Corning Museum of

A NOTE ON JEWISH GOLD Author(s): Irmgard Schüler Source: Journal of Glass Studies, Vol. 8 (1966), pp. 48-61 Published by: Corning Museum of Glass Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/24184879 Accessed: 20-09-2016 19:47 UTC

REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: http://www.jstor.org/stable/24184879?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms

Corning Museum of Glass is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Glass Studies

This content downloaded from 35.2.192.209 on Tue, 20 Sep 2016 19:47:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms A NOTE ON JEWISH GOLD GLASSES

Irmgard Schüler

- the first objects of Jewish art known, Gold glasses long before with Jewish floors in synasymbols were gogues, paintings in Jewish catacombs and the frescoes of the synagogue at Dura-Europos were discovered. Though often mentioned, they have never been treated separately (Fig. I).1 ills m. The technique by which a thin layer of gold leaf is laminated between two layers of glass was known as early as the third century B.C. The earliest examples imitated contemporary Megarian and faience bowls.2 One, in the Rothschild collection, is said to have been bought in Palestine (Fig. 2).3 Two, now in the , were found at Canosa, Apulia (Fig. 3). These gold laminated pieces have been generally attributed to . They re Fig. 1. Catalog No. 4. mind one of the glass vessels decorated and

mounted in gold which are described as having 1. Full descriptions are given in: H. Vopel, Die altchristlichen Goldgläser, Freiburg, 1899, Nos. 159 been used at a banquet and in a procession 167, 493; J. B. Frey, "Corpus inscriptionum iudai during the reign of Ptolemy II Philadelphus carum," Sussidi alio studio delle antichità cristiane, I, Vatican City, 1936, Nos. 515-522, 732, 734. Only a few (284-246 B.C.).4 are mentioned in C. R. Morey, The Gold-Glass Collec A second and later group, dated according tion of the Vatican Library, Vatican City, 1959, Nos. 114-116, .346, 426, 433, 458. to a gilt glass fragment found at Dura-Europos 2. A. von Saldern, "Glass Finds at Gordion," Journal of Glass Studies, I, 1959, p. 45; M. Rostovtzeff, Social 4. M. L. Trowbridge, Philological Studies in Ancient and Economic History of the Hellenistic World, I, Ox Glass, Univ. of Illinois Studies in Language and Litera ford, 1941, p. 372; idem, Iranians and Greeks in South ture, XIII, Nos. 3-4, 1928, pp. 110, 154; P. Fossing, Russia, Oxford, 1922, p. 233, Note 15a. Glass Vessels Before , Copenhagen, 1940, 3. P. Wuilleumier, Le trésor de Tarente, Paris, 1930, p. 103. See also A. Kisa, Das Glas im Altertume, Leip pp. 29-30. zig, 1908, p. 836.

48

This content downloaded from 35.2.192.209 on Tue, 20 Sep 2016 19:47:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Fig. 2. Gold glass bowl, found in Palestine, 3rd century B.C. D. 15.0 cm. Rothschild Collection, Paris. (Reproduced from Pierre Wuilleumier, Le trésor de Tarente, Paris, 1930.)

V • ¥.. 4k- y '■r. •b, ;

Fig. 4. The Daphne ewer, found in Kertch. Possi bly , Antioch. Late 2nd-early 3rd century A.D. H. 22.2 cm. The Corning Museum of Glass (No. Fig. 3. Gold glass bowl, found at Canosa, Apulia. 55.1.86.) 3rd century B.C. D. 20.1 cm. British Museum, Lon don. (No. 71.5-18.2.) (Photo courtesy Trustees of the British Museum.)

and for which we have a terminus ante quem of 256 A.D., the date of the town's destruction,5 comprises mostly pieces found in Kertch, South Russia (Fig. 4),6 in Nahariya (Israel), in Palmy

5. P. V. C. Baur, M. I. Rostovtzeff and A. R. Bellin ger, The Excavations at Dura-Europos, Preliminary Re port of Fourth Season of Work, New Haven, 1933, pp. 37, 252; C. W. Clairmont, The Glass Vessels: The Ex cavation at Dura-Europos, Final Report, IV, Part V, New Haven, 1963, pp. 34 ff., No. 126, Pl. XX. This fragment depicts the head of Thetis. 6. D. B. Harden, "Glass and Glazes" in C. Singer, History of Technology, II, Oxford, 1956, p. 343; V. Midler, "Die Typen der Daphnedarstellungen," Rö mische Mitteilungen, 44, 1929, p. 63; Baur, et al., op. cit., pp. 252 ff.; R. W. Smith, Glass from the Ancient Fig. 5. The Kantharos Disch, found in . World, Corning, 1957, No. 342 (Acquired by The Cor Rhineland, late 3rd-early 4th century A.D. H. 13.5 ning Museum of Glass, No. 55.1.86). cm. Private Collection, Rome.

