The Diffusion of Sextus Empiricus's Works in the Renaissance Author(S): Luciano Floridi Source: Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol

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The Diffusion of Sextus Empiricus's Works in the Renaissance Author(s): Luciano Floridi Source: Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 56, No. 1 (Jan., 1995), pp. 63-85 Published by: University of Pennsylvania Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2710007 . Accessed: 13/04/2014 11:25

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LucianoFloridi

Introduction:An AnnotatedList of ThreeKnown Latin Translations

In discussingthe recoveryof Pyrrhonismduring the fifteenthand sixteenthcenturies, it seems that any analysis of the influenceof Sextus Empiricus'sworks on Renaissanceculture has to be based on a careful investigationof whatprimary and secondarysources were availableat the time,and who knewand madeuse of suchsources. For this purpose scholars have,since the second half of the nineteenth century, located and studiedfive Latintranslations of SextusEmpiricus's works. This has recentlyled to the reconstructionof a familyof manuscriptsconsisting of threecopies of a late medievaltranslation. T : Paris,Bibliotheque Nationale, Ms. Lat. 14700, s. XIII, mbr.,misc., 396 fols.:(ff. 83r_132v) (P)Irroniarum Informacionum libri.' This is themost widelyknown Latin translation of the Outlines.Because of its closenessto the originalGreek text,it was used by HermannMutschmann for the constitutiotextus in his criticaledition of Sextus'sworks.2 Discovered and describedby CharlesJourdain, it was furtherstudied by ClemensBaeumker and Mutschmannhimself,3 who listedit as "Tr.l." in his still fundamental

1 For detailed descriptionsof the Ms. see M. Leopold Delisle "Inventairedes manuscritslatins de Saint-Victor,"BibliothUque de l'Ecole des Chartes,30 (1869), 40; G. Lacombe (ed.), AristotelesLatinus Codices (Rome, 1939), I, 544-45; and Paul Oskar Kristeller,Iter Italicum(Leiden, 1983), III, 235a. 2 Cf. Sexti EmpiriciOpera, recensuitHermannus Mutschmann ... addenda et cor- rigendaadiecit I. Mau (Leipzig, 1958). 3 Charles Jourdain,"Sextus Empiricuset la philosophiescolastique," in Excursions historiqueset philosophiquesa' traversle moyenage (Paris, 1888), 199-217; Clemens Baeumker, "Eine bisher unbekanntelateinische Ubersetzung der Ynotuirvomov des SextusEmpiricus," Archivfiur Geschichte der Philosophie,4 (1891), 574-77 (he does not

This content downloaded from 129.67.117.112 on Sun, 13 Apr 2014 11:25:39 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 64 Luciano Floridi workon extantmanuscripts of SextusEmpiricus and lateron as "T" in the Prefaceof his editionof SextiEmpirici Opera.4 T2: Venice,Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana,Cod. Lat. X.267 (3460), s. XIV, cart., 57 fols.: (ff. Ir-46v) Pirronie Informaciones and (ff. 47r 57v) fragmentsof AdversusMathematicos III-V. Only veryrecently did Walter Cavini show thatthis translation of the Outlinesis another,more accurate copyof Paris Lat. 14700.5Thanks to theclose examinationof a dateddraft of a testamentwritten on f. 46v, immediatelyafter the translationof the Out- lines,Cavini has been able to providethe terminus ante quem for dating this manuscriptand correspondinglyT1 and T3. T3: Madrid,Biblioteca Nacional, Ms. 10112 (Hh92, Toledo 98, 25), s. XIV, mbr., misc., 131 fols., not numbered:(ff. 1r-30r),Pirroniarum informacionumlibri. Coming originally from Toledo's Library,the Sextian partof themanuscript had been wronglycatalogued as excerptsfrom Aulus Gelliusby JoseMillas Vallicrosa.The mistakewas firstdiscovered by P. 0. Kristellerin 1955.6 It is a more accurateversion of the same translation containedin Ms. ParisLat. 14700. The only othertwo manuscriptsstudied until now containtranslations fromAdversus Mathematicos and do notform a homogeneousgroup. LI: Rome,Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Ms. Lat. 2990, s. XV, cart., misc.,385 fols.: (ff.266r-381v), Adversus Mathematicos, Books I-IV. This translationby GiovanniLorenzi (c. 1440-1501)was firststudied by Giovanni Mercati,then by CharlesB. Schmitt.7

know of Jourdain'sarticle); A. Elter et L. Rademacher,Analecta Graeca, Prog. zum Geburtstaged. Kaisers (Bonn, 1889), 11-28; H. Mutschmann,"Zur UJbersetzertatigkeit des Nicolaus von Rhegium(zu Paris lat. 14,700),"Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift, 22 (1911), 691-93. 4 H. Mutschmann,"Der Uberlieferungder Schrifftendes Sextus Empiricus," RheinischesMuseum, 64 (1909), 250 and 478. See also SextiEmpirici Opera, X-XI. S WalterCavini, "Appuntisulla prima diffusionein occidentedelle opere di Sesto Empirico,"Medioevo, 3 (1977), 1-20; and see Kristeller,Iter Italicum,II, 252b, and VI, 259a. 6 Cf. Jose Millas Vallicrosa,Las traduccionesorientales en los manuscritosde la BibliothecaCatedral de Toledo (Madrid, 1942), 211-18, no. 45 (Ms. 98-25, n. 327 of the 1727 Inventory),who thoughtit was part of the excerptfrom Aulus Gellius. A more accuratedescription of the Ms. and correctionof Vallicrosa's informationis in Kristeller, Iter Italicum,IV, 567b-568a; see also E. Pellegrinin "Manuscritsdes auteursclassiques latins de Madrid et du Chapitrede Tolede," Bulletin d'Informationde 1' Institutde Recherche et d'Histoire des Textes, 2 (1953), 7-24, cf. 15, and Manuel de Castro, ManuscritosFranciscanos de la BibliotecaNacional de Madrid (1973), 437-38, no. 407; and Martide Barcelona,"Notes descriptivesdels manuscritsfranciscans medievals de la BibliotecaNacional de Madrid,"Estudis Franciscans, 45 (1933), 384. 7 Giovanni Mercati, "Minuzie: Una Traduzione di Giovanni Lorenzi da Sesto Empirico,"Bessarione, 36 (1920), 144-46, now in Opere Minori, Studi e Testi (79) (Vatican City, 1937), IV, 107-8; GiovanniMercati, "Questenbergiana," Rendiconti della

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L3: Oxford,Bodleian Library, Ms. Sancroft17 (S.C. 10, 318), s. XVI, cart.,86 fols.:Adversus Logicos I (i.e. Adv. Math.VII) translatedby John Wolley [c. 1530-96].The manuscriptwas discoveredby RichardPopkin in the 1960s,then studied by CharlesB. Schmitt.8 Obviously,scholars have also evaluated the degree of diffusionof Sextus's worksin the fifteenthand sixteenthcenturies on the basis of the evidenceprovided by theprevious list. Given the number and qualityof the Latin translations,they have generallyagreed that-with the importantex- ception of GianfrancescoPico della Mirandola, who read Sextus in Greek9-his workshad littleimpact on Renaissanceculture, at least until Estienne'sedition of his Latintranslation in 1562.10In whatfollows, I intend to expandthe previous list by addingtwo more manuscripts. Having enlarged our evidentialbasis, I shall thenattempt to refineour understandingof the initialstages of thehistory of modemskepticism by arguingthat, although SextusEmpiricus's skeptical arguments were not widely used in philosophy duringthe Renaissance, nevertheless the summa sceptica represented by his workswas ratherbetter known among the humanists than has beensuspected, and thattherefore it wouldbe morecorrect to speakof a Renaissancelack of interestin theanti-epistemological function of Pyrrhonianarguments than to inferfrom the absence of "influence"a correspondingabsence of knowledge of thewritings of SextusEmpiricus during the fifteenth and sixteenthcenturies.

PontificiaAccademia Romana di Archeologia,ser. 3, VIII (1933), 249-69, now in Opere Minori,IV, 437-59 (on Vat. lat. 2990 see 448 n. 37 and 452-53); CharlesB. Schmitt,"An UnstudiedFifteenth-Century Translation of Sextus Empiricusby GiovanniLorenzi," in CulturalAspects of theItalian Renaissance:Essays in Honourof P. 0. Kristeller,ed. by C. H. Clough (Manchester,1976), 244-61. About the physicalnature of the codex see also Tammarode Marinis,La Legaturaartistica in Italia nei secoli XV e XVI (Firenze,1960), II, 101, and III, 44 (on anotherSextian codex, Paris BN Grec 1964); and again KristellerIter Italicum,II, 358a. For a descriptionof 25 Mss. containingAdv. Mat. see Against The Musicians,ed. D. D. Greaves (Lincoln, 1986). 8 CharlesB. Schmitt,"John Wolley (c. 1530-1596) and the FirstLatin Translationof Sextus Empiricus,Adversus Logicos I," in The Sceptical Mode in Modern Philosophy: Essays in Honour of RichardH. Popkin,ed. R. A. Watson and J. E. Force (Dordrecht, 1988), 61-70. Wolley studiedat Mertonand was awardeda B.A. in 1553 and an M.A. in 1557. The College stillowns a Greektranscription of Adversus Mathematicos (Merton, Ms. 304), but this does not seem to be the Ms. on which Wolley based his translation:the quotationfrom Parmenides reported by Wolley in Greek on f. 19 of his translationis slightlybut clearlydifferent from the correspondingGreek text of Ms.304, f. 88r.On this passage bothWolley and CamillusVenetus, the copyist of theGreek Ms, agreewith Mss L and E (Laur. 81.11 and Parisinus1964). See SextusEmpiricus, Outlines of Pyrrhonism, tr. R. G. Bury(Cambridge, Mass., 1976), XLIII, and Againstthe Dogmatists, tr. R. G. Bury (Cambridge,Mass., 1976), 57, note 1. 9 On his interestin skepticismsee Charles B. Schmitt,Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola (1469-1533) and his Critiqueof Aristotle (The Hague, 1967). 10 Sexti EmpiriciPyrrhoniarum hypotyposecn libri III. ...Graece nunquam,Latine nuncprimum editi interpreteHenrico Stephano (Paris, 1562).

