Political Culture of Democracy in Nicaragua, 2010 Democratic Consolidation in the Americas in Hard Times

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Political Culture of Democracy in Nicaragua, 2010 Democratic Consolidation in the Americas in Hard Times Political Culture of Democracy in Nicaragua, 2010 Democratic Consolidation in the Americas in Hard Times By: John A. Booth, Ph.D. Professor and Researcher University of North Texas Mitchell A. Seligson, Ph.D. Scientific Coordinator and Editor of the Series Vanderbilt University This study was done with support from the Program in Democracy and Governance of the United States Agency for International Development. The opinions expressed in this study are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the point of view of the United States Agency for International Development. April, 2011 Political Culture of Democracy in Nicaragua, 2010 Table of Contents LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................................................................................... VII LIST OF TABLES ..................................................................................................................................................................... XI PREFACE .............................................................................................................................................................................. XIII PROLOGUE: BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY ........................................................................................................................... XV Acknowledgements ...........................................................................................................................................xxii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY........................................................................................................................................................ XXV PART I: HARD TIMES AND THEIR EFFECTS ON DEMOCRACY ..........................................................................1 CHAPTER I . HARD TIMES IN THE AMERICAS: ECONOMIC OVERVIEW .......................................................3 Introduction..........................................................................................................................................................3 Economic Overview..............................................................................................................................................3 Dimensions of the Economic Crisis in Nicaragua................................................................................................9 Trends in Democratic Development...................................................................................................................10 Dimensions of Democracy in Nicaragua............................................................................................................12 The Relationship between Hard Times and Democracy.....................................................................................14 Conclusion..........................................................................................................................................................15 CHAPTER II . CITIZENS’ PERCEPTIONS AND EXPERIENCES DURING HARD TIMES IN THE AMERICAS .....................................................................................................................................................................................17 Introduction........................................................................................................................................................17 Perceptions of the Magnitude of the Economic Crisis .......................................................................................17 Who is to Blame for the Economic Crisis?.........................................................................................................20 Country Specific Analysis: Evidence for Nicaragua 2010 .................................................................................21 Personal Experiences with Economic Instability ...............................................................................................22 Jobs Loss......................................................................................................................................................................... 22 Reported Decrease in Household Income ....................................................................................................................... 26 Who Was Most Affected by Economic Hardship? ..............................................................................................28 Perceptions of Both the Personal and National Economy .................................................................................30 Conclusion..........................................................................................................................................................32 CHAPTER III . DEMOCRATIC VALUES IN HARD TIMES.....................................................................................33 Introduction........................................................................................................................................................33 Support for Democracy ......................................................................................................................................41 Support for the Political System.........................................................................................................................45 Satisfaction with Democracy..............................................................................................................................52 Support for Military Coups ................................................................................................................................55 Conclusion..........................................................................................................................................................59 PART II: RULE OF LAW, CRIME, CORRUPTION, AND CIVIL SOCIETY...........................................................61 CHAPTER IV . RULE OF LAW, CRIME, AND CORRUPTION ...............................................................................63 Introduction........................................................................................................................................................63 Theoretical Background .................................................................................................................................................. 63 Perception of Insecurity and Crime ...................................................................................................................63 Crime Victimization........................................................................................................................................................ 66 Corruption..........................................................................................................................................................73 Theoretical Background .................................................................................................................................................. 73 The Measurement of Corruption ..................................................................................................................................... 74 Perception of Corruption................................................................................................................................................. 75 Corruption Victimization ................................................................................................................................................ 77 The Impact of Crime, Insecurity and Corruption on Democracy.......................................................................82 Support for the Rule of Law, and the Impact of Crime and Insecurity...............................................................85 Conclusions ........................................................................................................................................................90 ©LAPOP: Page iii Political Culture of Democracy in Nicaragua, 2010 CHAPTER V . LEGITIMACY, SYSTEM SUPPORT, AND POLITICAL TOLERANCE.......................................93 Introduction........................................................................................................................................................93 The Legitimacy/Tolerance Equation ............................................................................................................................... 93 System Support ...................................................................................................................................................95 Theoretical Background .................................................................................................................................................. 95 Political Tolerance.............................................................................................................................................98 Theoretical Background .................................................................................................................................................. 98 Support for Stable Democracy .........................................................................................................................102 Legitimacy of Other Democratic Institutions ...................................................................................................107
Recommended publications
  • Ortega for President: the Religious Rebirth of Sandinismo in Nicaragua
    European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 89, October 2010 | 47-63 Ortega for President: The Religious Rebirth of Sandinismo in Nicaragua Henri Gooren Abstract: This article analyses various connections between Daniel Ortega’s surprising victory in the presidential elections of 5 November 2006, his control of the Frente Sandinista de la Liberación Nacio- nal (FSLN) party, and the changing religious context in Nicaragua, where Pentecostal churches now claim almost one quarter of the population. To achieve this, I draw from my fieldwork in Nicaragua in 2005 and 2006, which analysed competition for members between various religious groups in Managua: charismatic Catholics, the Assemblies of God, the neo-Pentecostal mega-church Hosanna, and the Mormon Church. How did Ortega manage to win the votes from so many religious people (evangelical Protestants and Roman Catholics alike)? And how does this case compare to similar cases of populist leaders in Latin America courting evangelicals, like Chávez in Venezuela and earlier Fujimori in Peru? Keywords: Nicaragua, religion, elections, FSLN, Daniel Ortega. Populist leadership and evangelical support in Latin America At first look, the case of Ortega’s surprise election victory seems to fit an estab- lished pattern in Latin America: the populist leader who comes to power in part by courting – and winning – the evangelical vote. Alberto Fujimori in Peru was the first to achieve this in the early 1990s, followed by Venezuelan lieutenant-colonel Hugo Chávez in the late 1990s and more recently Rafael Correa in Ecuador (Op- penheimer 2006). These three populist leaders came to power thanks to the break- down of an old party system, which gradually became stagnant and corrupted.