49

This content downloaded from 35.2.192.209 on Tue, 20 Sep 2016 19:47:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms f(7

Fig. 6. Gold glass boivl, found in Traselico, Cala Fig. 7. Gold glass medallion with group on bria. Late Hellenistic(P), Parthian(P). Museo Na blue ground. Roman Empire, possibly Egypt, 3rd zionale, Reggio Calabria. 4th century A.D. Museo Cristiano, . ra,7 in Begram,8 and in Cologne (Fig. 5).° An Christian" laminated gold glasses which were other group, seemingly also of Eastern origin, mostly found in the catacombs,14 in that they includes, among others, laminated gold glasses have no second protective glass layer. found in Trasilico (Fig. 6),10 Olbia,11 and the The latter group may be divided into gold fragment in Moscow.12 glass medallions of excellent technique, possi The gilt glasses found in Cologne13 differ bly the best being in Brescia (Fig. 7),15 which, from the better and longer known "Early according to its inscription, may be traced to the Fayum, and the late and fairly crude ones, 7. Selim Abdul Hak, "Les verres peints de la période romaine, conservés au Musée National de Damas," An often bearing Christian symbols, which were nales Archéologique de Syrie, XV, No. 1, 1965, pp. found in the Roman catacombs.10 21-24. Among the about four hundred and fifty gold 8. Pierre Hamelin, "Sur quelques verreries de Be gram," Cahiers de Byrsa, 2, 1952, pp. 11 ff. glasses known, fourteen bear Jewish symbols 9. Baur, et al., op. cit., p. 252; C. Albizati, "Il and about two hundred and seventy-nine are Kantharos Disch," Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäolo without decidedly Christian emblems. Yet, in gischen Instituts, 41, 1926, pp. 74 ff.; F. Fremersdorf, "Zum Kantharos Disch-Sangiorgi," Jahrbuch des Deut spite of this, the technique has always been schen Archäologischen Instituts, 46, 1931, col. 116 ff.; connected with Early Christian art and its pos idem, Römische Gläser mit Fadenauflage in Köln, Cologne, 1959, p. 17. sible Jewish origins has been largely over 10. Rostovtzeff, Social and Economie History . . . , looked. I, p. 373, Pl. XLIV, Fig. 1; idem, "Die hellenistisch römische Architekturlandschaft," Römische Mitteilun For most of the gold glasses found by Bosio gen, XXVI, 1911, p. 63. 11. Rostovtzeff, Social and Economic History . . . , 14. Vopel, op. cit.; Morey, op. cit.; R. Garrucci, Vetri I, p. 373. ornati di figure in oro trovati nei cimiteri cristiani di 12. Rostovtzeff, ibid., p. 373, PI. XLIV, Fig. 2; idem, Roma, Rome, 1864; A. Kisa, op. cit., p. 834; O. M. Dal "Die hellenistisch-römische Architekturlandschaft," p. ton, "The Gilded Glasses of the Catacombs," Archaeo 63, Fig. 38. logical Journal, LVIII, 1901, pp. 226-253. 13. Morey, op. cit., No. 421; Fremersdorf, "Ein 15. Morey, op cit., No. 237; F. de Mely, "Le médail bisher unbekanntes römisches Goldglas mit christlichen lon de la croix du Musée chrétien de Brescia," Aréthuse, Wunderszenen in der römischen Abteilung des Wallraf III, 1926, p. 6; C. R. Morey, Early Christian Art, Prince Richartz-Museum," Wallraf-Richartz Jahrbuch, New ton, 1942, p. 128; Ludwig Budde, Die Entstehung des Series, 1, 1930, p. 282; idem, Römisches Buntglas in antiken Repräsentationsbildes, Leipzig, 1956, PI. 18. Köln, Cologne, 1958, p. 53. 16. See Note 14.

50

This content downloaded from 35.2.192.209 on Tue, 20 Sep 2016 19:47:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms in Rome before 1629,17 no find dates have reached us. Vopel18 cites cases where, near the traces left by removed gold glasses, and hence no longer identifiable, there are inscriptions from the years 291 and 341 A.D. as well as medallions of the Emperor Maximian. This may indicate that those "Early Christian" gold glasses found in the Roman catacombs must have originated in the second half of the third century. However, a gold glass from the Ger man Campo Santo with the inscription "Jus tinianus Perpetuo Augustus" shows that they were still made in the sixth century.19 Fig. 10. Detail of Köln-Braunsfeld bowl.

17. Dalton, op. cit., p. 226. 18. Vopel, op. cit., pp. 18-19. 19. Vopel, op. cit., p. 22.

f1

it)

Fig. 11. Detail of Köln-Braansfeld bowl. Fig. 8. Blue glass howl with biblical scenes and portraits, found in Köln-Braunsfeld, Rhineland, ca. 326 A.D. D. 12.4 cm. Römisch-Germanisches As we have no secure dates for these early Museum, Cologne. (No. 991.) finds of Roman gold glasses, those found since the middle of the nineteenth century in the well-published excavations in Cologne are of great importance. The most interesting of these is the gilded blue glass bowl (Morey 421) found near a late Roman "Gutshof" or villa rustica in Köln Braunsfeld (Figs. 8-11).20 This can be dated

20. Morey, The Gold-Glass Collection . . . , No. 421; Fremersdorf, "Ein bisher unbekanntes römische Gold glas mit christlichen Wunderszenen . . . des Wallraf Richartz-Museum," p. 282; idem, "Der römische Gutshof in der Stoibergerstrasse zu Köln-Braunsfeld," Fig. 9. Restoration of Köln-Braunsfeld bowl. Bonner Jahrbücher, 135, 1930, pp. 109 ff.