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An UnstudiedTranslation of theOutlines by Paez de Castro

Whenmany years ago H. P. Krausbought the remains of thePhillipps Collection,he acquiredamong many precious documents a Spanishcodex whichturns out to be of considerableimportance for the purpose of evaluat- ing the Latindiffusion of SextusEmpiricus in the Renaissance.The manu- scriptis theformer Phillipps 4135 and containsan originalLatin translation of theOutlines which, as we shallsee in a moment,is to be datedto thethird quarterof the sixteenthcentury. The codex belongedto a groupof manu- scriptsfrom the librariesof Laserna de Santander,Yriarte, and Astorga acquiredby Sir ThomasPhillipps through the dealerThomas Thorpe,"1 and until Kraus's death it was part of his privatecollection.'2 It is a paper miscellanymade of small and disboundfolios, numbered irregularly and groupedinto 32 fascicules.The fasciculecontaining the translation of Sexti Cheronei[s]libri tres de Scepticadisciplina et charactere(ff. 26Or-313r, old titleerased) is an autograph,with corrections, written in the hand of Juan Paez de Castro.These are theincipit and theexplicit:

Qui rem aliquam assertanturaut invenissese illam, aut invenire intelligerevenon posse, aut se adhucinvestigare fatiantur necesse est [the authorreplaced with the text underlineda previous,erased version]. ... qui est [addedafterwards] Sceptica preditus disciplina, idque data opera,ut pote que sibi satissint ad solutionemproposita.

The manuscriptbears many corrections and addendaand somelinguistic notes.It is anotherinteresting apograph that will need a closerexamination in orderto be fullydescribed, but its importance for the history of skepticismis alreadyevident. The translationprobably remained unknown and unreadin thepast, but it maybe an indicationof thefact that some interestin Sextus Empiricuswas risingat leastby themid-sixteenth century.

11 The Phillippsmanuscripts. Catalogus LibrorumManuscriptorum in BibliothecaD. ThomaePhillipps (repr. London 1968), 60. On the Phillippscollection see also Kristeller, Iter Italicum,IV, 230-36. 12The Ms is currentlyfor sale at H. P. Kraus,Rare Books and Manuscripts,New York. I am gratefulto Dr. Roland Folter,director of theKraus Rare Books and Manuscripts,for showingme theMs. Dr. JillKraye has providedme witha copy of Prof.Kristeller's letter in whichhe gives clarificationsabout several details concerning the Ms traditionof thisand otherSextus's texts.I also thankDr. SandraSider, who had supplieddata and photocopies to thelate Dr. CharlesSchmitt when he was workingon thearticle on SextusEmpiricus for the Catalogus Translationumet Commentariorum.I have consultedthe related material at the WarburgInstitute (Schmitt's papers and microfilms,uncatalogued). The Ms, seen by Kristellerstill at Kraus severalyears ago, is describedin Iter Italicum,V, 359a,b.

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Paez de Castro has been consideredby many as one of the greatest Spanishhumanists who ever lived,13but despitehis famewe do not know whenhe was born,although we are informedthat he camefrom the small city of Quer(Guadalajara). Considering that when he was in Trentfor the Council in 1545 he musthave been aboutthirty years old, we cannotbe too farfrom thetruth if we fixthe date of his birthdayaround 1515. He died in Quer in 1570, probablyin March,but even this date is not certainbecause the registersfrom 1563 to 1598 of theparish archives of Quer are lost.Paez de Castro studiedin Alcala and Salamanca,first law and thenmathematics, history,philosophy, and above all languages.He knewGreek, Hebrew, and Chaldean,and itseems he had also studiedArabic. He was in contactwith the mostimportant Spanish humanists of his time,such as Floriande Ocampo, Juande Vergara,Alvar Gomez, and Ambrosiode Morales;and in Spain he came to knowDiego Hurtadode Mendoza and the Cardinalof Burgos,of whomhe becamethe librarian, like Bonaventura Vulcanius. In 1545 he went withthe cardinalto Trent,where he gaineda reputationas a greatscholar amongother humanists. In an interestinglist of Spanishpeople attendingthe Council, written at thetime, there is a longnote dedicated to Paez de Castro,who is introduced as "immensaeeruditionis seu sacrae sive profanaevir."14 The Councilgave riseto one ofthe greatest meetings of humanists ever recorded, and like many ofhis colleagues,Paez de Castrotook advantage of theopportunity provided by theoccasion. He studiedmany of themanuscripts acquired by or copied forCardinal Mendoza first in Venice15and thenin Rome,especially those of

13 Cf. CharlesGraux, Essai sur les originesdu Fonds Grecde 1VEscurial, Bibliotheque de l'Elcoledes HautesE1tudes, fasc. 46 (Paris, 1880), esp. 96-109 (page numbersrefer to the recent Spanish translation,Los Origenes del Fondo Griego del Escorial, ed. and tr. Gregoriode Andres[Madrid, 1982], which contains corrections and addenda).Information about Paez de Castro's life is also given by Juan Catalina y Garcia in Biblioteca de escritoresde la provincia de Guadalajara (Madrid, 1899), 393-413; C. Gutierrezin Espanoles en Trento(Valladolid, 1951), 663-69. See also A. Morel-Fatio,Historiographie de Charles Quint (Paris, 1913), and R. Cortes, "Estudio sobre la Historiographiede Charles Quintde Morel-Fatio,"Bulletin Hispanique, 15 (1913), 355-62. 14 Cod. 320 (old n. 143), Libraryof Santa Cruzde Valladolid,ed. and tr.C. Gutierrez, op. cit. 15 The name of Mendoza occurs very oftenin the registersof borrowingof the Marciana(cf. "Registrodel Prestitodei manoscrittimarciani 29 maggio 1545 18 novembre 1548 Codice marcianolatino XIV, 22" and "Registrodel Prestitodei manoscrittimarciani 8 febr. 1548 [?] 20 aprile 1559 codice marciano latino XIV, 23," H. Omont,"Deux registresde pretsde manuscritsde la Bibliothequede Saint-Marca Venise 1545-1559," Bibliothequede 1'Ecole des chartes,48 [1887], 651-86). Mendoza was suspected of stealingsome of the Mss of the Marciana (see C. Castellani,Il Prestitodei Manoscritti della Bibliotecadi San Marco in Veneziane' suoi primitempi e le conseguentiperdite dei codici stessi. Ricerchee notizie[Venezia, 1897], Atti del R. IstitutoVeneto di Scienze, lettereed arti,VIII [Serie VII, 1896-97],see 4-5 [314-16]), but thecharge was apparently unjustified(Joseph Valentinelli, Bibliotheca manuscripta ad S. Marci Venetiarum [Venetia, 1868], I, 46, where the authorasserts to have seen the Mss presentedto the Escorial by Mendoza and foundnone of thembelonging to theMarciana).

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Aristotleand Plato,and becamean activemember of theAristotelian acad- emy promotedby the groupof learnedpeople presentin Trent.Before retiring,he travelledthrough Europe quite extensively.He was in Rome between1547 and 1550;16and in 1555 he was in Brusselswith Charles V, who nominatedhim his chroniclerin replacementof Ocampo.After 1560 he livedin Quer,where he mayhave accomplishedhis projectof translatingthe Outlines. Paez de Castrodid not writemuch and leftmost of whathe did write unpublished.17 Before the discovery of his translationof the Outlines, his two most importantand well-knownworks were the Memorialde las cosas necesariaspara escribirhistoria'8 and the Memorialde Dr. J. Paez de Castro... al reyPh. II sobrela utilidadde juntar una buenabiblioteca. 19 The formerwas an essaypreparatory to thecomposition of a historyof thereign of CharlesV, a workthat Paez de Castronever actually wrote; the latter, dedicatedto Philip II, concernedthe opportunityof buildinga libraryin Valladolidand representsthe original project which gave riseto theEscorial. Paez de Castro'scorrespondence supplies a numberof interestingdetails on his earlyinterest in SextusEmpiricus. As faras I couldascertain, the first timehe mentionsthe Outlinesis in a lettersent to GeronimoZurita from Trenton 10 August1545. Having just visitedthe library of Diego Hurtadode Mendoza,he wroteto his friendin orderto report,enthusiastically, about the manyworks he had been able to see. Amongseveral other titles he liststhe "HypotyposisPyrrhonicorum, que es un libro grande,y bueno."20This manuscript,already mentionedby Konrad Gesner in his Bibliotheca Universalisas "DionysiiLongini opuscula ..." in the same year,21was the

