the late Byzantine period. It investi- gates how the most important authors of the period understood and defined the idea of civil war. It explores the Byzantine understanding of the differences between mil- itary conflicts which were fought between subjects and employees of the emperor and wars the empire fought against its external enemies. In addition, it examines the views the imperial authorities and the authors of the period express about wars against enemies with whom the later Byzantines shared a common cultural, ethnic and religious background. Key words: Civil war, Nicaea, Pachymeres, Kantakouzenos, Akropolites This article will examine thirteenth and fourteenth-century Byzantine con- cepts of armed conflicts which can be defined as civil wars (emfulioi polemoi). Wars between aristocratic clans and between members of the inner imperial fam- ily were a common feature in the later Byzantine period. However, not many scholars have attempted to provide a definition of the idea of civil war in late By- zantium. In his discussion of Byzantine attitudes towards warfare, W. Treadgold suggested ‘as a working definition of Byzantine civil war an armed conflict in which a significant number of Byzantine soldiers fought on both sides with a sig- nificant number of casualties.’1 This is a reasonable definition and, possibly, ap- plicable to most internal conflicts in Byzantium before 1204. -
Political Context and Development Background the Gattilusio Lordships
CHAPTER ONE POLITICAL CONTEXT AND DEVELOPMENT Background The Gattilusio lordships in the Aegean had their origin in the events of November 1354, when the Genoese pirate Francesco Gattilusio was enlisted by the Byzantine Emperor John V Palaiologos (1341–91) to help him seize Constantinople from his father-in-law, co-emperor and rival John VI Kantakouzenos (1347–54). The ensuing coup d’etat was a success, and having taken control of the imperial capital John V honoured his ally with marriage to his sister and possession of the island of Lesbos, com- monly known by the name of its chief city Mytilene.1 The change of regime in Constantinople was the decisive blow in a long power-struggle which had robbed the Byzantine Empire of most of its remaining strength. On the death of the Emperor Andronikos III Palaiologos (1328–41) Byzantium, though greatly diminished in size and institutional strength from its heyday, or even from the time of Michael VIII (1259–82), remained a significant regional power. Its position in Europe and the Aegean had lately rebounded somewhat from earlier losses. This com- pensated to some extent for the disasters of the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century, which had seen the loss of virtually all the Byzantine territories in Asia, and the empire retained the scope for further modest recovery. It still possessed a degree of military and diplomatic clout and held a continuous block of Balkan territory stretching from the Bosphorus to the Adriatic and the Gulf of Corinth, as well as the islands of the northern Aegean, some residual minor footholds in Anatolia and the south- eastern portion of the Peloponnese, then commonly known as the Morea.2 All 1 Doukas, Ducas Istoria Turco-Bizantina (1341–1462), ed. -
Les Études Géométriques Et Astronomiques À Thessalonique D’Après Le Témoignage Des Manuscrits : De Jean Pédiasimos À Démétrios Kydônès
LES ÉTUDES GÉOMÉTRIQUES ET ASTRONOMIQUES À THESSALONIQUE D’APRÈS LE TÉMOIGNAGE DES MANUSCRITS : DE JEAN PÉDIASIMOS À DÉMÉTRIOS KYDÔNÈS Malgré les études pionnières sur l’histoire des textes mathématiques et astronomiques grecs anciens que Johan Ludvig Heiberg et Paul Tannery ont menées il y a plus d’un siècle, et malgré les contributions plus récentes sur l’astronomie byzantine apportées par l’école philologique de Louvain, fon- dée par Adolphe Rome et continuée par Joseph Mogenet et Anne Tihon, nos connaissances des sciences exactes byzantines autres que l’astronomie sont encore assez fragmentaires. Esquisser, une pièce après l’autre, un tableau d’ensemble des sciences à Byzance est sans doute une tâche