    [Show full text]
  • The Carter Center News Spring 1990
    THE CARTER CENTER NEWS SPRING 1990 Carter, Council Monitor Nicaraguan Elections Peaceful Transition of Power First in Country's History On April 25, the Nicaraguan people inaugurated a new president in the first peaceful transfer of power to an elected opposition in the country's history. of Nicaragua chose their new president in a free and fair election," said President Carter, who led an international delegation to monitor the February 25 elections. The delegation was formed under the auspices of the Council of Freely-Elected Heads of Government, chaired by President Carter and based at The Carter Center of Emory University (CCEU). The Council joined delegations from the United Nations and the Organization of American States (OAS) in monitoring the elections. Following the transfer of power from the Sandinista (FSLN) government of Daniel Ortega to the coalition government (UNO) of Violeta Chamorro, President Carter said, "Both Daniel Ortega and Violeta Chamorro deserve the world's respect and admiration for the way they handled the transition. Former President Ortega has set his country on the road to democracy. President Chamorro has been entrusted by the people of Nicaragua with the difficult task of healing the division in that nation and nurturing the newly-born democratic spirit. It is my sincerest hope that peace and democracy will flourish in Nicaragua." The Invitation In the summer of 1989, President Carter and the Council were invited to observe the elections by thenPresident Daniel Ortega, the Union of National Opposition (UNO), and the Supreme Electoral Council. The Nicaraguan election project was directed by Robert Pastor and Jennie Lincoln, director and associate director respectively of CCEU's Latin American and Caribbean Studies program.
    [Show full text]
  • The November 2011 Elections in Nicaragua: a Study Mission Report of the Carter Center
    The November 2011 Elections in Nicaragua Study Mission Report Waging Peace. Fighting Disease. Building Hope. The November 2011 Elections in Nicaragua: A Study Mission Report of the Carter Center THE NOVEMBER 2011 ELECTIONS IN NICARAGUA: A STUDY MISSION REPORT OF THE CARTER CENTER OVERVIEW On November 6, 2011 Nicaragua held general elections for president and vice president, national and departmental deputies to the National Assembly, and members of the Central American Parliament. Fraudulent local elections in 2008, a questionable Supreme Court decision in October 2009 to permit the candidacy of incumbent President Daniel Ortega, and a presidential decree in January 2010 extending the Supreme Electoral Council (CSE) magistrates in office after their terms expired provided the context for a deeply flawed election process. Partisan election preparations were followed by a non-transparent election day and count. The conditions for international and domestic election observation, and for party oversight, were insufficient to permit verification of compliance with election procedures and Nicaraguan electoral law, and numerous anomalies cast doubt on the quality of the process and honesty of the vote count. The most important opposition party rejected the election as fraudulent but took its seats in the legislature. Nicaragua’s Supreme Electoral Council dismissed opposition complaints and announced that President Daniel Ortega had been re-elected to a third term. In addition, the official results showed that Ortega’s Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) party had won enough legislative seats both to reform articles of the constitution (requires a 60% majority) and to call a constituent assembly to write a new constitution (requires 66%).