16 See Gregoriode Andres,"Les Copistes Grecs du Cardinal de Burgos Francisco Mendoza," XVI InternationalerByzantinisten-Kongress Akten, II/4, Jahrbuch der OsterreichischenByzantinistik (1984), 97-104, esp. 98. 17 For bibliographysee JuanCatalina y Garcia,op. cit.,and C. Gutierrez,op. cit.,670- 71, whichlists 14 entries.Graux, op. cit. and G. Antolin,Catalogo de los codices latinos del Escorial V (Madrid, 1923), 46-68, provideinformation about his library.A not very accurateselection of his letterswas publishedin 1680 by JuanFrancisco Andres de Ustaroz and Diego Jose Dormerv(Progressos de la historiaen el Reino de Aragony Elogios de GeronimoZurita, su primercronista [Zaragoza, 1680]). An excerptfrom this work is in Graux,op. cit. appendixn. 4: "Extractosde Cartas de P. de C. a Zurita."More recently Gregoriode Andreshas edited"31 cartasineditas de J. Paez de Castro,cronista de Carlos V," in Boletinde la R. Academia de la Historia, 168 (1971), 515-71. 18 Cf. Graux,op. cit., 51, publishedin Revistade Archivos,Bibliotecas y Museos, 9 (1883), 165-78. 19It was publishedby EustasioEsteban in Ciudad de Dios, 28 (1892), 604-10 and 29ff. 20 See Andresde Uztarrozand Dormer,op. cit.,463b, and appendixn. 4 of Graux,op. cit. 21 Bibliotheca Universalis,sive catalogus OmniumScriptorum ... authore Conrado Gesnero ... Tiguri apud ChristophorumFroschoverum Mense SeptembriAnno 1545, f. 212 .

This content downloaded from 129.67.117.112 on Sun, 13 Apr 2014 11:25:39 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SextusEmpiricus 69 miscellanyn. VII.J.9 containing"Sexti Empiricipyrrhonicarum hypo- typoseonlibri 3 et contradisciplinas," which was destroyedby thefire of the Escorial in 1671.22 In anotherletter, dated September 1549 and also addressedto Zuritabut thistime sent from Rome, Paez de Castrocommunicated to his friendthe projectof producinga translationof SextusEmpincus: "Agora entiendo en hazerLatino a SextoEmpyrico Cheroneo, que son dos librosde Philosophia de los Pyrrhonios,haie una prefacion,en que pome grandescosas de lo que toca para nuestraReligion, & effugiamvitiligatores; v.m. advierta lo que en esta partetiene notando."23Which Greekmanuscript did Paez de Castro intendto use forhis translation?A thirdletter allows us to makea reliable conjectureabout his originalsource. On 10 April 1568 he wroteto Mateo Vazquez thatin thepast Cardinal Mendoza had asked"un escribiente,griego de nacion,"to copy some rarebooks in Rome such as Photiusand Sextus Empiricus.This Greekmanuscript has now been identifiedas Ms. Madrid Bib. Nac. 4709 (O 30).24Already listed by Weber,the codex containsall SextusEmpiricus's works and the Dialexis. It has beendated 1549 (ff. 1-228) and circa 1550 (ff.228-327v): the first part was copiedin Romeby Giovanni Mauromataof Corffi,while the second, containingthe Outlines,is by a differenthand and fullyannotated by Paez de Castrohimself.25 While he was writingto Zuritaabout the projectof a translation,Paez de Castro was probablyattending to the copyingof the originalGreek text which he was planningto translate. The manuscriptand the lettersby Paez de Castroshow thathe knew Sextus Empiricusand plannedhis translationseveral years beforeHenri Estienne'sedition, so thatwhen the latter decided to publishhis translation, his regardfor Sextus Empiricuswas not a completelyisolated case.26

22 See Graux,op. cit.,276, n. 186. It was theMs E.II.19 cart.in foliomisc. ff.196, the first93 ff.containing the Outlines(Gregorio de Andres,Catalogo de los Codices Griegos desaparecidosde la real bibliotecade el Escorial [El Escorial, 1968], n. 297). The other codex of Sextus, catalogued by Gesner (f. 596V) as belongingto Diego Hurtado de Mendoza's library,contains Adv. Math. and is Ms. T 116 of theNational Library in Madrid (Iter Italicum,II, 517, n. 1); it was cataloguedby Mutschmannas Ms "z"; see also below Weber's article(n. 28), and n. 185 in Graux's list. 23 See Andres de Ustaroz and Dormer, op. cit., 483a, repr. in "Saragossa Disputacion provincial," Biblioteca de escriptores aragoneses. Seccion historica, 7 (1878), 550 (letterto Zurita). 24 Graux,op. cit.,60-61, 412-13 (reproductionof theletter), and note6. On 93, within a list of GreekMss. belongingto the Fondo Caldinal Mendoza, Graux quotes: "Memor. 124 Sextus Empiricusenc. Cardl. mano de Paez Huc tandem." 25 The Ms. was ownedby Franciscode Mendoza and Garcia de Loaisa and was in the Conventode S. Vincentede Plasencia duringthe seventeenthcentury. By the eighteenth centuryit was in the NationalLibrary: see Gregoriode Andres,Catalogo de los Codices Griegosde la BibliotecaNacional (Madrid, 1987), 274-76. 26 I have provideda reconstructionof Henri'shumanistic anti-dogmatism in relationto his translationof the Outlinesin "The GraftedBranches of the ScepticalTree: 'Noli altum sapere' and HenriEstienne's Latin Editionof Sexti EmpiriciPyrrhoniarum Hypotyposeon libriIII," Nouvellesde la Republiquedes Lettres,11 (1992), 127-66.

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Estiennewas partof a widermovement which was goingto lead, aftera few years,to thefull philosophical impact of Pyrrhonismin Francewith authors suchas Sanchez,Montaigne, Charron, and laterGassendi and evenDescartes (althoughwe do notknow which skeptical authors he actuallyread). If he was anticipating,and thereforehad an importantrole in increasingthe influence thatSextus Empiricus was goingto have, Estiennewas at the same time meetingan alreadyexisting, if limiteddemand for an easilyreadable text. The worksof SextusEmpiricus were available and read and eventranslated intoLatin during the Renaissance somewhat more extensively than we have thoughtso far.Further evidence in favorof thishypothesis is givenby an earlysixteenth-century Latin manuscript which has notyet been studied.

SextusEmpiricus in theBiblioteca Nazionale of Turin

The NationalLibrary of Turinholds fourmanuscripts containing works by SextusEmpiricus. Three of them are Greekand have already been studied. The mostfamous is Cod. Gr. B.I.3 (late fifteenth,beginning of thesixteenth century),which bears the ex libris of Henri Estienne(Ex libris Henrici StephaniFlorentiae emptus 1555). The codex is fullyannotated, and there can be veryfew doubts that it is the codex used by Estiennefor his editio princepsof theOutlines.27 It is listedby Weberin his workon theDialexis, where it is labelled Ms. T.28 The designation was maintained by Mutschmann,who cataloguedit as TaurinensisGr. 12.29It containsGreek transcriptionsof the PyrrhonianaeHypotyposes, of the ten books of the ContraMathematicos, and of partof theso-called Dialexis. A secondmanu- script,Cod. Gr. B.III.32, has been dated to the sixteenthcentury.30 When Weberlisted it as TaurinensisCXXIII. c.V.14, he had notseen it and wrote thathe was thoroughlyrelying on Pasini's cataloguefor his information. Maybefor this reason Mutschmann did notinsert it in his annotatedlist.31 It containsSexti Empirici octo priores adversus Mathematicos. The lastmanu- scriptin our shortsurvey is Cod. Gr. B.VI.29 (sixteenthcentury), a miscel-

27 Microfilmpos 13500,Rome, B. N., CentroNazionale per lo Studiodel Manoscritto. It is describedin Albano Sorbelli,Inventari dei Manoscrittidelle Biblioteched'Italia (Florence, 1924), XXVIII, 13, n. 81 and in JosephusPasinus, Codices ManuscriptiBiblio- thecaeRegii TaurinensisAtheneaei ... (Tauriniex TypographiaRegia, 1749), I, 85, Codex XI.b.IV. 11. 28 E. Weber,"Ober den Dialect der sogenanntenDialexeis und die Handschriftendes Sextus Empiricus,"Philologus, 57 (1898), 66. 29 H. Mutschmann,"Die UJberlieferung,"246, and 281-82, on Estienne'snotes. 30 Microfilmpos 13587,Rome, B. N. CentroNazionale per lo Studiodel Manoscritto. Cf. Albano Sorbelli,op. cit.,XVIII, 21, n. 158 (Codex CXXIII. c.V.14 in JosephusPasinus, op. cit.,I, 228). 31 Cf. Paolo Eleuteri,"Note su alcuni manoscrittidi Sesto Empirico,"Orpheus, 6 (1985), 432-36.

This content downloaded from 129.67.117.112 on Sun, 13 Apr 2014 11:25:39 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SextusEmpiricus 71 lany including Sexti Empirici libri adversus mathematicos("alterius exscriptorismanu exarati,"according to Pasini,p. 37 1).32 Relyingon the 1749 catalogue,Weber registeredthis manuscriptas TaurinensisCCLXI, and,like theprevious one, this too did notappear in Mutschmann'slist. The fourthcodex, which we shallbe concernedwith at morelength, has been wronglyclassified as Greek until now. It is in fact a miscellany containinga Latintranslation of Adv. Math. I-III.