51

This content downloaded from 35.2.192.209 on Tue, 20 Sep 2016 19:47:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms quite accurately as it bears portraits of the four longed to the proprietors of the villa, and the sons of and was made explanation may be that the people buried there for the Vicennalia of that emperor.21 Besides were the producers of those precious wares and these medallions, there are six scenes from the thus could afford them as burial gifts. It is even : Daniel in the lion's den, three possible that the so-called "Gutshof" may have scenes from the story of , Moses striking been a glassmaker's workshop, which would ex water from the rock, and Noah in the ark. These plain the lack of luxury in the house. Fremers biblical scenes, though common in early Chris dorf28 found no fewer than eight fireplaces in tian art, are not exclusively Christian. The bowl the large main hall of that building, including does not carry any purely Christian symbols remnants of an oven, which may indicate that such as the cross, the monogram of Christ, or it was used for industrial purposes. Doppel pictures of Christ or of Saints. That scenes from feld27 believes there were three different build the Old Testament were often used by Jews ising stages for the large hall, each containing attested by the mosaic floors of Palestinian two fireplaces. Even with only two fireplaces in synagogues22 and the wall paintings of the the hall, the villa looks remarkably like a work synagogue at Dura-Europos.23 shop. Its being situated outside the walls of the The burial grounds in which this gilded bowl ancient town adds to the likelihood that it was (Morey 421) was found (Fig. 8) are of interest formerly used for manufacturing. According to as they have yielded two other graves contain Roman law, enterprises which used furnaces ing famous glass vessels; one the so-called and were therefore liable to catch fire, such as "Zirkusbecher" of engraved glass, and the other potteries, glass factories, metal and leather the newly discovered cage-cup belonging toworkshops, were always situated beyond the the decidedly Rhenish group B of cage-cups city walls.28 If we ask who were the people without figurai scenes.24 Doppelfeld points out buried in those large sarcophagi found in the that these rich finds are in direct contrast to the grounds of the Köln-Braunsfeld villa, it should simple and rather primitive dwelling excavated be noted that burials in sarcophagi instead of on the same plot.25 The graves must have be cremation were common among Jews as well as Christians. It is possible that the people buried on the Köln-Braunsfeld estate could therefore 21. R. Delbrück, Spätantike Kaiserporträts, Berlin, have been Jews who preferred to have their 1933, pp. 132 ff. 22. E. L. Sukenik, Ancient Synagogues in Palestine graves on their own grounds rather than in the and Greece, London, 1934; idem, The Ancient Syna common cemetery. In addition, Jewish graves gogue of Beth Alpha, London(?), 1932; Ernst Kitzinger, were generally set apart from those of the main Israeli of the Byzantine Period, Unesco, 1965, Pis. 8-10. population.29 23. Carl H. Kraeling, The Synagogue: The Excava tions at Dura-Europos, Final Report, VII, Part 1, New Haven, 1956; M. Rostovtzeff, Dura-Europos and Its 26. "Der römische Gutshof in der Stoibergerstrasse Art, Oxford, 1938. zu Köln-Braunsfeld," Bonner Jahrbücher, 135, 1930, p. 116. 24. D. B. Harden, "The Rothschild Lycurgus Cup," Journal of Glass Studies, V, 1963, p. 9; D. B. Harden 27. "Das Diatretglas aus dem Gräberbezirk...,"p. 10. and J. M. Toynbee, "The Rothschild Lycurgus Cup," 28. Harald von Petrikovits, "Das römische Rhein Archaeologia, XCVII, 1959, p. 191; Otto Doppelfeld, land. Archäologische Forschungen seit 1945," Arbeits "Das neue Kölner Diatretglas," Germania, 38, Nos. 3-4, gemeinschaft für Forschung des Landes Nordrhein 1960, p. 405; idem, "Das Diatretglas aus dem Gräber Westfalen, 86, Cologne, 1960, p. 93. bezirk des römischen Gutshofs von Köln-Braunsfeld," 29. Gustav Cohn, Der jüdische Friedhof, Frankfurt, Kölner Jahrbuch für Vor- und Frühgeschichte, 5, 1960 1930, p. 9, explains that Jews preferred the use of fam 1961, pp. 7 ff. ily burying grounds, on their own estates. The Jerusa 25. Doppelfeld, "Das neue Kölner Diatretglas," op. lem Talmud Baba-Batra prescribes that burial grounds cit., p. 405. be fifty ells from town.

52

This content downloaded from 35.2.192.209 on Tue, 20 Sep 2016 19:47:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms glass, which has no decidedly Christian motifs, might be regarded as a specimen of Jewish art from the Roman period. As to the cemetery it self, Kober31 suggests that it may be Jewish; Fremersdorf32 insists upon its being early Christian and of the second century A.D., while Neuss33 and Petrikovits34 cannot regard the graves as Christian. The date of 326 A.D., when the blue gilt glass bowl (Morey 421) (Fig. 8) was probably manu factured,35 reminds one of the two edicts of Constantine dated 321 A.D. (cod. Theod. 3. XVI. 8)) and 331 A.D. (cod. Theod. 4. XVI. 8). These edicts prove the presence of Jews in Cologne. In them, members of the city's Jewish Fig. 12. Two fragments from a bowl decorated community are freed from curial duties "Hieris with gold glass medallions on blue and green et Archisynagogis et Patribus synagogarum et grounds, found in the St. Severinus cemetery, Co ceteris qui eodem loco deserviunt." Hence, at logne. Rhineland, 4th century A.D. Av. D. of the time the blue bowl was made, the city must medallions 2.8 cm. British Museum, London. (No. have had a large Jewish community or the em E.C. 629.) (Photo courtesy Trustees of The British Museum.) peror would not have mentioned them in his edicts. A community justifying two imperial edicts must have had a cemetery of its own, In the excavated cemetery found under the which might be the one under the St. Severin St. Severin Church in Cologne, which also con Church. Thus one could assume, pending fur tains some graves facing East, was found the ther data, that the gold glass found in the St. gold glass dish (Morey 349) (Fig. 12) now in the Severin cemetery was Jewish and that the blue British Museum, London.30 It contains twenty bowl was made by Jews who were buried on one medallions arranged in three incomplete Jewish-owned land, possibly adjacent to a glass concentric circles, showing inter alia the follow workshop. ing biblical scenes: Susannah or Orante, Moses These craftsmen may also have been the man striking the rock, Adam and Eve, one of the ufacturers of the cage-cup found in another three youths in the fiery furnace, Daniel, Jonah grave in the Köln-Braunsfeld plot. The tech reclining under the gourd vine, Jonah in a ship, nique of cage-cups is described as early as the a seated lion (perhaps belonging to Daniel), Talmud Midrash Esther36 and was therefore Jonah cast up by the sea monster, Jonah cast known to Jews. This strengthens our belief overboard, and the Sacrifice of Abraham. This 31. Adolf Kober, History of the Jews in Cologne, Philadelphia, 1940, p. 4. 30. Morey, The Gold-Glass Collection . . . , No. 349; 32. "Ältestes Christentum," Kölner Jahrbuch für O. M. Dalton, Catalogue of Early Christian Antiquities Vor- und Frühgeschichte, 2, 1956, p. 7. and Objects from the Christian East of the British Mu 33. W. Neuss, Die Anfänge des Christentums im seum, London, 1901, No. 629; Vopel, op. cit., No. 292; Rheinland, Bonn, 1933. Garrucci, op. cit., Pl. CLXX, 1; E. aus 'm Weerth, "Römische Glasgefässe aus der Sammlung ... Carl 34. Petrikovits, op. cit. Disch . . . ," Bonner Jahrbücher, XXXVI, 1864, p. 119, 35. Delbrück, Spätantike Kaiserporträts, pp. 132 fi. PI. 3; Fremersdorf, Die römischen Gläser mit aufge 36. Doppelfeld, "Das neue Kölner Diatretglas," op. legten Nuppen, Cologne, 1962, p. 14, Pl. 48. cit., p. 410.