    [Show full text]
  • Political Corruption in the Caribbean Basin : a Comparative Analysis of Jamaica and Costa Rica Michael W
    Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 6-28-2000 Political corruption in the Caribbean basin : a comparative analysis of Jamaica and Costa Rica Michael W. Collier Florida International University DOI: 10.25148/etd.FI14060878 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, Latin American History Commons, Political History Commons, and the Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration Commons Recommended Citation Collier, Michael W., "Political corruption in the Caribbean basin : a comparative analysis of Jamaica and Costa Rica" (2000). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 2408. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2408 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY Miami, Florida POLITICAL CORRUPTION IN THE CARIBBEAN BASIN: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF JAMAICA AND COSTA RICA A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS by Michael Wayne Collier To: Dean Arthur W. Herriott College of Arts and Sciences This dissertation, written by Michael Wayne Collier, and entitled Political Corruption in the Caribbean Basin: A Comparative Analysis of Jamaica and Costa Rica, having been approved in respect to style and intellectual content, is referred to you for judgment. We have read this dissertation and recommend that it be approved. Anthony P.
    [Show full text]
  • United States District Court Southern District of Florida
    Case 1:07-cv-22693-PCH Document 352 Entered on FLSD Docket 10/20/09 16:20:32 Page 1 of 60 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF FLORIDA CASE NO.: 07-22693-CIV-HUCK MIGUEL ANGEL SANCHEZ OSORIO, et al., Plaintiffs, vs. DOLE FOOD COMPANY, et al., Defendants. _______________________________________/ ORDER DENYING RECOGNITION OF JUDGMENT This is an action to enforce a $97 million Nicaraguan judgment under the Florida Uniform Out-of-country Foreign Money-Judgments Recognition Act (Florida Recognition Act). FLA. STAT. §§ 55.601-55.607 (2009). Plaintiffs are 150 Nicaraguan citizens alleged to have worked on banana plantations in Nicaragua between 1970 and 1982, during which time they were exposed to the chemical compound dibromochloropropane (DBCP). DBCP is an agricultural pesticide that was banned in the United States after it was linked to sterility in factory workers in 1977. Nicaragua banned DBCP in 1993. Defendants are Dole Food Company and The Dow Chemical Company, both Delaware corporations.1 Dow manufactured DBCP from 1957 until 1977, and Dole used DBCP on its banana farms in Nicaragua until the farms were expropriated by the Sandinista regime that came to power in 1979. The judgment in this case was rendered by a trial court in Chinandega, Nicaragua. The trial court awarded Plaintiffs approximately $97 million under “Special Law 364,” enacted by the Nicaraguan legislature in 2000 specifically to handle DBCP claims. The average award was approximately $647,000 per plaintiff. According to the Nicaraguan trial court, these sums were awarded to compensate Plaintiffs for DBCP-induced infertility and its accompanying adverse psychological effects.
    [Show full text]
  • Spotlight on Nicaragua
    February 16, 2021 CLOSING OF POLITICAL AND CIVIC SPACES: SPOTLIGHT ON NICARAGUA TABLE OF CONTENTS February 16 Agenda ................................................................................................................ 2 Part I: Nicaraguan Spring: The Rise & Repression of a Protest Movement ............. 5 State-Sponsored Violence & the Closing of Political Space Part II: How Did We Get Here? Background on the Current Political Landscape ... 7 State-Sponsored Violence & the Closing of Political Space El Pacto: Leftist on Paper but Not in Practice Questionable Reelections Reforms Favor Authoritarianism An Economy in Ruins Impacts of COVID-19 and Hurricanes Eta & Iota The 2021 Election Part III: Recent Laws Limiting Civic Space .......................................................................... 15 Law of Regulation of Foreign Agents Special Law of Cybercrimes Law of Life Sentence Law of Defense of the Rights of the People to Independence, Sovereignty, Self-determination for the Peace Penal Code Reform A Diverse and Divided Opposition Civic Alliance for Justice & Democracy White & Blue Unity Great National Coalition Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights U.S. Policy and the Biden Administration’s Challenges Speaker Biographies ................................................................................................................ 24 1 February 16, 2021 AGENDA AGENDA Welcome & Introduction Introduction to Topics for Meeting Understanding the Current Context of Nicaragua • Current Political
    [Show full text]
  • Reputación Y Resultados