A Copy of Lorenzi'sTranslation

The TaurinensisC. 11.11(henceforth L2) is a paper manuscriptof 94 numberedfolios measuring cm. 27.2 x 21,3, whichcan be datedto thefirst halfof thesixteenth century.33 The codex was partlydamaged on top and on theleft-hand side by the fire which in 1904 destroyedpart of the collection of theRegia BibliotecaNazionale of Turin.34Although there are shadowsdue to thewater used in orderto extinguishthe fire, it is stillperfectly readable. The codex containstwo works: according to themodern numeration from ff. 1 to 93, on ff.2-42 we findApollodori Atheniensis grammatici Bibliotheca in Greek,35while ff. 44r_93v contain a Latintranslation of the first three books of Sextus Empiricus'sContra Mathematicos I-III, i.e., AdversusGeometras, AdversusGrammaticos, and Adversus Rhetores (f. 1 and f.43 areblank). The translationstarts from the third paragraph of thefirst book (Adv.Math. I, 57, chapterIII, "A Descriptionof the Art of Grammar")without title. A few notesby thesame hand and thetitles of theparagraphs are in redink. On closer inspectionthis Sextus manuscriptturns out to be not an apographbut a reliablecopy of Vat. Lat. 2990. In orderto establishthis point it is sufficientto comparethe incipit and explicitof each book of Lorenzi's translation-alreadypublished by Schmittwith some otherinteresting ex- cerpts36-withthe parallel sections of L2. In thetranscription of L2 provided in the firstappendix I have reliedlargely on Schmitt'swork as faras the ordinaryconventions about punctuation and modernusage of lettersare concerned,transcribing only the essentialtext, without all the furtherinforma- tionthat he included.On theother hand, I have addedthe numeration of the folios and, wheneverpossible, inserteda slash in orderto indicateline breaks.

32 Microfilmpos 28685, Rome,B. N., CentroNazionale per lo Studiodel Manoscritto. See Albano Sorbelli,op. cit., XXVIII, 31, n. 248, and JosephusPasinus, op. cit., I, 371, Codex CCLXI. c.I.15. 33 Microfilmpos 13453,Rome, B. N., CentroNazionale per lo Studiodel Manoscritto. 34 See GiovanniGorini, L'Incendio della Regia BibliotecaNazionale di Torino(Turin, 1905). 35 See A. Diller, "The Text Historyof the Bibliotheca of Pseudo-Apollodorus," Transactionsof theAmerican Philological Society, 66 (1935), 296-313,repr. in his Studies in GreekManuscript Tradition (Amsterdam, 1983), 212. 36 Cf. C. B. Schmitt,"An UnstudiedFifteenth-Century Manuscript," 250-57.

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Some commentson thenature of the manuscript are now in order.A first problemwith L2 concernsthe order of thefolios: the person who added the numerationin pencil(according to a personalcommunication of the librarian thishappened in 1937, whenthe manuscriptwas restored)did not realize that,as the foliosstand, they are partiallymisplaced. There is a gap in L2 betweenf. 47v(corresponding to L1: f. 20r)and f. 48r(corresponding to L1: f. 24r,1.14/15) which is filledby f. 52r1v(corresponding to L1: f. 2Or[end],f. 21 and f. 22r) and thenby f. 63rIv(corresponding to L1: f. 22r[end],f. 22v, f.23r1v and thebeginning of f. 24r),so that,according to theoriginal numeration, the manuscriptshould be read thus: ..., 47, 52, 63, 48..., 51, 53..., 62, 64, etc. Turningto thereliability of the copy, it must be said thatL2 is notalways as close to the originalas it may seem fromthe foregoingexcerpts. Some- timesthe copyist adds to theoriginal a fewwords of his own,as wheninstead of writing:"[L1: f. 13r] ... apud poetas,Euripidem...," he writes:"[L2: f. 44r] ... apud poetas, ut pote, homerum,hesiodum, Pindarum, Euripidem ..." (note thatproper names are commonlyunderlined only in L2). Anotherexample of thislack of accuracyoccurs in thesame folio a fewlines down, when instead of having"[L1: f.13v]:Consuetudine communi bonum loquendi...," we read "[L2: f. 44r]: consuetudinecommuni Quio [?] sermonisbonum loquendi ...." Some othertimes the copyist has slightlymodified the syntacticalstructure of a sentence,as wheninstead of writing"'[L1: f. 13v]... non eniminquit oportebat...," he writes "[L2: f. 44] ... non enim oportebat inquit...," or insteadof "[L1: f. 15r]... ita eodemmodo etiam...,"we have "[L2: f. 45r]... ita eodem etiammodo...." It also happensthat the punctuationhas been modifiedin several occasions, and in L2 some abbreviationsof L1 are commonlymade explicit,whereas other particles are usuallyabbreviated, such as the final"-m" or "-n." On the otherhand the copyistsometimes writesthe "-que" in fullwhen it is abbreviatedin L1 and abbreviatesit when in theoriginal it is writtenin full.More generally,the copyist of L2 uses a greaternumber of abbreviations(e.g., "et" for "etiam," "ipsus" for "ipsius," "psuadendi" for "persuadendi,""igit" for "igitur"and so on) thandoes Lorenzior Questenberg(the copyist of L1 accordingto Mercati),as ifhe werein moreof a hurryand less interestedin producinga finetext than thecopyist of L1. Thereare of coursemore serious and classic defectsin themanuscript. Thus on L2: f. 89Vthe copyist has jumpeda line.The mistakeis understand- able. The originaltext says "'[L1: f. 101v] ... continetdimensionem et,/[f. 102' interiorcentroque proximus, parvam continet di/mensionemomnes autem..."; the copyist has been misled by the two occurrences of "dimensionem,"so thathe wrote"[L2: f. 89v]continet dimensionem, omnes autem...." Yet thereis no doubtthat all theforegoing points are occasional alterations,which cannot modify the overall judgment about the source of the manuscript:L2 was notmade on thebasis of an originalGreek text but is a copyof L1. Withrespect to thisconclusion two morefeatures are indicative

This content downloaded from 129.67.117.112 on Sun, 13 Apr 2014 11:25:39 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SextusEmpiricus 73 of the derivativenature of L2. Sextus's frequentquotations from other authors,which Lorenzi leftin Greek,are nevertranscribed. Sometimes a blankspace is left;more often they are translated into Latin. Thus on f.66r we readthe following Homeric verse: "Sic ne iubesfieri gelidae ragnator aquai/ Atque superbaDeum regi mandataferemus/Quae duro tecumvolvis sub pectoredudum/Flecteris an potius,prudens nam flectiturolim," a versethat in L1 is leftin Greek.37A fewexceptions are representedby thetranscription of single words,such as "iti'a)pe;" ([L1: 17r] = "iltnpe;" [L2: 46r] = "MtouCpe?")or ",Bjcxcai" ([L1: 17r] = "Pijatal" [L2: 46r] =P7Bn'rX A finalinteresting feature of themanuscript which deserves to be men- tionedis the natureof the marginalannotations. While L2 bears veryfew notes,which seem to be of no interesteither philologically or philosophi- cally,the copyisthas sometimesincluded in the textremarks or addenda writtenon themargins of L1. The followingis probablythe clearest example: on f. 26v of L1 the words "sed solum generalemsyllabam in brevem longamquedividentibus" are added in themargin of themanuscript with a sign(a slashand three points), indicating that they belong to themain text, to 1. 17, wherethe same sign occurs. The copyistof L2 has followedthis suggestionand correctedthe main text,so thaton f. 49r of L2 we read the passage inserteddirectly in thetranslation.

On theHistory of theManuscript

Beforethe discovery of L2 therewas no evidencethat Lorenzi's transla- tionhad anydiffusion in theRenaissance. On thecontrary it was thoughtthat VIL 2990 had remainedthoroughly unknown to the scholarlyworld until Mercati'sshort study.38 The storyof themanuscript goes someway towards explainingwhy L2 did not previouslyfigure in the historiographyof the skepticaltradition. The codex reachedthe Libraryof Turin only at the beginningof the last century,when the greateighteenth-century scholar TommasoValperga of Caluso39(1737-1815) leftit afterhis deathto the Regia Bibliotecaof Turin,as partof his privatecollection of manuscriptsand books. Valperga himselfdoes not seem to have studiedit. A possible confirmationof thisnegative conclusion is providednot onlyby the mis- numberingof the folios-which may have occurredafterwards, when the manuscriptwas acquiredby the TurinLibrary, but mighthave been mis- placed before-butabove all by an interestingphilosophical treatise written by Valpergain Frenchin 1811,the Principes de philosophiepour les initie's

37 Cf. VittorioAmedeo Peyron,Notitia librorummanu typisvedescriptorum qui donanteAb. Thoma ValpergaCalusio ... (Leipzig, 1820), 23-24. The examplesgiven by Peyronseem to be all misnumberedby one unity,e.g., his fol. 67 is fol. 66r, etc. 38 Cf. Schmitt,"An UnstudiedFifteenth-Century Manuscript," 248. 39 On the life and workof Tommaso Valperga of Caluso see Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani (Rome, 1973), XVI, 827-32 withfurther bibliography.

