Natural Knowledge and Textual Meaning in Augustine’S Interpretation of Genesis: the Three Functions of Natural Philosophy

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Natural Knowledge and Textual Meaning in Augustine’S Interpretation of Genesis: the Three Functions of Natural Philosophy CHAPTER FOUR NATURAL KNOWLEDGE AND TEXTUAL MEANING IN AUGUSTINE’S INTERPRETATION OF GENESIS: THE THREE FUNCTIONS OF NATURAL PHILOSOPHY Kenneth J. Howell Lurking in the shadows of an untold number of debates in the history of western science stands a man whose interest in all things natural was at best marginal. This pastoral fi gure never wrote a treatise on nature comparable to Aristotle’s Physics or Seneca’s Natural Questions. Never did he systematically deliver on issues of cosmology or natural philosophy, and in all probability he never read Ptolemy’s Almagest or Galen’s Natural Faculties. Yet, whenever the specifi c doctrines of the Christian faith encounter the claims of empirical science, this fi gure’s infl uence stands unavoidably in the background. So, when Cardinal Roberto Bellarmino received a letter in 1615 from a Carmelite friar by the name of Paolo Foscarini defending the scriptural compatibility of Copernicanism, the learned Cardinal found himself thrown back on the resources of this fi fth-century bishop whose name had been invoked by Galileo Galilei to justify the independence of astronomy from the Church’s judgment.1 In one sense, this dependence on the greatest of the Latin church fathers is not surprising because it is not too much of an overstatement to say that all of western theology is Augustinian. And the context into which modern science was born in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was formed by the theological discourse that Augustine was central in shaping. Aurelius Augustine (354–430), the bishop of Hippo in north Africa in the early fi fth century, was forced by his pastoral work and his intel- lectual curiosity to address questions on the relationship of faith and science that reverberate down to today. When the range of theologies expanded greatly as a result of the Protestant Reformation, almost all sides of the theological debate in the sixteenth century attempted to 1 On Foscarini see Finocchiaro 2008. My own views of Foscarini’s and Bellarmine’s exchange are discussed in Howell 2002, 196–199. 118 kenneth j. howell claim Augustine as their forerunner. And when these theologies met with new questions posed by the emerging natural sciences in the sixteenth- and seventeenth centuries, Augustine’s infl uence was still discernible. Considering his extensive infl uence in western intellectual history, it seems valuable to have a clearer understanding of Augustine’s thought regarding the interface of scriptural authority and natural philosophy in the context of his own times and writings.2 The Augustinian corpus is one of the largest to have survived Christian antiquity and none other has exercised such an extensive infl uence on all subsequent philosophy and theology.3 In this paper, I explore Augustine’s commentaries on Genesis to elucidate the fundamental structures of his thought in interpreting the creation story. By returning to the sources of his hermeneutical endeav- ors, we may be in a better position to discern why his infl uence on matters of faith and science became so pervasive. My focus here is on Augustine in the fi fth century rather than on how he was interpreted later, but such a historical limitation may nevertheless afford a sharper picture of his hermeneutics for future comparison with the use made of him in the context of scientifi c debate. No use of Augustine would have been possible had he not attempted in his largest commentary, A Literal Commentary on Genesis, to interpret literally the Genesis creation narrative. However, we shall see that what Augustine meant by ‘literal’ was in fact far from what is usually meant by that term today. With ad litteram interpretation Augustine shows a greater fl exibility and open- ness than we might be inclined to attribute to the term literal. At times, we might be surprised by how unliteral Augustine’s literal interpreta- tion can be.4 2 Evidence of how easy it is to misconstrue Augustine’s views on the interaction of scriptural authority and scientifi c inquiry can be found in Jaki 1992. Jaki claims that Augustine saw the Bible as a “scientifi c textbook” (88) because he imprudently occupied himself with the “how” of creation. For Jaki, such an approach falls prey to literalist concordism which he roundly condemns elsewhere in his book. Jaki’s preconception as to what a proper exegesis of Genesis 1 ought to be prevents him from seeing the subtleties and complexities in Augustine’s approach. This is especially egregious when he ascribes the view Augustine is promoting to his opponents (89). 3 In terms of size, the only other patristic literary corpus comparable to Augustine’s to have survived antiquity are Jerome’s biblical commentaries and John Chrysostom’s extensive writings. Neither of them, however, addressed questions relevant to natural philosophy like Augustine. 4 The most recent translator of De Genesi ad litteram into English notes the wide meaning of ad litteram as used by Augustine (Hill 2002, 202, note 24). .