    CHALLENGE: CITIZENSHIP Non venal edition Creative Commons License (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0) Developing Ideas from LLORENTE & CUENCA, January, 2018 Lagasca, 88 - 3rd floor 28001 Madrid (Spain) Edition: Anatomía de Red Design: Joaquín Gallego Content INTRODUCTION A challenged and anxious society José Antonio Zarzalejos 13 CHALLENGE: CITIZENSHIP The Ethical Challenge of the New Citizenship José Antonio Llorente 19 GLOBAL CITIES Latin America challenged by smart cities Javier Rosado & Raimundo Diaz 25 Citizen Engagement versus Tourism-phobia: The Role of Citizens in a Country’s Brand Juan Arteaga & Anel Hernandez, 31 Mexico City: Keys and Challenges to Building a Smart City for Citizens Alejandro Romero & Arie Ellstein 45 Improving ourselves as citizens Daniel Silberfaden 53 The Major Challenges Facing Cities Jordi Serra del Pino 57 TERRITORIES AND COMMUNITIES The dawn of the phygital consumer David G. Natal & Julio Alonso 63 Inbound Marketing: User-based Communications Iván Pino & Diego Romero 71 Grassroots: The Power of Organized Communities Joan Navarro & Laura Martínez 77 Liquid Democracy and Exponential Technology for Transforming the World Ana Lorenzo 83 PUBLIC AFFAIRS The Doria Effect: The Impact of Communication on the Management of a City Juan Carlos Gozzer & Thyago Mathias 91 Latin America’s New Wave of Populism—a Movement More Alive Than Ever Before Luisa García & Claudio Vallejo 101 The Impossible Politics of Walls José Antonio Zarzalejos 127 Does Every Trump Have a Silver Lining? Cecilia Soto 133 REPUTATION & SUSTAINABILITY The case of
    [Show full text]
  • BILLS-115Hr1918eas.Pdf
    In the Senate of the United States, November 27, 2018. Resolved, That the bill from the House of Representa- tives (H.R. 1918) entitled ‘‘An Act to oppose loans at inter- national financial institutions for the Government of Nica- ragua unless the Government of Nicaragua is taking effective steps to hold free, fair, and transparent elections, and for other purposes.’’, do pass with the following AMENDMENT: Strike all after the enacting clause and insert the following: 1 SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE; TABLE OF CONTENTS. 2 (a) SHORT TITLE.—This Act may be cited as the 3 ‘‘Nicaragua Human Rights and Anticorruption Act of 4 2018’’. 5 (b) TABLE OF CONTENTS.—The table of contents for 6 this Act is as follows: Sec. 1. Short title; table of contents. Sec. 2. Sense of Congress on advancing a negotiated solution to Nicaragua’s cri- sis. Sec. 3. Statement of policy. Sec. 4. Restrictions on international financial institutions relating to Nicaragua. Sec. 5. Imposition of targeted sanctions with respect to Nicaragua. 2 Sec. 6. Annual certification and waiver. Sec. 7. Report on human rights violations and corruption in Nicaragua. Sec. 8. Civil society engagement strategy. Sec. 9. Reform of Western Hemisphere Drug Policy Commission. Sec. 10. Termination. Sec. 11. Definitions. 1 SEC. 2. SENSE OF CONGRESS ON ADVANCING A NEGO- 2 TIATED SOLUTION TO NICARAGUA’S CRISIS. 3 It is the sense of Congress that— 4 (1) credible negotiations between the Government 5 of Nicaragua and representatives of Nicaragua’s civil 6 society, student movement, private sector, and polit-
    [Show full text]
  • Chávez, Daniel. Nicaragua and the Politics of Utopia. Development and Culture in the Modern State. Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 2015
    Chávez, Daniel. Nicaragua and the Politics of Utopia. Development and Culture in the Modern State. Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 2015. Print. 363 pp. ________________________________________________ JOSÉ MARÍA MANTERO XAVIER UNIVERSITY The recent work Nicaragua and the Politics of Utopia. Development and Culture in the Modern State by Daniel Chávez offers a timely study of recent Nicaraguan history and the distinct cultural and political manifestations of national utopian projects. As ambitious, grounded, and well-documented as the study is, the work would have benefited from a more Central and Latin American contextualization of utopia, the central theme and theory of the analysis. Essays and poems by Simón Bolívar, José Martí, Pedro Henríquez Ureña, Enrique Rodó, José Carlos Mariátegui, and works such as La raza cósmica (1925) by José Vasconcelos and the poem “Salutación del optimista” from Cantos de vida y esperanza (1905) by Rubén Darío, for example, call for a defense of Latin American identity and for the construction of an America where no one nation was subjugated by another and the influence of the United States in national and international affairs was offset by the strength of a continental consciousness. In all, Nicaragua and the Politics of Utopia. Development and Culture in the Modern State is a valuable contribution to the field of Nicaraguan and Latin American studies that combines the study of lesser-known documents (the inauguration speeches of the Anastasio Somoza García and Violeta Chamorro, for example)
    [Show full text]
  • Nicaragua's Survival: Choices in a Neoliberal World Stanley G