This content downloaded from 129.67.117.112 on Sun, 13 Apr 2014 11:25:39 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 74 Luciano Floridi aux mathematiques.40In the Principidi Filosofia the names of Leibniz, Descartes,Newton, Hobbes, St. Thomas,Malebranche, Kant, Plato, and St. Augustineoccur several times, while SextusEmpiricus is nevermentioned. Thisfact would not be of greatsignificance if it were not for the fifth chapter, entitled"On Certaintyabout ExternalObjects," which is devoted to a discussionof skepticalissues. Even here there occurs only a genericreference to "Pyrrhonists"and a notvery deep analysisof thenotion of "epoche."It is veryunlikely that a finephilologist like Valperga, who had beendescribed by his friendVittorio Alfieri as a "Montaigneviyo,"41 would not have mentionedhis manuscriptor at leastquoted the name of SextusEmpiricus if he had studiedthe contents of L2.42 Sincethe manuscript became publicly known so late,it was notrecorded in anyprevious catalogue, including Pasini's (1749), and so it was unknown to Fabricius,who mentionedthe otherthree Turin manuscripts.43 Indeed it was onlyin thenew repertoireof 1896 thatC. 0. Zurettiacknowledged the factthat the second half of thecodex was writtenin Latin.He wentso faras to providea verybrief incipit of theSextus section. However, because of the Greektext of Apollodori Bibliotheca, he stillinserted it in theGreek section of his updatedlist of manuscriptspossessed by theNational Library. He did not repeatthe entryin the Latin section,44and this partialmisplacement caused later misunderstandings,so that in 1924 the codex came to be erroneouslydescribed as entirelyGreek in Mazzatinti'sstandard catalogue of theLibrary.45 Thingsdid not go muchbetter on the scholarlyside: the onlyone who describedthe manuscriptcorrectly was Weber,but unfortunatelyhe men- tionedit in a list at the end of his article,and a carefulexamination of Mutschmann'sannotated list leads one to suspectthat the latter disregarded thatsection of Weber'swork. I remarkedabove thatWeber fully acknowl-

40I use the Italiantranslation, Principi di Filosofiaper gl' Iniziatinelle matematiche di TommasoValperga-Caluso volgarizzati dal ProfessorePietro Conte con Annotazioni dell 'AbateAntonio Rosmini-Serbati (Turin, 1840). See also M. Cerruti'sLa RagioneFelice e altrimiti del Settecento(Florence, 1973). 41 Cerruti,op. cit., 35. 42 The Fondo Carte Valperga, which the familyValperga of Masino has recently donatedto theFondo AmbienteItaliano together with the castle of Masino,at themoment is still being catalogued,so it is not unlikelythat new informationmay come out in the futureabout the provenance of L2 and how Valpergacame to own theMs. I am gratefulto Marco Cerrutiand LucettaLevi-Momigliano for information concerning Valperga's Mss in Turinand Masino. 43 JohannAlbert Fabricius, Bibliotheca Graeca (Hildesheim,1966, repr.of 1796 ed., thethird corrected by G. C. Harles),V, caputXXI (olim XVIII), 527-39. " C. 0. Zuretti,Indice de' MSS. Greci Torinesi,estratto da StudiItaliani di Filologia Classica (Florence,1896), 216, n. 21. This catalogueof the GreekMss (not mentionedin Pasini's work)is based on the Ms Appendixadded by BernardinoPeyron. 45 Albano Sorbelli,op. cit.,XXVIII, 37, n. 304. Ratheroddly Zuretti's work is quoted in the note.

This content downloaded from 129.67.117.112 on Sun, 13 Apr 2014 11:25:39 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SextusEmpiricus 75 edgedhis debtto Peyron.The latterhad suppliedmore data on themanuscript thanWeber, in his concisestudy of theFondo Valperga, and had been able to establishboth that L2 was writtenin a sixteenth-centuryhand and thatthe "anonymusinterpres" must have lived "ante GentianiHerveti tempora." Peyron,like Schmittin relationto L,, was rathercritical of theLatin used in thetranslation.46 His transcriptionof the firstlines of f. 44r, whichhe saw before 1820, are particularlyvaluable, since this part of the manuscript sufferedfrom the fire of 1904.The inventoryof the extant manuscripts which was writtenimmediately after that disaster might have provided the opportu- nityfor casting a clear lighton thenature of themanuscript, but once again the firstpart written in Greekdetermined the insertion of themanuscript in theGreek section, as in Zuretti'scatalogue.47

Conclusion:A MethodologicalDistinction between Knowledge and Use

Today nobodyseems to doubtthat a valid interpretationof the first historicalphases of modemskepticism depends on a detailedreconstruction of the diffusionand provenanceof thetextual sources.48 Unless adequately understood,however, the fundamentalacquisition of this methodological postulatecan representat thesame time a dangerouspremise for a muchless acceptableset of conclusions.In thehistory of earlymodem philosophy there can hardlybe any influencewithout textual diffusion, and the potential degreeof influenceof a giventext can be assessed onlyif we considerthe levelof circulationit reached at thattime. Yet theabsence of use of a certain textdoes not implythe absence of knowledgeof thattext on the partof thosewho might have used itbut did not. To arguethis way would be nothing less thanendorsing an indefensiblemodal fallacy on thebasis of an anachro- nisticassumption, namely, that if certaintexts like the Outlinesor Contra Mathematicosbecame important later on forthe history of epistemologybut had a verylimited effect on Renaissancephilosophy, then they must have remainedlargely unknown during the fifteenth and sixteenthcenturies. Had SextusEmpiricus been known,he wouldhave been influential,but he was notinfluential and thereforehe was notsufficiently known. The basis of thisargument is logicallyuntenable and factuallywrong. That during the Renaissancethe worksof SextusEmpiricus were not widelyemployed for anti-epistemologicalattacks but were only rarely used foranti-intellectualis- tic purposes,is notequivalent to sayingthat they were unknown or did not

I See A. Peyron,op. cit. 47 "Inventariodei Codici SuperstitiGreci e Latini Antichidella BibliotecaNazionale di Torino,"Rivista di Filologia e d'Istruzioncclassica, fascicolo 3, n. XXXII (1904), 385ff.Our codex is listedas the 176thand last of the firstsection on Greek,paper Mss, 416. Zuretti'scatalogue is quoted. 48 See RichardH. Popkin,The History of Scepticism from Erasmus to Spinoza,rev. ed. (Los Angeles, 1979).

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attainsome diffusion among scholars. On thecontrary, we have seenthat the two translationsexamined above pointin the oppositedirection. The late MiddleAges discussedsome weak formsof skepticism,but actually did not knowthe violent attacks against knowledge expounded by SextusEmpiricus in his compendia.However, there was alreadya Byzantinerevival of interest in theworks of SextusEmpiricus during the fourteenth century,49 and recent scholarlywork50 on the circulationof the manuscriptsof Sextus in the Renaissancehas broughtto lightevidence in favorof the hypothesisthat someItalian humanists were reasonably well acquaintedwith at leastparts of Sextus's Opera duringthe fifteenthand sixteenthcenturies. By way of conclusion,I shall add a fewother details which may help to painta more complexbut also moreaccurate picture of theinfluence of SextusEmpiricus in theRenaissance. In recenttimes there has beensome confusion about the alleged evidence thatFrancesco Filelfo was thefirst to bringback a Sextianmanuscript from Greece.51 He was certainlyamong the firsthumanists who took a serious interestin Sextus Empiricus,at least as a literarysource. The Biblioteca Medicea-Laurenzianain Florencehas a codex, Laur. 85.19, which bears

49 Cf. J. A. Fabricius,op. cit., V, 527-28; A. Elter and L. Rademacher,op. cit.; R. Guillard,Essai sur NicephoreGre'goras (Paris, 1926), 79 and 206-7; D. M. Nicol, "The ByzantineChurch and HellenisticLearning in the FourteenthCentury," Studies in Church History,5 (1969), 23-47, esp. 43; on thediffusion of Sextus's worksin theRenaissance see Charles B. Schmittin "The Recoveryand Assimilationof Ancient Scepticismin the Renaissance,"Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia, 27 (1972), 363-84; a modified version,"The Rediscoveryof AncientSkepticism in Modern Times," in The Skeptical Tradition,ed. M. Burnyeat(Los Angeles,1983), repr.in his Reappraisals in Renaissance Thought,ed. Charles Webster (London, 1989), 225-51. See also Saul Horovitz,Der Einflussder griechischenSkepsis auf die Entwicklungder Philosophiebei den Arabern, Jahres-Bericht,Jued-Theol. Sem. Fraenckel'sche Stiftung1909 (Breslau, 1915, repr. Farnborough1971). 50 On skepticismand medieval philosophysee C. Jourdain,art. cit.; Schmitt"The Recovery";and Cavini, op. cit., Michael Frede,"A Medieval Source of Modern Scepti- cism" in Gedankenzeichen,Festschrifitfur K. Oehler,ed. Claussen and R. Daube-Schackat (1988), and JackZupko, "Buridanand Skepticism,"Journal of theHistory of Philosophy, 31 (1993), 191-221. 51 Both Schmittand Mutschmann(the formerprobably following the latter)have attributedto RemigioSabbadini the idea thatFilelfo brought the MS of SextusEmpiricus withhim from his journeyin Greece (Schmitt,"The Recovery,"378, n. 63, and 380); and "An UnstudiedFifteenth-Century Manuscript," 246 and n. 16; Brian P. Copenhaverand CharlesB. Schmitt,Renaissance Philosophy (Oxford, 1992), 241; and Mutschmann's"Die UJberlieferung,"478. In fact, Sabbadini wrote: "II quarto italiano illustreche ando a Costantinopolia studiargreco e a raccoglierecodici fu FrancescoFilelfo, partito per col'a il 1420 e ritornatoneil 1427. La lista dei suoi autoriraggiunge la quarantinae tra essi noteremoquelli che non compaiononell'elenco dell'Aurispa....Molti altripoi se li venne acquistandoin Italia,come Sofocle,...Sesto Empirico(here refering to PhilelphiEpistolae f. 14v;32; 32v: 185v;218v, lib. XVII f. 121v)....'.See Le Scopertedei Codici Latini e Greci nei secoli XIV e XV (Florence,1905; reed. E. Garinwith additions and correctionsby the author,Florence, 1967), 48.