difficile, mais l’étude que nous présentons dans ces pages peut suggérer comment éclairer et reconstituer une parcelle des études scientifiques byzantines en utilisant non seulement les traités ou les scholies édités mais aussi les écrits non scientifiques de leurs auteurs et les témoignages paléographiques dans les manuscrits qui ont survécu jusqu’à nos jours. Pendant la période paléologue, une éducation scientifique était la norme plus que l’exception pour les intellectuels les plus en vue de l’empire. Ce principe éducationnel ou culturel a pu voir le jour dès le moment fondateur de l’enseignement paléologue en 1261 sous l’égide de Georges Akropolitès, comme le suggère l’Autobiographie du patriarche Grégoire de Chypre1 ; son application a pu aussi se trouver facilitée par les goûts personnels de l’em- pereur Andronic II, quoique la culture du IXe siècle était elle aussi marquée par l’appui des empereurs à l’enseignement scientifique2. -
Redalyc.CRUSADING and MATRIMONY in the DYNASTIC
Byzantion Nea Hellás ISSN: 0716-2138 [email protected] Universidad de Chile Chile BARKER, JOHN W. CRUSADING AND MATRIMONY IN THE DYNASTIC POLICIES OF MONTFERRAT AND SAVOY Byzantion Nea Hellás, núm. 36, 2017, pp. 157-183 Universidad de Chile Santiago, Chile Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=363855434009 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative BYZANTION NEA HELLÁS Nº 36 - 2017: 157 / 183 CRUSADING AND MATRIMONY IN THE DYNASTIC POLICIES OF MONTFERRAT AND SAVOY JOHN W. BARKER UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN-MADISON. U.S.A. Abstract: The uses of matrimony have always been standard practices for dynastic advancement through the ages. A perfect case study involves two important Italian families whose machinations had local implications and widespread international extensions. Their competitions are given particular point by the fact that one of the two families, the House of Savoy, was destined to become the dynasty around which the Modern State of Italy was created. This essay is, in part, a study in dynastic genealogies. But it is also a reminder of the wide impact of the crusading movements, beyond military operations and the creation of ephemeral Latin States in the Holy Land. Keywords: Matrimony, Crusading, Montferrat, Savoy, Levant. CRUZADA Y MATRIMONIO EN LAS POLÍTICAS DINÁSTICAS DE MONTFERRATO Y SABOYA Resumen: Los usos del matrimonio siempre han sido las prácticas estándar de ascenso dinástico a través de los tiempos. -
6 X 10.Long.P65
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-85703-1 - Imperial Ideology and Political Thought in Byzantium, 1204-1330 Dimiter Angelov Index More information Index abiotikion 288–89, 297, 302–03 Aphthonios 18, 54–55, 56, 73, 92, 200 Agapetos theDeacon 154, 185–87, 194–95, 230 Apokaukos, John 187, 192, 357 Ahrweiler,He´le`ne 5–6, 10–11 Apros, battle of (10 July 1305) 292, 316 Akindynos, Gregory 297 Aquinas, Thomas 24 Akropolites, George 43, 49, 50, 57, 67, 69, 84, Argyropoulos, John 63 93, 99, 124, 136, 137–38, 167, 207–08, Aristides, Aelius 57, 58–59, 126 209, 246, 255, 257, 258, 345 aristocracy 9 Alanmercenaries 291, 303, 316 as constitutionalformofgovernment 200–01, Alexios I Komnenos, emperor 4, 62, 118, 119, 323 126, 167, 331 nature andpolitical clout of 4–5, 109–10 Alexios III Angelos, emperor 2, 119, 120, 125, 129, opposition against 5, 105–07, 179, 209–12, 412 234, 303 Andronikos I Komnenos, emperor 137, 282, 284 see also nobility (eugeneia), conceptof Andronikos II Palaiologos, emperor 7, 30, Aristotle 8, 9, 24, 69, 195, 227, 260, 345, 421 45–47, 56–57, 109, 118, 127, 130–32, 136, Nicomachean Ethics 23, 197, 220–22, 250 148, 169, 177, 262, 268, 278–79, 280, 282, Politics 23, 202–03, 251, 321 290–92, 299, 301, 302, 303, 311, 313, 314, Rhetoric 55 316, 318, 338–40, 342, 354, 369, 371, 395, Arsenios Autoreianos, patriarch of 397–401, 407, 412 Constantinople (in Nicaea during his portrait in court rhetoric 101–02, 103, 110–12, first term inoffice) 44, 296, 329, 366–69, 113–14, 136–40, 141–43, 152–53, 165, 170 374–75, 380–81, 382, 383, 393, 394–95