    Old Dominion University ODU Digital Commons Graduate Program in International Studies Theses & Graduate Program in International Studies Dissertations Spring 2006 Nicaragua's Survival: Choices in a Neoliberal World Stanley G. Hash Jr. Old Dominion University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/gpis_etds Part of the Economic Theory Commons, International Relations Commons, Latin American History Commons, and the Latin American Studies Commons Recommended Citation Hash, Stanley G.. "Nicaragua's Survival: Choices in a Neoliberal World" (2006). Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), dissertation, International Studies, Old Dominion University, DOI: 10.25777/m977-a571 https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/gpis_etds/39 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Program in International Studies at ODU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Program in International Studies Theses & Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ODU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NICARAGUA’S SURVIVAL CHOICES IN A NEOLIBERAL WORLD by Stanley G Hash, Jr B.A. August 1976, University of Maryland M A P. A June 1979, University o f Oklahoma A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of Old Dominion University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY INTERNATIONAL STUDIES OLD DOMINION UNIVERSITY May 2006 Approved by: Franck_Adams (Director) Lucien Lombardo (Member) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ABSTRACT NICARAGUA’S SURVIVAL: CHOICES IN A NEOLIBERAL WORLD Stanley G Hash, Jr Old Dominion University, 2006 Director: Dr Francis Adams In January 1990 the Nicaraguan electorate chose to abandon the failing Sandinista Revolution in favor of the economic neoliberal rubric.
    [Show full text]
  • Download This PDF File
    EALR, V. 7, nº 1, p. 36-52, Jan-Jun, 2016 Economic Analysis of Law Review The Anti-Corruption Policies and Regulation: The Case of Nicaragua Anti-Corrupção Política e Regulação: O Caso da Nicarágua Yulia Krylova1 George Mason University RESUMO ABSTRACT O presente trabalho explora os fatores institucionais, This paper explores institutional, political, and socio- políticos e sócio-econômicos que têm impedido a economic factors that have prevented the effective implementação efectiva das políticas anti-corrupção implementation of the anti-corruption policies in Nica- em Nicaragua nas últimas duas décadas. Este artigo ragua over the last two decades. This paper argues that argumenta que a confluência de vários fatores criaram the confluence of numerous factors created favorable condições favoráveis para a propagação da corrupção conditions to the spread of corruption in Nicaragua, na Nicarágua, incluindo fraca execução, a falta de including weak enforcement, the lack of judicial au- judicial autonomia e independência legislativa, a im- tonomy and legislative independence, impunity of punidade de altos funcionários, a sociedade civil fraca, high-ranking officials, weak civil society, and the lack e a falta de vontade política para combater a corrup- of political will to combat corruption. The paper ob- ção. O papel objetivo é desenvolver recomendações jective is to develop practical recommendations on práticas sobre como mitigar o problema da corrupção, how to mitigate the problem of corruption, with par- com especial atenção para o papel dos principais inte- ticular attention to the role of major stakeholders in ressados neste processo - ou seja, as autoridades pú- this process – namely, public authorities, self- blicas, a auto-regulação, os meios de comunicação regulatory organizations, the media, civil society, and civil, a sociedade e as organizações governamentais nongovernmental organizations (NGOs).
    [Show full text]
  • Nicaragua: Revolution and Restoration
    THE NEW GEOPOLITICS NOVEMBER 2018 LATIN AMERICA NICARAGUA: REVOLUTION AND RESTORATION RICHARD E. FEINBERG NICARAGUA: REVOLUTION AND RESTORATION RICHARD E. FEINBERG EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Since independence, Nicaragua has suffered periodic internecine warfare, deep distrust between contending factions dominated by powerful caudillos (strongmen), and interventions by foreign powers. While the United States was frequently a party to these conflicts, local Nicaraguan actors often outmaneuvered U.S. diplomats. At the end of the Cold War, internationally supervised elections yielded an interlude of relatively liberal democracy and alternation of power (1990-2006). To the consternation of the United States, Sandinista Party leader Daniel Ortega regained the presidency in 2007, and orchestrated a successful strategy of coalition-building with the organized private sector and the Catholic Church. Supported by the international financial institutions and the Venezuelan Chavista government, Nicaragua achieved strong economic performance with moderately inclusive growth. President Ortega used those economic resources to gradually capture or suppress—one by one—many of the nation’s political institutions, eroding institutional checks and balances. Ortega’s strategy of co-opting all centers of power extended to the military and national police. The restoration of traditional caudillo politics and the fusion of family-state-party-security forces were all too reminiscent of the Somoza family dynasty (1934-1979). Frustrated by Ortega’s narrowing of democratic
    [Show full text]