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Filelfo's philologicalannotations in Greekin its margins,52and it is well knownthat Filelfo mentioned Sextus Empiricus on differentoccasions in his worksand in his correspondencewith Aurispa,s3 Sassolo da Prato,Bessarion, Palla Strozzi,54and AlbertoZaccaria. The collectionof Filelfo'sletters was a sortof Renaissance"best seller,"which circulated in at least ninedifferent editionsbetween 1454 and 1564, so thatit is reasonableto assumethat his remarkson Sextus Empiricusmust have reacheda far largernumber of people thanthe groupof scholarsto whomhis letterswere originallyad- dressed. Furtherevidence is provided by the entry"Sextus Empiricus" in Gesner'sBibliotheca, which was publishedin 1545 but completedin 1544. The entryis not easily explicableunless we imaginethat there was some diffusionof knowledgeabout and interestin the Pyrrhonistauthor before Estienne'sedition. Such a diffusion,however, is not to be limitedto the sixteenthcentury. We know,for example, of Poliziano's manyquotations and excerptsfrom Sextus Empiricus55 and of theimportance Sextus's works had amongthe followers of Savonarola.56

52 I have checkedonly the microfilm. For theindication about Filelfo see Eleuteri,art. cit. 53 A mistakeshould here be corrected.Contrary to what AdrianoFranceschini has writtenin GiovanniAurispa e la sua biblioteca,notizie e documenti(Padua, 1976), 47-49: "Molti autori,ed opere loro,possedute dall'Aurispa restano ignote. Scopo dell'inventario del 1459, come di quello del 1461, fu infattil'accertamento patrimoniale, non biblio- grafico....Non figuranocosi nell'inventario,o non vi sono riconoscibili,opere e autoridei quali si sa che l'Aurispapossedette codici acquistatinei suoi viaggi in Orienteo scambiati con altri umanisti.Non figurano... il codice di Sesto Empirico,inviato al Filelfo nel 1441," it was Filelfowho ownedthe Ms. and sentit to Aurispa:see Carteggiodi Giovanni Aurispa,a cura di Remigio Sabbadini,Fonti per la Storia d'Italia ... (Rome, 1931), 97, "Lettera LXXVIIII, I1 Filelfo all'Aurispa ... petis a me nunc Sextum Empiricumeius exscribendigratia, gero tibi morem(mi chiedi Sesto Empiricoper copiarlo: eccotelo) Ex Mediolano .1111.idus iunias .MCCCCXXXXI." 54 In the list of books and Mss leftto S. Giustinaby Palla Strozzithere is no mention of Sextus Empiricus; see Giuseppe Fiocco, "La Casa di Palla Strozzi" in Atti dell'Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, serie VIII, vol. V, fasc. 7 (1954), 361-82, the testamentis reproducedon 374-77. For Sextus's Ms whichbelonged to Palla Strozzi(the Parisinus 2081) see Paul Canart, "DemetriusDamilas alias 'Librarius Florentinus,'" Rivistadi StudiBizantini e Neoellenici,24-26 (1977-79), 281-347, 310. 55 See above all Ida Maier,Les Manuscritsd'Ange Politien (Geneva, 1965), 117-229, and Lucia CesariniMartinelli, "Sesto Empiricoe una Dispersa Enciclopediadelle Artie delle Scienza di Angelo Poliziano,"Rinascimento, 2a serie 20 (1980), 327-58. 56 Besides Schmitt'sarticles see GianfrancescoPico della Mirandola Vita Savo- narolae, ch. II, repr.in W. Bates, Vitaeselectorum aliquot virorum(London, 1681), 107- 40, at 109, D. P. Walker,The AncientTheology: Studies in ChristianPlatonism from the Fifteenthto EighteenthCentury (London, 1972), 58-62; D. Weinstein,Savonarola and Florence: Prophecyand Patriotismin theRenaissance (Princeton, 1970), 243, and Cavini, art. cit., 16-20.

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Anotherfact which has remainedso farunnoticed but which will require furtherclarification is thatGioacchino Torriani (1416-1500)57 who in 1494 borrowedfrom the Vatican library a "SextumEmpiricum in membranis,"58 now lost,59was not just an ordinaryreader but the "generalis ordinis predicatorum"from 1487 to 1500,and thusone of thejudges at thetrial of Savonarola.There is even a Florentinemedal of 1498, commemoratingthe eventwhich portrays him.60 If we considerthat, according to Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola,Savonarola had been suggestingto his followersthe readingof SextusEmpiricus as an introductionto Christianfaith, Torriani's interestin SextusEmpiricus may not have been casual. The disappearanceof theVatican codex borrowed by Torrianiintroduces a finalgroup of considerations.As CharlesSchmitt remarked, most of the extantfifteenth- and sixteenth-centurymanuscripts and translations of Sextus Empiricusare less importantin themselvesthan as indicationsof theextent to which such sourcesof skepticismwere gainingdiffusion. Thus, some yearsago Schmittattempted the first quantitative analysis of thewhole set of documents.61Unfortunately, he adopted Mutschmann's list as updatedin the Prefaceto theedition of Sextus'swritings by J.Mau, so thatthe number of

57 The standardwork on Gioacchino Turrianiis A. Mortier,Histoire des maitres generauxde l'Ordre des freresprencheurs (Paris, 1911), V, 1-65. 58 I due primiregistri di prestitodella BibliotecaApostolica Vaticana, codici vaticani latini 3964, 3966 pubblicati in fototipiae in trascrizionecon note e indici, ed. Maria Bertola(Vatican City,1942), 84. 59In theInventory of theVatican Library of 1475 (Vat. Lat. 3954, f. 62) we read: "[n. 245] Sexti Hebericiopus. Ex membr.in pavonazio [?] {the questionmark is in theoriginal and means 'lost' }," see RobertDevreesse, Le Fonds Grec de la BibliothequeVaticane des Originesa Paul V (Vatican City, 1965), 55. Accordingto Devreesse this was a Sextus EmpiricusMs whichis now lost,supposedly the same Ms listedin the Inventoryof 1481 (Vat. Lat. 3947, f. 57) in which it is describedthus: "[n. 209] Sextus Empiricus,ex membranisin rubeo[?]," cf. Devreesse,op. cit.,91. The Ms was stillin theVatican library accordingto the Inventoryof 1484 (Vat Lat 3949, f. 45v): "[n. 208] SextusEmpiricus [a criticalnote here refers to then. 209 of theInventory of 1481]" (Devreesse,op. cit., 129). It may be the same Ms cataloguedin the Inventoryof 1518 (Vat Lat 3955, f. 31r):n. 241, where"Sextus Empiricus"is added on the marginof the Ms, cf. Devreesse,op. cit., 197, and also the one referredto in a GreekInventory compiled between 1517 and 1518 under Leone X (Vat Gr 1483 f. 68v): "[n. 237], 'to,ov 4u ptecoi3 ntp6; aT?Latuco{S; - ltepi iCpttepiOt T6w ICatax X?`TOV aYICERUItC 3?KantsoRaviOV iata, X67y0itep a&a0oi Kai icaicoi." See Devreesse,op. cit.,251. The Ms no longerappears in the inventoriesof the Vatican librarycompiled since 1533 (Vat Lat 3951). See also Eugene Miintzand Paul Fabre,La bibliotheIquedu Vaticanau XVe siecle d'apres des documentsinedits, XLVIII (Paris, 1887, now repr. Amsterdam,1970), 232: "Sexti Heberici opus. Ex membr.in pavonazio." This listingis fromthe libraryat the time of Sixtus IV (1471-84) in the inventorymade by Platina in 1475-77. Paul Canart,art. cit., has convincinglysuggested thatRegimontanus S. 35 may be a copy of theVaticanus made by MatthaesDevarius. 60 On Torriani'sportrait see Carlo Bertelli,"Appunti sugli affreschinella Cappella Carafa alla Minerva,"Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum, 35 (1965), 122. 61 Cf. Schmitt,"An UnstudiedFifteenth-Century Manuscript," 259.