53

This content downloaded from 35.2.192.209 on Tue, 20 Sep 2016 19:47:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms that Jewish glassmakers lived and worked in there were Jews in Pozzuoli. In the days of Cologne. Honorius the Jewish population of Apulia and Fremersdorf37 explains that in 160 A.D. new Calabria must have been considerable, as the workshops using the snake-thread and gold emperor abolished the curial freedom of Jews glass techniques were founded in Cologne. This in an edict of 398 A.D.41 Only a large number of may have been when the first Jewish glass Jewish citizens would make such an edict nec makers arrived, and it is also the period of the essary. In addition, there were Jewish cata oldest graves in the St. Severin cemetery. These combs in Venosa in Apulia.42 The Canosa bowls Jews would presumably have arrived as prison (Fig. 3) were found in Apulia. ers of war, since their colony "is said to have If we believe that the gold glass technique originated in the move of a [Roman] legion was developed in Alexandria, we may point out from Jerusalem."38 We may thus summarize the that this city also had an old Jewish commu situation : after the Parthian war, in which they nity.43 Glasses either mounted or decorated participated,39 Jews, and possibly among them with gold were used at the festive procession of glassmakers, were brought to Cologne to form Ptolemy II Philadelphus (see page 48), whose the first Jewish community in Germany.40 With father had brought many Jewish slaves to their arrival, coinciding with the beginning of Egypt in the years 320, 302 and 301 B.C.44 It the St. Severin cemetery and with the general would be tempting to link the presence of these flourishing of glass production in that town, Jewish slaves to the development of a glass in more complicated and not previously used dustry. But no evidence exists to prove it. techniques, such as snake threads, cage-cups, The gold glass technique, combining the skill and gold glasses were produced. of a goldsmith, a potter and a glassmaker is pos It can be asserted that wherever gold or sibly alluded to in the Midrash raba Numeri45 gilded glasses have been found, a fairly large written at the end of the first millennium but Jewish community lived in the area. This ap based on earlier sources. In it a man is described plies to Rome, Dura-Europos, Palestine (where who had three professions: he was a goldsmith, the Rothschild bowl is said to have been ac a potter, and a glassmaker. Those who loved quired), Ostia, Kertch, Olbia, and Apulia. him called him a goldsmith's son and those who Apulia can trace its Jewish population hatedto him, a potter's son. Those indifferent to about 4 B.C. (Josephus Ant. XVII, 12, 1), when him called him a glassmaker's son. This permits also the evaluation of the glassmaker in Talmu dic society: he was thought of as quite ordinary. 37. Römische Gläser mit Fadenauflage . . . , p. 17. Finally, the Greek inscription on the Brescia 38. John Parkes, A History of the Jewish People, Harmondsworth, Middlesex, 1964, p. 38; Monumenta medallion appears to have been written in an Judaica, 2000 Jahre Geschichte und Kultur der Juden Egyptian Greek dialect, possibly suggesting am Rhein, Cologne, 1963, Part A, p. 33. 39. Max L. Margolis and Alexander Marx, A History of the Jewish People, New York, 1962, p. 220, "Under 41. Jewish Encyclopedia, New York, 1901, 2, p. 29. Marcus Aurelius (161-180 A.D.) and the co-emperor 42. Harry J. Leon, "The Jews of Venusia," Jewish Verus (161-169 A.D.) the Parthian king Vologases III invaded Cappadocia and Syria. It seems that among Quarterly Review, 44, 1954, pp. 267 ff. certain elements of the Jews in Palestine an attempt 43. A. von Saldern, "Glass Finds at Gordion," op. was made to turn these complications to their advan cit., p. 46; Rostovtzeff, Social and Economic History tage. The Parthians, however, were beaten, and Verus . . . , I, p. 372. punished the Jews." 44. Victor Tcherikover, Hellenistic Civilization and 40. Until now the only archaeological find confirm the Jews, Philadelphia, 1959, pp. 55 ff. ing the presence of Jews in the Rhineland is a terra 45. Levy, Wörterbuch über den Talmud und Mid cotta lamp with a menorah found in Trier (Rheinisches rashim, I, p. 512; Samuel Krauss, Talmudische Archäo Landesmuseum, Trier, No. ST 2105). logie, Leipzig, 1910-1912, II, p. 285.