Recommended publications
  • Augustine on Knowledge
    Augustine on Knowledge Divine Illumination as an Argument Against Scepticism ANITA VAN DER BOS RMA: RELIGION & CULTURE Rijksuniversiteit Groningen Research Master Thesis s2217473, April 2017 FIRST SUPERVISOR: dr. M. Van Dijk SECOND SUPERVISOR: dr. dr. F.L. Roig Lanzillotta 1 2 Content Augustine on Knowledge ........................................................................................................................ 1 Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................................ 4 Preface .................................................................................................................................................... 5 Abstract ................................................................................................................................................... 6 Introduction ............................................................................................................................................ 7 The life of Saint Augustine ................................................................................................................... 9 The influence of the Contra Academicos .......................................................................................... 13 Note on the quotations ........................................................................................................................ 14 1. Scepticism ........................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • INTRODUCTION 1. Medical Humanism and Natural Philosophy
    INTRODUCTION 1. Medical Humanism and Natural Philosophy The Renaissance was one of the most innovative periods in Western civi- lization.1 New waves of expression in fijine arts and literature bloomed in Italy and gradually spread all over Europe. A new approach with a strong philological emphasis, called “humanism” by historians, was also intro- duced to scholarship. The intellectual fecundity of the Renaissance was ensured by the intense activity of the humanists who were engaged in collecting, editing, translating and publishing the ancient literary heri- tage, mostly in Greek and Latin, which had hitherto been scarcely read or entirely unknown to the medieval world. The humanists were active not only in deciphering and interpreting these “newly recovered” texts but also in producing original writings inspired by the ideas and themes they found in the ancient sources. Through these activities, Renaissance humanist culture brought about a remarkable moment in Western intel- lectual history. The effforts and legacy of those humanists, however, have not always been appreciated in their own right by historians of philoso- phy and science.2 In particular, the impact of humanism on the evolution of natural philosophy still awaits thorough research by specialists. 1 By “Renaissance,” I refer to the period expanding roughly from the fijifteenth century to the beginning of the seventeenth century, when the humanist movement begun in Italy was difffused in the transalpine countries. 2 Textbooks on the history of science have often minimized the role of Renaissance humanism. See Pamela H. Smith, “Science on the Move: Recent Trends in the History of Early Modern Science,” Renaissance Quarterly 62 (2009), 345–75, esp.
    [Show full text]
  • An Introduction to Philosophy
    An Introduction to Philosophy W. Russ Payne Bellevue College Copyright (cc by nc 4.0) 2015 W. Russ Payne Permission is granted to copy, distribute and/or modify this document with attribution under the terms of Creative Commons: Attribution Noncommercial 4.0 International or any later version of this license. A copy of the license is found at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 1 Contents Introduction ………………………………………………. 3 Chapter 1: What Philosophy Is ………………………….. 5 Chapter 2: How to do Philosophy ………………….……. 11 Chapter 3: Ancient Philosophy ………………….………. 23 Chapter 4: Rationalism ………….………………….……. 38 Chapter 5: Empiricism …………………………………… 50 Chapter 6: Philosophy of Science ………………….…..… 58 Chapter 7: Philosophy of Mind …………………….……. 72 Chapter 8: Love and Happiness …………………….……. 79 Chapter 9: Meta Ethics …………………………………… 94 Chapter 10: Right Action ……………………...…………. 108 Chapter 11: Social Justice …………………………...…… 120 2 Introduction The goal of this text is to present philosophy to newcomers as a living discipline with historical roots. While a few early chapters are historically organized, my goal in the historical chapters is to trace a developmental progression of thought that introduces basic philosophical methods and frames issues that remain relevant today. Later chapters are topically organized. These include philosophy of science and philosophy of mind, areas where philosophy has shown dramatic recent progress. This text concludes with four chapters on ethics, broadly construed. I cover traditional theories of right action in the third of these. Students are first invited first to think about what is good for themselves and their relationships in a chapter of love and happiness. Next a few meta-ethical issues are considered; namely, whether they are moral truths and if so what makes them so.