This content downloaded from 129.67.117.112 on Sun, 13 Apr 2014 11:25:39 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SextusEmpiricus 79 documentson whichhe conductedhis briefanalysis was morelimited than it shouldhave been.He based his considerationson 36 itemsonly, 7 of which weredated to thefifteenth century and 21 to thesixteenth century; but a new surveyof the extantmanuscripts known to containportions of Sextus's writingsturns out to consistof 67 items(one ofwhich is datableto theend of the sixteenthor beginningof the seventeenthcentury and onlythree to the seventeenthcentury). Both the numberand the datingof some of these codices will probablyhave to be improvedin the future,especially if more data on manuscriptsthat disappeared since the seventeenthcentury become available. At the moment,we knowthat the Sextusmanuscript copied forDiego Hurtadode Mendozawas lostin thefire of theEscorial in 1671 and thaton thesame occasionthree other Sextus manuscripts were destroyed. If we add to thesethe one whichdisappeared after the Sack of Rome in 1527-i.e., Lorenzi'ssource,62 which may have been thesame manuscriptconsulted by Torriani-and also take into accountthe folio containinga fragmentof SextusEmpiricus that Gianvincenzo Pinelli sentin March 1582 to Fulvio Orsini(whose interest in SextusEmpiricus can be detectedfrom his annota- tionsin Vat. Gr. 1338) and whichhas neverbeen foundagain,63 we have at least six moreGreek manuscripts that should be countedas evidenceof a somewhatmore substantialdiffusion of the writingsof SextusEmpiricus duringthe Renaissance than has been previouslyassumed. Thus, as faras I have been able to ascertain,the total numberof manuscriptscontaining portionsof Sextus's writingswhich were extantduring the sixteenthand seventeenthcenturies is now knownto be at least73. On thisbasis, we may draw the graphfound on page 18 (see the second appendixfor further explanation). It is easyto see thatthere was a gradualgrowth in thenumber of Sextus's manuscriptsavailable betweenthe fifteenthand sixteenthcentury. As has been stressedby Schmitt,this increase was followedby a geographicalshift

62 Accordingto Mercati,Opere minori,IV, 92, the eventcaused the destructionof about400 GreekMss. 63 This is not the well-knownVat. Gr. 1338 (the number133 of Orsini's Inventory), whichwas ownedand bears annotationsby bothMattheus Devarius and Fulvio Orsini;see G. Beltrani,I Libri di Fulvio*Orsini nella Biblioteca Vaticana(Rome, 1886), reproducing the InventariumLibrorum Fulvii Ursini, and see 16 "Libro di Sexto Empirico con emendationinelle margini,et in uno quintemetto,scritto in papiroin 4o foglio,et coperto di cartapecora." On the contraryPinelli's folio is the one referredto by Pinelliin a letter of 23 Marchto Orsini,see Pierrede Nolhac,La Bibliothequede Fulvio Orsini(Paris, 1887; Paris, 1976), 103. Orsinileft to the Vatican Library"omnes et singulosmeos libros,tam Graecos quam Latinos,manuscriptos et impressos ... et omnes alias praetereascripturas, quae cum dictorumlibrorum nominibus descriptae sunt in Indice seu Inventarioa me subscripto....'(cf. 15), and yet,as alreadynoted by Nolhac himself(183, n. 2), "On n' a aucunnetrace chez Orsinid'un feuilletde Sextus Empiricus,acquis en 1582."

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The Diffusionof SextusEmpiricus's Manuscripts in theRenaissance

Number 5 M%s. 1562:Henri Estienne publishes his 45 Latintranslat-ion ot the Outlines 40

35 30

15 | -|~

10 10-11 11 11-12 12 12-13 13 13-14 14 14-15 15 15-16 16 16-17 17 Centuries

[E7] Lost Manuscripts LII Excerpts Latin Translations GreekManuscripts

of interestin skepticaldoctrine, which moved from Italy towards the north and foundits most favorablereception in Frenchphilosophy. During the RenaissanceSextus Empiricus was read in Italyeither for ethical and reli- giouspurposes, as a literaryand linguisticsource, or as a sourceof historical informationabout Greek philosophy, never for purely epistemological rea- sons. Like Savonarolaand GianfrancescoPico della Mirandola,Paez de Castrounderlined, although not explicitly, the religious aspect of his interest in translatingthe Outlines. The functionof skepticismas an anti-intellectualisttool and an introduction to religiousfaith also had greatimportance for Henri Estienneand GentianHervet. And it is fromthe point of view of a fideisticinterpretation

This content downloaded from 129.67.117.112 on Sun, 13 Apr 2014 11:25:39 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SextusEmpiricus 81 of theskeptical doubt that we mustinterpret the short comment added at the end of Ms. Laur. 85,11: "Hoc est nescire,sine Christoplurima scire/Si Christumbene scis, satis est, si alias [sic] ceteraplurima nescis," and the followingreference to St Paul Ad Cor. 1.2 and Ad Galat.II. Whoeverwrote this statementwas interpretingSextus Empiricusas a means to contrast scientianaturae et humanarumrerum in favorof sapientiaDei. The factthat Sextus Empiricus was read as a simplesource of information is not surprisingif we considerthat a scholarsuch as JohnEdwin Sandys,at thebeginning of thiscentury, could stillwrite that "much of his work, thoughmarked by considerableacumen, is puerileand pedantic,but his poeticquotations are of some interest,and, happily, in attackingthe arts, he preservessome importantfacts about them. Thus his attackon the grammariansis of specialvalue for certain items of evidence connected to the historyof scholarship."64Certainly, the main concernshared by Italian humanistslike Poliziano or Filelfo,when dealingwith information about SextusEmpiricus, was partof theirmore generalpolicy of attemptingto recoverthe classical past. That the Pyrrhonist philosopher could be read for purposesother than criticism of man's intellectualfaculties, and specifically as a philologicaldocument, is madeclear in thework of MattheusDevarius, who, in a Greekgrammar published posthumously by his nephewin 1588, uses thewritings of Sextusas one of his linguisticsources.65 The evidenceprovided (or referredto) so farshould now enable us to navigatebetween the opinionthat "prior to GiovanniFrancesco Pico della Mirandola,Sextus was apparentlynot studied, despite the existence of a few manuscriptsof theGreek text and a Latintranslation"66 on theone hand,and on the otherthe conclusionthat the fortuneof SextusEmpiricus must be dated"a partiredal XIV sec."67By doingso, we will see thatthe correct way of understandingthe history of Sextus'swritings from Francesco Filelfo to HenriEstienne is to focuson therole played by humanistsin recoveringthe

c" See A Historyof Classical Scholarship(Cambridge, 1908), I, 330. 65 See Matthaei Devarii Liber de Graecae Linguae Particulis, ad Alexandrum Farnesium... Romae, 1588 apud FranciscumZannettum. Passages fromSextus Empiricus are quoted on pp. 20, 53, and 76. During his work at the Vatican LibraryMatthaeus Devarius (d. 1581) had fullyannotated Vat. Gr. 1338 and Vat. Gr. 217 and made two retroversionsinto Greek of Latin passages fromGentian Hervet's Latin editionof Sextus (1569) which were lacking in Vat. Gr. 1338. I have foundno quotationsfrom Sextus Empiricusin eitherthe grammarof Chrysoloras(1350-1415) nor of Chalcondylas(1424- 1511), see Emanuelis Chrysolorae... graecae grammaticaeinstitutiones, Lutetiae 1544, and DemetriiChalcondylae erotemata, Basileae, 1546. On the firstdiffusion of Greek grammarsduring the Renaissance see AgostinoPertusi, "Per la Storia e le Fonti delle Prime GrammaticheGreche a Stampa," Italia Medievale e Umanistica, V (1962), Manoscrittie Stampedell'Umanesimo, scritti in onore di GiovanniMardersteig, 323-51. The authordoes not discuss Devarius's textas thisis a ratherlater work. 66Charles Trinkaus, Renaissance Humanism (Ann Arbor,1983), 172. 67 Eleuteri,art. cit.,436.

This content downloaded from 129.67.117.112 on Sun, 13 Apr 2014 11:25:39 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 82 Luciano Floridi knowledgeof Sextus,rather than on thelimited use of suchwritings in those years.68If very littleuse was made of Pyrrhonicarguments during the Renaissance,this was mainlybecause humanisticculture was not theright contextin whichsuch a radicalattack on knowledgecould be fullydevel- oped. As far as the principalinterests of humanistswere concerned,i.e., literaryand linguisticstudies, Christian ethics, and therecovery of thepast, Sextus'sworks had a smallbut not insignificant share of attention.Neverthe- less,in orderto gaina new and centralrole in thephilosophical tradition, the contentsof the Outlinesand ContraMathematicos had to wait untilthe epistemologicalturn at theend of theRenaissance. A scholarlyculture like thatof thehumanists, who wereinterested in thehistory of thoughtand still farfrom any idea of (letalone a faithin) theprogress of scientificknowledge, was not likelyto be affectedby skepticalarguments. It was only when philosopherscame to be faced by a vastlyincreased amount of scientific knowledgethat they presented epistemological interpretations of the cogni- tiveenterprise. Only then did theskeptical attitude regain all its destructive powerand acquirethose features that we stillattribute to itnowadays. By the timeDescartes was writingthe Meditations, we shouldno longerspeak of the influenceof SextusEmpiricus's skeptical arguments on modernphilosophy, buttake them instead as an integralpart of it.69

WolfsonCollege, Oxford.