54

This content downloaded from 35.2.192.209 on Tue, 20 Sep 2016 19:47:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms that it was made in the Fayum, where there were many Jewish settlers (Fig. 7).48 Jewish slaves are mentioned on an inscrip tion in Kertch,47 the ancient Panticapaeum west of the Straits which connects the Black Sea and the Sea of Azor. In this town a Jewish commu nity was established as far back as the first cen tury B.C.48 Rostovtzeff49 thinks that the first Jewish settlers were brought there by Mithri dates (88 B.C.). The Jewish population of Kertch is of interest since the gilded glass pitch er representing the metamorphosis of Daphne (Fig. 4) was found there.50 The Daphne pitcher Fig. 13. Catalog No. 8: is related in technique and stylistically to the Dura-Europos fragment showing the head of Thetis, to the more recent, unpublished finds in Sammlung, Berlin. It has Jewish symbols such Nahariya, Israel, and at Palmyra,51 and to the as the Torah-shrine, and the menorah, and Kantharos Disch found in Cologne.52 Baur53 is bears the inscription "SALBO • DOMINO inclined to date the Thetis fragment and the VITALE CUM CONIVGE • ET FILIO S • Daphne pitcher at about 230 A.D. and, as oth IPSORV • FELIX • BENERIVS," meaning ers before him, Clairmont attributes both to an "Felix Venerius to his master Vitalis—may he Antioch workshop.54 Whether any connection be in good health—with his wife and their chil can be made between these painted vessels and dren." Leon explains that the word dominus is the Jewish population of Antioch and Kertch a form of address used by a slave.56 Hence this remains to be proven. The possibility of a rela gold glass may have been dedicated to a Jewish tionship should, however, not be dismissed. master by a Jewish glassmaker, as it is likely Another example of gold glass which may that a J ew would have been more familiar than have been made by a Jew is the one, No. 8a Gentile with the motifs depicted. (Fig. 13),55 in the Frühchristlich-Byzantinischer We learn of a presumably Jewish glass work shop from a glass first described by Schwabe 46. Morey, Early Christian Art, pp. 127, 221, note Reifenberg.57 It is a small pressed medallion 246; Tcherikover, op. cit., p. 285. with the menorah and the inscription "EX OF. 47. Tcherikover, op. cit., p. 342. LAVRENTI," the mark of a workshop, in this 48. Frey, "Corpus inscriptionum iudaicarum," op. cit., Nos. 683-684. case a Jewish one, as the menorah is always 49. Iranians and Greeks in South Russia, Oxford, used to indicate a person of Jewish faith. A simi 1922, p. 150. lar inscription, "OFFIKINA (L) AURENTIV," 50. V. Müller, "Die Typen der Daphnedarstellun gen," op. cit., p. 63; R. W. Smith, Glass from the on a green colored glass has been found togeth Ancient World, No. 342; Harden, "Glass and Glazes," er with a coin of the Emperor Gratian (375-383 in Singer, History of Technology, II, p. 343. A.D.) at Hermes (Ham) in France.58 51. Selim Abdul Hak, "Les verres peints de la pé riode romaine, conservés au Musée National de Damas," op. cit., pp. 21-24. 56. Harry J. Leon, The Jews of , Phil 52. Albizzati, "Il Kantharos Disch," Jahrbuch des adelphia, 1960, p. 238. Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, 41, 1926, p. 74. 57. Mosche Schwabe, Adolf Reifenberg, "Ein jü 53. Baur, et al., op. cit., p. 252. disches Goldglas mit Sepulcralinschrift," Rivista di 54. Clairmont, op. cit., pp. 34-35, 149. Archeologia Cristiana, 12, 1935, pp. 341-345. 55. Frey, op. cit., No. 522. 58. Kisa, op. cit., p. 952, No. 138.

55

This content downloaded from 35.2.192.209 on Tue, 20 Sep 2016 19:47:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms A Jewish community existed in Rome since Pompey brought back a large number of Jewish prisoners with him (69-63 B.C.). Most gold glasses were found in Roman catacombs. Morey50 thinks that the earlier examples of this group were made in what he calls the "fine brushed" technique. Harden80 points out that a glass dish with an engraved picture of Venus with two cupids is an exact replica of the gold glass Morey No. 10.81 This suggests the general use of patterns which were shown to pagan, Christian, and Jewish customers, who chose according to their Fig. 14. Catalog No. 7. taste.

One gold glass82 (Frey 732), bears an epitaph in Greek of a mother and daughter as well as (drink and live) or "bibas" (drink). In Cologne,06 the Hebrew word Shalom (Peace). It was for as in the , it was customary merly in a private collection in Rome.88 No de to place such richly adorned cups beside the tailed information on this piece is available and sarcophagus or outside the grave in the wall of it is not included in Morey's catalogue. the loculi. This enabled the dead, when they Gold glass cups were drinking vessels used to rose in the days of the Messiah, to participate in adorn graves in the catacombs, a type of burial the meal prepared for the righteous. of Palestinian origin. In this connection one The religious significance of the Jewish ex should recall that most early Christians came amples is borne out by their symbols: the open from Jewish stock. Later, when the catacombs Torah-shrine and the lighted menorah. Two of were no longer used, the production of gold them depict in their lower register the Sabbath glass ceased and we find mention of later gold meal including a plate of fish, No. 7 (Fig. 14),07 glasses only in literary sources such as Hera and No. 8 (Fig. 13).68 We can understand this clius, Theophilus,84 and the late Talmudic scene better when we remember that Rabbi midrashim.65 Chanina bar Jizchak, who lived in the third cen That gold glasses were intended as drinking tury A.D. in Palestine, said that the Sabbath vessels and not as epitaphs is indicated by the was the image of the world to come. And so many that bear the inscriptions "pie zeses" these pictures take on another meaning; they do not only depict Jewish life in ancient Rome but show the yearning of the Jews for the days of 59. Morey, Early Christian Art, p. 127. the Messiah, when every one of the faithful will 60. Harden, "The Wint Hill Hunting Bowl," Journal of Glass Studies, II, 1960, p. 74, Fig. 26.