    [Show full text]
  • MATERIALISM: a HISTORICO-PHILOSOPHICAL INTRODUCTION Charles Wolfe
    MATERIALISM: A HISTORICO-PHILOSOPHICAL INTRODUCTION Charles Wolfe To cite this version: Charles Wolfe. MATERIALISM: A HISTORICO-PHILOSOPHICAL INTRODUCTION. MATERI- ALISM: A HISTORICO-PHILOSOPHICAL, Springer International Publishing, 2016, Springer Briefs, 978-3-319-24818-9. 10.1007/978-3-319-24820-2. hal-01233178 HAL Id: hal-01233178 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01233178 Submitted on 24 Nov 2015 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. MATERIALISM: A HISTORICO-PHILOSOPHICAL INTRODUCTION Forthcoming in the Springer Briefs series, December 2015 Charles T. Wolfe Centre for History of Science Department of Philosophy and Moral Sciences Ghent University [email protected] TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter 1 (Introduction): materialism, opprobrium and the history of philosophy Chapter 2. To be is to be for the sake of something: Aristotle’s arguments with materialism Chapter 3. Chance, necessity and transformism: brief considerations Chapter 4. Early modern materialism and the flesh or, forms of materialist embodiment Chapter 5. Vital materialism and the problem of ethics in the Radical Enlightenment Chapter 6. Naturalization, localization: a remark on brains and the posterity of the Enlightenment Chapter 7. Materialism in Australia: The Identity Theory in retrospect Chapter 8.
    [Show full text]
  • In the Polite Eighteenth Century, 1750–1806 A
    AMERICAN SCIENCE AND THE PURSUIT OF “USEFUL KNOWLEDGE” IN THE POLITE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY, 1750–1806 A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Notre Dame in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Elizabeth E. Webster Christopher Hamlin, Director Graduate Program in History and Philosophy of Science Notre Dame, Indiana April 2010 © Copyright 2010 Elizabeth E. Webster AMERICAN SCIENCE AND THE PURSUIT OF “USEFUL KNOWLEDGE” IN THE POLITE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY, 1750–1806 Abstract by Elizabeth E. Webster In this thesis, I will examine the promotion of science, or “useful knowledge,” in the polite eighteenth century. Historians of England and America have identified the concept of “politeness” as a key component for understanding eighteenth-century culture. At the same time, the term “useful knowledge” is also acknowledged to be a central concept for understanding the development of the early American scientific community. My dissertation looks at how these two ideas, “useful knowledge” and “polite character,” informed each other. I explore the way Americans promoted “useful knowledge” in the formative years between 1775 and 1806 by drawing on and rejecting certain aspects of the ideal of politeness. Particularly, I explore the writings of three central figures in the early years of the American Philosophical Society, David Rittenhouse, Charles Willson Peale, and Benjamin Rush, to see how they variously used the language and ideals of politeness to argue for the promotion of useful knowledge in America. Then I turn to a New Englander, Thomas Green Fessenden, who identified and caricatured a certain type of man of science and satirized the late-eighteenth-century culture of useful knowledge.
    [Show full text]
  • Exhibition Brochure
    EXHIBITION CHECKLIST Rush, Benjamin, to John Dickinson, 30 June 1785. Record Group 1/1, Board of Trustees (1783–1833). All artifacts courtesy Archives and Special Collections, Dickinson College, Carlisle, PA unless otherwise noted. Rush, Benjamin. Plan of Education, 1785. Record Group 1/1, Board of Trustees The Portrait (1783–1833). Sully, Thomas. Benjamin Rush, c. 1813, oil on canvas, 32 x 26 in. Acquired through gifts Soldier certificate of John Hetcher, Pennsylvania Line, signed over to Dickinson from Lockwood and Jacklyn Rush, the Ruth Trout Endowment, the Helen E. Trout College by Benjamin Rush, 17 April 1786. I–SpahrB–1966–20. Gift of Boyd Lee Memorial Fund, and the Friends of The Trout Gallery, 2009.8. Spahr, 1966. Rush, Benjamin. Cash Ledger Accounts for Dickinson College, 1786–1787. Record Group 1/1, Board of Trustees (1783–1833). Latrobe, Benjamin. Sketch of the Basement Story of Dickenson [sic] College, 1803, ink, 14¾ x 9¼ in. Record Group 1/1, Board of Trustees. Latrobe, Benjamin. Sketch of the North Front of Dickenson [sic] College, 1803, ink, 14¾ x 9¼ in. Record Group 1/1, Board of Trustees. Latrobe, Benjamin. Sketch of Dickinson College, c. 1813, watercolor, graphite, 6¾ x 14½ in. Gift of John Dann. Selected Gifts to Dickinson College Rowning, John. A Compendious System of Natural Philosophy, 2 vols. London: Bible and Crown, 1759; 1767. Gift of Benjamin Rush. Jortin, John. Remarks on Ecclesiastical History. London: J. Whiston, 1767. Gift of Benjamin Rush. Bible, annotated by Benjamin Rush. Dublin: Boulter Grierson, 1768. Gift of Lockwood and Jacklyn Rush, 2008. Hydrometric Balance.
    [Show full text]
  • Augustine's Three Discoveries: Faith, Will and History
    Augustine’s Three Discoveries: Faith, Will and History Augustine and the City of God Augustine (354-430) is usually treated, and quite justifiably so, as the first medieval philosopher in European intellectual history. However, we all know that he was neither medieval, nor a philosopher, nor, for that matter, a European. He was born and raised a Roman citizen in North Africa, where he was educated to be a public speaker, to become a professor of rhetoric first in Carthage and then in Rome, who, after a brief stint in the imperial court in Milan, having converted to Christianity, returned to Africa, where he became the bishop of Hippo and spent the rest of his life there, tending to his flock, writing theological treatises, while getting involved in sometimes rather bitter theological debates. But this brief summary of apparently conflicting, yet equally justified characterizations merely emphasizes Augustine’s significance as a transitional figure in intellectual history, straddling fundamentally different periods, indeed leading humanity from one into another within the time-span of a single human life. Looking at Augustine from this perspective, as one should especially in the context of a large-scale survey of intellectual history, approaching his monumental City of God, I believe we should focus precisely on those aspects of this work that point in the direction of the “new era”. Therefore, aside from the practical consideration of the impossibility of covering every aspect of this huge and enormously rich work in one sitting, I suggest we focus on those three main aspects of it that express what proved to be the “lasting novelties” of Augustine’s thought: his discoveries of faith, will and history as appropriate subjects of philosophical reflection.
    [Show full text]
  • The Creative Philosophies of Leonardo Da Vinci: Nature As the Perfect Creator
    Portland State University PDXScholar Young Historians Conference Young Historians Conference 2020 Apr 27th, 9:00 AM - 10:00 AM The Creative Philosophies of Leonardo da Vinci: Nature as the Perfect Creator Julia M. Swanson Clackamas High School Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/younghistorians Part of the European History Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Swanson, Julia M., "The Creative Philosophies of Leonardo da Vinci: Nature as the Perfect Creator" (2020). Young Historians Conference. 16. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/younghistorians/2020/papers/16 This Event is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Young Historians Conference by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. The Creative Philosophies of Leonardo da Vinci: Nature as the Perfect Creator Julia Swanson HST 102 Balzer February 18, 2020 1 Leonardo da Vinci is regarded as having one of the most dynamic and well-rounded geniuses’ in human history, as demonstrated by his impacts on nearly every discipline of the sciences and the arts. Leonardo’s presence in life may have been humble, but the mark he left upon the world continues to define him as no less than, the Renaissance Man. Leonardo kept a ​ ​ comprehensive record of his thoughts in the form of many notebooks that work to preserve the mind behind his masterpieces. His philosophy reads almost as a stream of consciousness, illustrating a wide breadth of perspectives. He was a natural philosopher of his time and much of his inspiration came directly from observing the world around him, he said that “the senses are of the Earth, the reason stands apart from them in contemplation.”1 This view of the natural world as something to be observed, learned from, and contemplated was the root force behind his creation.
    [Show full text]
  • In Praise of Natural Philosophy a Revolution for Thought and Life Nicholas Maxwell to Be Published in Philosophia 40(4), 2012
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by UCL Discovery In Praise of Natural Philosophy A Revolution for Thought and Life Nicholas Maxwell To be published in Philosophia 40(4), 2012 Abstract Modern science began as natural philosophy. In the time of Newton, what we call science and philosophy today – the disparate endeavours – formed one mutually interacting, integrated endeavour of natural philosophy: to improve our knowledge and understanding of the universe, and to improve our understanding of ourselves as a part of it. Profound, indeed unprecedented discoveries were made. But then natural philosophy died. It split into science on the one hand, and philosophy on the other. This happened during the 18th and 19th centuries, and the split is now built into our intellectual landscape. But the two fragments, science and philosophy, are defective shadows of the glorious unified endeavour of natural philosophy. Rigour, sheer intellectual good sense and decisive argument demand that we put the two together again, and rediscover the immense merits of the integrated enterprise of natural philosophy. This requires an intellectual revolution, with dramatic implications for how we understand our world, how we understand and do science, and how we understand and do philosophy. There are dramatic implications, too, for education, and for the entire academic endeavour, and its capacity to help us discover how to tackle more successfully our immense global problems. 1. Natural Philosophy and Its Death Modern science began as natural philosophy – or “experimental philosophy” as it was sometimes called. In the time of Isaac Newton, in the 17th century, science was not only called “natural philosophy”.
    [Show full text]
  • Hume's Sceptical Materialism
    Hume’s Sceptical Materialism STEPHEN BUCKLE Abstract The paper argues that Hume’s philosophy is best described as sceptical materialism. It is argued that the conjunction is not self-contradictory as long as ‘scepticism’ is understood in its ancient sense, as the denial of knowledge of the essences of things. It is further argued that scepticism (thus understood) and materialism are natural bedfellows, since a thoroughgoing materialism denies any special status to human rational powers. The content of the Treatise of Human Nature is then shown to conform to this understanding: the Treatise consistently employs an implicitly materialist faculty psychology in order to arrive at its sceptical standpoint. Finally, it is shown that Hume’s philosophy can be understood to be a sceptical rewriting of the dogmatic materialism of Hobbes. What, in a nutshell, is Hume’s philosophy? The question has not readily produced answers. Studies of Hume’s philosophy abound, but it is not uncommon for these to discuss Hume’s arguments at great length without discerning a central thread, and thereby without providing an answer of the right kind. Part of the explanation for this state of affairs is the modern analytic philosopher’s tendency to think of philosophy as a matter of arguments, and therefore of great philosophy as great arguments. So a great, dead philosopher proves himself so by the arguments contained within his works—rather than by the fundamental philosophical idea which his arguments are intended to serve. One consequence of analytic philosophy, then, is that it has tended to read the mighty dead by concentrating on the detail on the page, rather than stepping back to consider what might be the point or tendency of a given philosopher’s corpus of arguments.
    [Show full text]
  • Naturalisms in Philosophy of Mind Steven Horst* Wesleyan University
    Philosophy Compass 4/1 (2009): 219–254, 10.1111/j.1747-9991.2008.00191.x Naturalisms in Philosophy of Mind Steven Horst* Wesleyan University Abstract Most contemporary philosophers of mind claim to be in search of a ‘naturalistic’ theory. However, when we look more closely, we find that there are a number of different and even conflicting ideas of what would count as a ‘naturalization’ of the mind. This article attempts to show what various naturalistic philosophies of mind have in common, and also how they differ from one another. Additionally, it explores the differences between naturalistic philosophies of mind and naturalisms found in ethics, epistemology, and philosophy of science. Section 1 introduces a distinction between two types of project that have been styled ‘naturalistic’, which I call philosophical naturalism and empirical naturalism. Sections 2 to 6 canvass different strands of philosophical naturalism concerning the mind, followed by a much briefer discussion of attempts to provide empirical naturalizations of the mind in Section 7. Section 8 concludes the essay with a consideration of the relations between philosophical and empirical naturalism in philosophy of mind, arguing that at least some types of philosophical naturalism are incompatible with empirical naturalism. A casual observer of recent philosophy of mind would likely come to the conclusion that, amidst all of the disagreements between specialists in this field, there is at least one thing that stands as more or less a consensus view: the commitment to a naturalistic philosophy of mind. Almost everyone writing in philosophy of mind over the past several decades has described his or her theory as ‘naturalistic’.
    [Show full text]
  • In Praise of Natural Philosophy a Revolution for Thought and Life Nicholas Maxwell to Be Published in Philosophia 40(4), 2012
    In Praise of Natural Philosophy A Revolution for Thought and Life Nicholas Maxwell To be published in Philosophia 40(4), 2012 Abstract Modern science began as natural philosophy. In the time of Newton, what we call science and philosophy today – the disparate endeavours – formed one mutually interacting, integrated endeavour of natural philosophy: to improve our knowledge and understanding of the universe, and to improve our understanding of ourselves as a part of it. Profound, indeed unprecedented discoveries were made. But then natural philosophy died. It split into science on the one hand, and philosophy on the other. This happened during the 18th and 19th centuries, and the split is now built into our intellectual landscape. But the two fragments, science and philosophy, are defective shadows of the glorious unified endeavour of natural philosophy. Rigour, sheer intellectual good sense and decisive argument demand that we put the two together again, and rediscover the immense merits of the integrated enterprise of natural philosophy. This requires an intellectual revolution, with dramatic implications for how we understand our world, how we understand and do science, and how we understand and do philosophy. There are dramatic implications, too, for education, and for the entire academic endeavour, and its capacity to help us discover how to tackle more successfully our immense global problems. 1. Natural Philosophy and Its Death Modern science began as natural philosophy – or “experimental philosophy” as it was sometimes called. In the time of Isaac Newton, in the 17th century, science was not only called “natural philosophy”. It was conceived of, and pursued, as a development of philosophy.
    [Show full text]