68 See P. 0. Kristeller,"Humanism and Moral Philosophy,"in Renaissance Human- ism,ed. AlbertRabil, Jr.(Philadelphia, 1988), III, 271-309, 277: duringthe Renaissance "equally importantare some othersources of ancientmoral philosophy made available for the firsttime by humanistscholarship. The new sourcesincluded ... Skepticslike Sextus Empiricus..."; and "Renaissance Humanismand Classical Antiquity,"in Renaissance Humanism,I, 5-16, 13: the humanists"... added most of the sourcesof non-Aristotelian Greekphilosophy: ... [included]the Skepticphilosopher Sextus Empiricus." 69 This workhas been writtenas partof a researchpreparatory to the writingof the article"Sextus Empiricus"for the Catalogus Translationumet Commentariorum.I wish to thankClaudine Lemaire of the BibliothequeRoyale AlbertI in Brusselsand to Marie- Fran,oiseDamongeot of theBibliotheque Nationale in Paris forinformation, Charlie Burns forhelp withmaterial in theVatican Library, Tullio Gregoryand theAccademia dei Lincei fora grantwhich has supportedthis research, and JonathanBarnes, Constance Blackwell, JillKraye, P. 0. Kristeller,and RichardH. Popkin,who readprevious drafts of thisarticle.

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AppendixI

Vat.Lat 2990 TaurinensisCL.11. 11

LiberI, .3, inc.: LiberI, .3 (ContraMat. I, 57): "[f. 12v,1. 14] Quid sit gammatica/Et "[f. 44r] Et quoniam(ut aitEpicurus) quoniamut ait Epicurus, nec/ quaerere, nec quaeri,nec dubitarilde aliquo necdubitari de aliquoabsque eius quod absque eius quod queriturseu dubi- queriturseu/ dubitatur praeacceptione tatur,praelacceptione potest, rectius potest.Rectius faciemus/ si ante omnia faciemus,si anteomnia,l quid grama- quid grammaticesit et si secundum/ ticesit, et an secundumdatam a gram- datama grammaticisipsis notionem, maticisipsis notiolnem stabilis quedam stabilisque/ dam et substantialis doctri- et substantialisdoctrina intelligi va/ na intelligivaleat considera/bimus." leat,considerabimus."'

LiberI, expl.: LiberI, expl.: "[f.66v] Sed iamcontra eos/ qui ab hac "[f.72r] Sed iamcontra eos, qui ab hac dysciplinadeducuntur, hec dixisse/ disciplinadeducuntur, hec/ dixisse sufficiat.Ab alio igiturprincipio exor- sufficiat.Ab alio igiturprincipio dientes/[f.67r, 1.1] que etiam contra exordientes,/Que etiamcontra oratores oratoresdicere oporteatconsydere- dicereoporteat consyderemus./" musl"

LiberII, inc.: LiberII, inc.: "[f. 67r,1.2] SextiEmpirici de gram- "[f. 72v]2 [P]Osteaquamea que de matica/Sequitur eiusdem de Rhetorical grammaticadicenda [erant] /percumri- Posteaquamea que de grammatica musconsequens est, ut etiam/de rh[e]/ dicenda erant/percurrimus, conse- toricadicamus, que viriliorfortiorque quensest ut etiamde rhe/toricadica- existi/matur,utpote cuius virtus inforo mus,quae viriliorfortiorque existima/ [sic] sub/selliisque quasi trutina tur,ut pote cuius virtus in forosubsel- quadamexpenditur atque examinat[ur]. liysquequasi/ trutina quadam expen- dituratque examinatur."

LiberII, expl.: LiberII, expl.: "[f. 89r] Sed postquamad rhetoricam "[f. 83v]Sed postquamad rhetoricam continentiatheo/remata satis diximus. continentiatheoremata satis/ diximus, Ab alio rursusprinlcipio eas, quae ad ab alio rursusprincipio, eas, quae ad geometras,Arithmeticosque/ [f.89r, 1. geometras,/arithmeticosque pertinent, 16]pertinent, dubitationes attingamus. dubitationesattingamus."

LiberIII, inc.: LiberIII, inc. [f. 89r, 1. 17] Sexti Empiricicontra [f. 83v] SEXTI EMPERICI DE geometras.! Quoniam geometrae RHETORICAFINIS/ SEQUITUR DE dubitationumeos persequen/tium GEOMETRIA [capitalsare in red]/

1 The sign "/ " indicatesan approximateend of line. 2 Thereis no title.

This content downloaded from 129.67.117.112 on Sun, 13 Apr 2014 11:25:39 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 84 Luciano Floridi numerumperspicientes, ad rem,que [Q]Uoniamgeometrae, dubitationum peri/culinihil et securitatisin se eos persequentiumnumerum perspici- plurimumhabere/ videtur ex Suppo- entes,ad rem que periculinihil/ et sitionevidelicet geometriae/ [f. 89v] securitatisin se plurimumhabere principiapetendo, confugere solent, videtur,/ex suppositionevidelicet optimum/erit si et nos quoque,in ea geometriaeprincipia petendo, con/ quamfacturi sumus/ contradictione, de fugeresolent. Optimum erit, si et nos suppositionisratione princi/pium faci- quoque in ea quam/facturi sumus amus." contradictione,de suppositionis ratione principium/faciamus."

LiberIII, expl.: LiberIII, expl.: "[f. 1lOv] ... etin commentariyscontra "'[f.93v] [...] ut in comentariyscontra physicosgrammaticos/que ostendimus. physicos,grammaticosque ostendimus. Non igiturgeometris aliquid/ ex linea Non igiturgeometris aliquid ex linea aufferre,secareque possibile est./ aufere,secareque possibile est. SEXTI [Liber IV, inc.] ContraArithmeti- EMPERICI DE GEOMETRIAFINIS cos..." [capitalsare in red]."

AppendixII A ShortList of Mss. of SextusEmpiricus

Thefollowing is a shortlist of mss., containing portions of the works of Sextus Empircus,which have been included in the graph. Sources have not been added, as theycan be foundin the footnotes of the article. Because of its complex dating, I havenot inserted in the graph the ms. n. 58.Underlined mss. contain excerpts, mss. in italicsrepresent Latin translations; lost mss. are in a separategroup. The remainingmss. are Greek.The provenanceof most of themss. has notyet been studied. 1. Paris1963, s. XVI 13.Regimontanus 16.b. 12, s. XIV-XV 2. Berol.Phill. 1518, s. XVI 14.Mertonensis 304, s. XVI 3.Parissuppl.133., s. XVI 15.Paris 1965, s. XVI 4. Laur.85,24, s. XV-XVI 16.Savilianus Gr. 1 (Bodleian),s. XVI- 5.Laur. 85,19, s. XV-XVI XVII 6. Vesontinus409, s. XVI 17.Marc. 408, s. XV 7. Monacensis 79, s. XVI 18.Paris 2081, s. XVI 8. Vat. 1338,s. XVI 19.Escorial T 116,s. XVI 9. Vat.217, s. XVI 20. Paris1964, s. XV 10.Taurinensis Gr. 12, s. XV-XVI 21. Paris1966 and 1967, s. XVI 11.Marc. Class. IV Nr.26, s. XVI 22. Ottobon.21, s. XVI 12. SavilianusVratislaviensis Cizensis 23. Laur.85,11,s. XV 70,s. XVI 24. Londinensis(i.e. Brit.Mus. Old Royalmss. Gr. 16 d XIII), s. XVI

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25. VratislavensisRhedig. 45, s. XVI 67. Sancroft17 [S.C. 10,318], s. XVI 26. SavilianusGr. 11, s. XVI 27. Vesontinus408, s. XVI Lostmss.: 28. EscorialR-III-12, s. XVI 68. EscorialVII.J.9, s. XVI 29. EscorialR-III-6, s. XVI 69. Escorial.V.15, s. XVI 30. Paris2128, s. XVII 70. Escorial.V.24, s. XVI 31. Barber.248, s. XVI 71. EscorialE.111.1, s. XVI 32. BerolMs. Gr.22, s. XV 72. Pinelli'sfolio, s. XV-XVI 33. EscorialPsi-IV-16, s. XVI 73. Torriani'sand Lorenzi's ms., s. XV 34. MutinensisGr. 236, s. XVI 35. Parissuppl. 1156, + Vat.Gr. 738 + Vindob. Theol. Gr. 179 (same ms.),s. X 36. TaurinensisCCLXI c.I.15,s. XVI 37. TaurinensisCXXII c. V.14,s. XVI 38. Monacensis159, s. XIV-XV 39. Augustanus234, s. XVI 40. Augustanus236, s. XVI 41. Augustanus238, s. XVI 42. Laur.9, 32,s. XIV 43. Laur.59, 17s.XV 44. Laur.85, 23, s. XV-XVI 45. Norimbergensis,s. XVI 46. LeidensisVoss. Gr. Q.44, s. XV 47. Leidensis,Scaligeranus 43, s. XVI 48. BruxellensisNr. 5362, s. XVI 49. OxoniensisColl. Corp. Christi 263, s. XVII 50. Madrid,B. N. 4709 (0 30), s. XVI 51. Ac. Leningrad,Biblioteka Akade- mijNauk 0 128,s. XV 52. Ross979, s. XVI 53. Vat.Gr. 1826, s. XVI 54. Monac.Gr. 439, s. XIV 55. Heidelb.Pal. Gr.129, s. XIV 56. Vat.Gr. 435, s. XII-XIII,XLII-XIV andXiV. 57. Monacensis443, s. XV 58. Monacensis429, s. XIV

59. Gennadiusn. 39,s. XVI 60. ParisLat. 10197,XVII 61. Phillipps4135, s. XV7 62. Vat.Lat. 2990.s. XV 63. Madrid,B. N. Ms. 10112,s. XII 64. ParisLat. 14700,s. XII 65. TaurinensisIH. I, s. XVI 66. MarcianusLat. X267 (3460), s. XIII

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