61. Morey, The Gold-Glass Collection . . . , p. 4, No. 66. Fremersdorf, "Ein bisher unbekanntes römisches 10; Vopel, op. cit., No. 49; Garrucci, op. cit., Pl. XXXVI, 3. Goldglas mit christlichen Wunderszenen . . . Wallraf Richartz Jahrbuch, 1, 1930, p. 282; idem, "Der rö 62. Schwabe, Reifenberg, op. cit., pp. 341, 345; mische Gutshof in der Stoibergerstrasse zu Köln Frey, op. cit., No. 732. Braunsfeld," Bonner Jahrbücher, 135, 1930, pp. 109 ff. 63. Leon, The Jews of Ancient Rome, p. 223. 67. Morey, The Gold-Glass Collection . . . , No. 458; 64. Trowbridge, op. cit., p. 110. C. Louise Avery, "Early Christian Goldglass," Bulletin 65. Levy, Wörterbuch über den Talmud und Mid of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, XVI, 1921, p. 173; rashim, I, p. 512; S. Krauss, Talmudische Archäologie, Vopel, op. cit., No. 163; Frey, op. cit., No. 518. Leipzig, 1910-1912, II, p. 285. 68. Frey, op. cit., No. 522. 56

This content downloaded from 35.2.192.209 on Tue, 20 Sep 2016 19:47:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms participate in the felicities of a future life.69 Olbia72 and in Moscow,73 which both belong to The scenes on Jewish gold glasses give a fair the earlier stage of gold glass history, show pic picture of the religious and sometimes the secu tures of antique temples. No. 2 is said to have lar life of the Jews. On No. 8 we even find steps been found about 1882 in the Christian cata leading to the Ark of Law similar to those that comb of Peter and Marcellinus in Rome, but have recently been excavated in the fourth-cen Marucchi74 thinks that it came from a Jewish tury synagogue of Ostia.70 catacomb of the Via Labicana (now Via Casi The gold glass No. 2 (Fig. 15) (Morey 116),71 lina), a short distance from the Peter and Mar with the Temple in Jerusalem and bearing a cellinus cemetery. The Via Labicana catacomb, Greek inscription, must be considered a re of which no trace remains, was found in 1882 minder of the messianic days when the glory of and explored by Marucchi two years later. the destroyed temple would arise anew. This When he found the picture of a menorah he glass may be a little earlier than the others, as its realized that it was Jewish. inscription is in Greek. It is not the only exam We can assume from Mueller's description of ple with temple architecture. Vopel (No. 160) the Jewish Monteverde catacomb in Rome, mentions a smaller one which was found in S. where one gold glass showing a man sitting on Ermete in Rome. The gold glass dishes in a throne was found in situ, that symbols other than Jewish were used for the decoration of the 69. Erwin R. Goodenough, Jewish Symbols in the graves.7"' This suggests that gold glasses bearing Greco-Roman Period, Vol. Il: The Archaeological Evi biblical scenes,70 portraits,77 animals,78 pictures dence from the Diaspora, Bollingen Series, XXXVII, New York, 1953. Editor's Note: Since this article was of daily life,70 or mere inscriptions80 may have received Volume 12, 1965, has been published. Gold come from Jewish catacombs or could possibly glasses are dealt with in several places but specially pp. 37-39. be regarded as Jewish. 70. Maria Floriani Squarciapino, "The Synagogue at Ostia," Archaeology, 16, 1963, No. 3. It is interesting to 72. Rostovtzeff, Social and Economic History . . . , note that gold glasses Morey Nos. 229-233 were found I, p. 373. in or around Ostia. Morey No. 115 is said to have been 73. Moscow Archaeological Museum, formerly Go found at Ostia, cf. Leon, The Jews of Ancient Rome, leniscev Collection; Rostovtzeff, Social and Economic p. 221. History . . . , I, p. 373, Pl. XLIV, Fig. 2. 71. Morey, The Gold-Glass Collection . . . , No. 116; 74. Marucchi, Le catacombe romane, Rome, 1905, Vopel, op. cit., No. 159; F. Rossi, "Verre représentant p. 292; Leon, The Jews of Ancient Rome, p. 222, le Temple de Jerusalem," Archives de l'Orient Latin, Note 4. 2, 1884, pp. 439-455. 75. Nikolaus Müller, Die jüdische Katakomben am Monteverde zu Rom, Leipzig, 1912, p. 59. 76. Morey, The Gold-Glass Collection . . . , Nos. 46-47, 71, 139, 142-144, 153-156, 207, 349, 395, 407, 421. 77. Morey, ibid., Nos. 1-7, 9, 39-43, 54, 59, 87, 89, 92-95, 97, 99, 113, 193, 195, 222, 234, 237, 238, 244, 259, 264, 266, 289, 300, 311, 405, 406, 418, 421, 423, 440, 442, 446, 447. 78. Morey, ibid., Nos. 34, 123, 140, 169, 171, 196, 198, 229, 382, 392, 410, 422, 428, 434, 443. 79. Morey, ibid., Nos. 25, 27, 28, 35, 96, 119, 236, 257, 263, 302, 429, and a gold glass showing a quad riga, in the Metropolitan Museum, New York, cf. Christine Alexander, "A Gilt Glass of the Roman Pe riod," Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, XXVI, 1931, p. 288. 80. Morey, ibid., Nos. 19, 20-24, 129, 175, 202-204, 208-209, 229-233 (from Ostia), 275, 409, 419, 424, 445; Fig. 15. Catalog No. 2. Schwabe, Reifenberg, op. cit., p. 341.

57

This content downloaded from 35.2.192.209 on Tue, 20 Sep 2016 19:47:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms The provenience of most gold glasses is ob scure. The approximately thirty-two for which it is known came from Christian cemeteries. Lietzmann,81 who excavated the Jewish cata ff "s. Jf %, comb in the Villa Torlonia, found traces of gold glasses in the walls but none in situ. Mueller82 described the gold glass which he found in situ -m ■; as being without a second layer to protect the painting, which thus quickly deteriorated. Pos sibly a technique similar to that used in Cologne was employed here. It is very difficult to distinguish between Jew ish and Early Christian objects of this period. Fig. 16. Gold glass medallion, found in 1688 in the Both go back to Hellenistic and Roman forms Ponziano cemetery in Rome. Roman, 4th century and are part of Late ; both use the A.D. D. 9.8 cm. Museo Sacro, Vatican City. (No. 357.) same themes, mostly centered around the hope for a life beyond the grave. Lietzmann83 points In Jewish as well as in Christian art, animals out that the early Christians often depicted Old were given symbolic meanings. The best known Testament deliverance scenes side by side, such is the fish symbolizing Christ. The gold glass as Abraham's sacrifice, Noah in the Ark, Daniel in (Morey 34) (Fig. 16)86 found in 1688 in the the lion's den, the three men in the fiery furnace, cemetery of Ponziano, with the picture of an Susannah and Jonah. This cycle goes back to ass running to the right and the inscription one of the oldest Jewish prayers, "Mi she ana,"84 ASINUS, could have belonged to a group of belonging to the liturgy of the fasting period gold glasses with symbols of Jewish tribes, as and already in use at the time of the Mishna. the ass personifies Isachar. It could have had a Lietzmann85 believes that Christians not only messianic meaning as well, as the Messiah is borrowed the prayer using these biblical exam supposed to arrive riding an ass.87 Here, too, an ples of heavenly salvation, which are still used earlier and specific Jewish design may have by Roman Catholic priests administering the been copied. last rites, but that they took over the iconogra We know since the excavations of some phy as well. This would explain why the gilded Palestinian synagogues with mosaic floors,88 glass bowl (Fig. 8) bearing some of these "salva and from the wall paintings of the Dura-Eu tion" scenes was identified as "Early Christian." ropos synagogue,80 that Jews of that period did not hesitate to use biblical scenes for the adorn

81. H. W. Beyer and Hans Lietzmann, Die jüdische ment of their synagogues. This makes it the Katakombe der Villa Torlonia in Rom, Berlin-Leipzig, more difficult to attribute gold glasses that do 1930, p. 3. not bear designs characteristic of Jewish or 82. Nikolaus Müller, op. cit., p. 59. Christian art. 83. Lietzmann, A History of the Early Church, New York, 1961, II, p. 142. 84. Ismar Elbogen, Der jüdische Gottesdienst, 1913, pp. 223, 551, Note 3; Michel, "Gebet und Bild in früh 86. Morey, The Gold-Glass Collection . . . , No. 34, christlicher Zeit," Archäologische Studien zum christ p. 9; Vopel, op. cit., No. 148; Garrucci, op. cit., Pl. lichen Altertum und Mittelalter, New Series, 1, Frei XXXVII, 10. burg, 1902; Kaufmann, "Sens et origine tumulaires de 87. Traktat Brachot Nos. 56B and 57; Moritz Zobel, kancient Testament dans l'art chrétien," Revue des Gottes Gesalbter, Berlin, 1938, p. 83. Etudes Juives, XIV, 1887, p. 33. 88. See Note 22. 85. A History of the Early Church, II, p. 143. 89. See Note 23.

58

This content downloaded from 35.2.192.209 on Tue, 20 Sep 2016 19:47:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Conclusion

From the frequent mention of glass in the Talmud90 and the appearance of Jewish glass makers in contemporary sources,91 we know that glassmaking was practiced by Jewish craftsmen. We have only treated part of the ac tivities of these ancient Jewish glassmakers; namely, the role they may have played in the diffusion of the gold glass technique. Even when we could not trace the creators them Fig. 17. Catalog No. 1. selves, we have attempted to show that gold glasses were used in areas where a fairly wellare huts which may suggest the festival of the developed Jewish community existed and booths,that Succoth. gilded glasses appear to have been especially Found in 1882 in the cemetery of SS. Pietro e favoured by the Jewish population. Only future Marcellinus in Rome, but may have come from research and the discovery of new material the Jewish catacomb of the Via Labicana lo from sound excavated contexts will prove cated the nearby. validity of the hypothesis that a large propor Inscription: OIKOCIPH C AA BEEVAOriA and tion of gold glasses known were made by C(i)IIANT(i)N Jewish craftsmen. Morey 116; Vopel 159; Frey 515; Good CATALOG enough 978. Vatican Library. (No. 479.) No. 1. (Fig. 17.) No. 3. Similar to No. 2. Fragment of a bowl. On the body of the vessel, Found in S. Ermete, Rome. an engraved and gilt Torah-shrine with the menorah flanked by shofar and etrog. The Vopel open 160; Römische Quartalschrift für Christliche Altertumskunde und für Kir shrine, with six compartments for the scroll and one bird perched above left door. No chengeschichte, glass VIII, 1894, p. 142. (Present whereabouts unknown.) overlay. Inscription: NIMADU No. 4. (Fig. 1.) Morey 115; Vopel 493; Frey 520; Good Gold glass bottom divided into two semicircu enough 968. lar registers. The above showing two sitting Said to have come from Kertch. lions facing the open Torah-shrine with six Vatican Library. (No. 239.) scrolls. Below, two lighted menorahs flanked No. 2. (Fig. 15.) by two shofars and lulav, etrogs, and an oil jar. Gold glass showing a tetrastyled temple inside Inscription: ANAS TAS I-P IEZ E SES a court surrounded by colonnades. In front of Morey 114; Vopel 161; Frey 516; Good the temple a lighted menorah. Outside the court enough 965. Vatican Library. (No. 233.) 90. Krauss, Talmudische Archäologie, II, 1910, p. 285. No. 5. (Fig. 18.) 91. Trowbridge, op. cit., pp. 113-114, 197. Similar to No. 4 but in a square instead of a Acknowledgements: I am greatly indebted to Dr. D. B. round frame. Harden for his advice and encouragement during the preparation of this study, and to many colleagues who Inscription: PIEZESES ELARES supplied information and photographs. Vopel 162; Frey 517; Goodenough 966.

59

This content downloaded from 35.2.192.209 on Tue, 20 Sep 2016 19:47:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms No. 7. (Fig. 14.) Gold glass bottom divided into two registers. Above, Torah-shrine containing four scrolls; to the right lighted menorah, shofar and etrog. In the lower register a dish with a fish on a cushion. Inscription: IBIBASCVMEVLOGIACOR(?)P... Morey 458; Vopel 163; Frey 518; Good enough 973; Avery, p. 173. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Rogers Fund, 1918. (No. 18.145.1a, b.)

Fig. 18. Catalog No. 5. No. 8. (Fig. 13.) Gold glass bottom similar to No. 7 but showing Former Zealinska Collection, Paris; Castle twenty scrolls in the open Torah-shrine, and Goluchow Collection, Poland. more clearly the lower register with the semi Israel Museum, Jerusalem. circular couch and a small table on which lies

No. 6. (Fig. 19.) a platter containing fish. Gold glass showing in the upper half the This gold glass bears what may be the signa Torah-shrine, where nine scrolls are ranged on ture of the artist, Felix Venerius, who may have three shelves. A pair of birds perched on been a slave. globes act as guardians. The lower part has a Inscription: SALBO • DOMINO VITALE lighted menorah, its center flanked by two lions crouching back to back. CUM CONIVGE • ET FILIO S • IPSORV • Vopel 165; Goodenough 967. FELIX • BENERIVS Former Museo Borgiano Collection, Rome; Frey 522; Goodenough 974. Goluchow Collection, Poland. Staatliches Museum, Berlin. (No. 6700.) Israel Museum, Jerusalem. No. 9. (Fig. 20.) Lower part of a gold glass showing a menorah, oil jar, shofar, etrog and lulav. Inscription: . . . LV • PIE • ZESES • Morey 346; Dalton 615; Vopel 164; Frey 519; Goodenough 970. British Museum, London.

No. 10. (Fig. 21.) Upper part of a broken gold glass showing a menorah and lulav. Inscription: AVXANONANIMADVLCIS.. .PIEZESES Morey 426; Goodenough 975; Schwabe-Reif enberg, Riv. Arch. Crist, XV, 1938, p. 319 ff.; Ferrua, Riv. Arch. Crist, XXVI, 1950, p. 224 ff. Fig. 19. Catalog No. 6. Römisch-Germanisches Museum, Cologne. 60

This content downloaded from 35.2.192.209 on Tue, 20 Sep 2016 19:47:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms !* 1

i

Fig. 20 Fig. 22 Fig. 23

Fig. 21 Fig. 24

Fig. 20. Catalog No. 9. Hebrew letters and the picture of a menorah Fig. 21. Catalog No. 10. and shofar gilded on the exterior. Fig. 22. Catalog No. 11. This is the only gold glass having a sepulchral inscription and the only one bearing Hebrew Fig. 23. Catalog No. 12. letters. The inscription reads in translation: Fig. 24. Catalog No. 14. "Here lie Anastasia, the mother and Asther, the daughter. In peace their sleep. Amen. Shalom." No. 11. (Fig. 22.) (The exceptional nature of this object would Fragment of a medallion with a lion reclining make its careful study desirable. It is included beside a menorah; part of a second lion seen on in this list with the hope that further light may right. be shed on its puzzling nature.) Morey 433; Vopel 166; Goodenough 971. Frey 732; Goodenough 962; Schwabe-Reifen Universitaetsmuseum, Würzburg. berg, op. cit., XII, 1935, p. 341. No. 12. (Fig. 23.) Private Collection, Rome. Medallion showing shofar flanked by lulav. No. 14. (Fig. 24.) Morey 173; Vopel 167; Goodenough 976. Gold glass fragment showing a menorah with a Vatican Library. (No. 237.) lighted candle. No. 13. Inscription: EZ TVOS Bottom of a flask with a Greek inscription with Morey 359; Frey 521; Goodenough 972. the addition of the word Shalom (peace) in Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.

61

This content downloaded from 35.2.192.209 on Tue, 20 Sep 2016 19:47:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms