DISCURSIVE LEGITIMIZATION OF RAPE-DISCOURSE IN BANGLADESHI POPULAR CINEMA

MUHAMMED SHAHRIAR HAQUE

East West University, Dhaka E-mail: [email protected]

Abstract- The legitimization of rape-discourse in Bangladeshi popular cinema is literally unexplored. Until now, has been no study on rape in Bangladeshi popular cinema from a critical discourse analysis (CDA) perspective. Rape is a social taboo, yet it is not a subject that is avoided in popular Bangladeshi cinema. There is ample literature on rape in media, but hardly any on its treatment in cinema. This paper looks at whether certain discourse-ideological practices are being employed (sub)consciously to legitimize a monolithic rape-discourse ideology in mainstream cinema in an ever-increasing consumer-cultural society.

Index terms- cinematic rape in Dhallywood, Bangladeshi popular cinema, critical discourse analysis (CDA), legitimization of rape-discourse

I. CRITICAL IMPLICATION movies tend to have a strong frame of mind, where the victims themselves take revenge by killing the Cinema, whether popular or alternative, tends to rapists (I Spit on Your Grave, 1978, 2010, 2013; The explore the treatment of rape in myriad ways, some Last House on the Left, 1972, 2009), tackling them focusing on the psychological aftermath of the (i.e. rapists) in the courtroom (The Accused, 1988), victims of this heinous act while others on the taking psychological rape-revenge (Descent, 2007). physical violence and sadistic eroticism during the act Furthermore, Hollywood does not tend to shy away itself, and a few on all such elements. There is plenty from cinematic portrayal of male-rape (Deliverance, of literature exploring rape in media [see 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 1972; Sleepers, 1996; I’ll Sleep When I’m Dead, 6, 7], while there is hardly any on its treatment in 2004), as well as incest-rape (Chinatown, 1974). Not cinema. This is one of the reasons which prompted a single Bangladeshi commercial film has dealt with Henry [8] to write Revisionist Rape-Revenge: such rape themes in its entire history. In Bangladeshi Redefining a Film Genre. Rape is a social taboo, and Bangla films, due to social stigma, people do not its implications can reflect upon how the victims are usually tend to go to court to prove their case(s); in treated and perceived in society. Cinema is a the alternative film Priyotomeshu (2009) by powerful medium; hence, when employing the Morshedul Islam, the rape victim goes to court and discourse of rape some people may not understand tries to prove the rapist guilty with the help of her the intended or apparent meaning, and therefore neighbour. In other words, Hollywood movies tend to might misread it in terms of its aberrant or unintended explore multi-dimensional themes of rape meaning. Consequently, the underlying ideology gets psychology, where the victims somewhat come to misconstrued. In an increasingly consumer-cultural terms with the physical and psychological trauma of society, it is important to explore whether certain rape, whereas in Bollywood and Dhallywood movies discourse-ideological practices are being employed usually rape is used as a motif for revenge (mono- (sub)consciously to legitimize a monolithic rape- dimensional theme of rape), taken by the protagonist discourse ideology in commercial cinema. Cinematic and not the victim herself. Though Asian cinema does rape has not been studied from a critical discourse not usually try to explore different facets of cinematic analysis (CDA) perspective in Bangladeshi. The aim rape, there are a few exceptions. The critically of this research is not to focus particularly on acclaimed Japanese film Rashomon (1950), even hardcore pornographic vulgarity or physical violence though produced almost 65 years ago, looks at the during the act of rape; rather to explore how rape- tabooed issue of rape from different perspectives and discourse is legitimized in mainstream Bangladeshi vantage points in trying to explore the various cinema. dimensions of ‘so-called truth’. The Bandit Queen (1994) cinematically depict strong portrayals of the II. CINEMATIC RAPE rape-victims. One may argue that The Bandit Queen is based on real events and therefore could not Rape, whether as main theme or sub-theme, generally deviate from the truth. However, Rashomon, a tends to be employed in popular films of the Indian fictional story, despite the fact that its protagonist was sub-continent for revenge-motive, where characters raped, was enthusiastically accepted by American other than the victims take revenge, with the critics and audiences but not so much by the Japanese exception of a few. The rape victims in Hollywood audiences in the 1950s. In Guerrilla (2011), when the

Proceedings of 2nd Research World International Conference, New York, USA, 26th December 2015, ISBN: 978-93-85832-76-5 14 Discursive Legitimization Of Rape-Discourse In Bangladeshi Popular Cinema protagonist was about to be raped, she kills herself decisions as to what is or is not suitable for viewing. rather than being violated. Thus practicing the so- BFCB makes its decisions based on four sets of rules: called ‘St. Maria Goretti Law’—death is better than The Cinematograph Act, 1918; The Censorship of rape [9]. Films Act, 1963; The Bangladesh Censorship of Films Rules 1977; The Code for Censorship of Films III. BANGLADESHI POPULAR CINEMA in Bangladesh, 1985. Mohiuddin [25] looks at rules and regulations of Films produced by mainstream film industry of censorship implemented by BFCB, where it states Bangladesh, that is, Bangladesh Film Development films that depict “actual act of sex, rape or passionate Corporation (BFDC) are popular, commercial or love scenes of immoral nature” will be considered as mainstream cinema of Bangladesh. Generally these immoral and obscene. According to The Code for films tend to be commercial in nature, and are made Censorship of Films in Bangladesh, 1985 (No. in accordance to the rules and regulations of BFDC. S.R.O.478-L/ 85), Section 4 has specific regulations Film Development Cooperation (FDC) studio started regarding ‘Immorality and Obscenity’ which strictly its journey in 1957 through the enactment of a law by controls rape scenes. the East Pakistan Assembly, under the Ministry of Information, which was run by an eight-member V. CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS board from various government and non-government organizations [see 10, 11]. Though Hiralal Sen started The discursive study of a piece of text, whether filming actuality footage during 1898-1901 in spoken, written, symbolic, visual, audio-visual, in Calcutta and Dhaka, the first Bangla film was called order to unveil opaque issue(s) that may be Mukh O Mukhosh (The Face and the Mask), which oppressive and/or exclusionary in nature, which are was directed, produced, written and acted by Abdul embedded in the social structure of a society is called Jabbar Khan [see 12, 13, 14]. After the independence critical discourse analysis or CDA for short [see 26, of Bangladesh in 1971, when this nation started 27, 28]. The primary objective of CDA is to expose reconstructing its infrastructure, the films that were such non-apparent issues to uninformed people of a produced predominantly had Muktijuddho society and make them informed of what they did not (Liberation War) related themes [see 13, 15, 16, 17, know or were ignorant about in order to make 18]. However, as the country progressed, FDC informed decisions so that they cannot be taken produced films that explored other themes based on advantage of or beguiled [see 26, 27, 28]. literature, fairy tale, social issues, folk, action, supernatural, children, history, comedy, adventure, VI. SOCIAL ATTITUDE TOWARDS RAPE fantasy, national awakening, biography, and so on VICTIMS [see 13, 15, 16, 17, 18]. Though rape was never employed as the main theme of commercial movies, Conservative attitude, collectivist mentality, strong it was employed in a number of Muktijuddho based patriarchal presence, and religious misinterpretations films, as well as action and some history based films. tend to inhibit the commercial film industry from Since FDC provides producers with logistic and exploring the different facets of rape in the Indian financial assistance, the state “automatically partners sub-continent, because rape related theme or sub- the financing and production of almost all popular theme of a film may not be socially acceptable; films and is also the main financer for FDC” [19]. particularly when the protagonist herself is the victim. Hence, whether the rape victims can live with the IV. CINEMATIC RAPE IN DHALLYWOOD abuse and/or be accepted by the family members as FILMS well as the society is also significant and needs to be explored in the cinematic portrayal of this hideous There is no empirical study in Bangladesh that crime. specifically looks at the discourse of rape in Society seems to have a polarized attitude towards the Bangladeshi commercial cinema from a critical act of rape, the victim and the rapist. Even though discourse analysis (CDA) perspective. However there feminists feel that they have the right to wear are a few studies that look at the construction of whatever they choose, sleep with whoever they women and/or their identity in war films [see 20, 21, desire, and be with as many partners as they want 22, 23], where rape is usually discussed as one of the [see 3], there is abundance of opinions from men, sub-themes of the studies. Hoek [24] looks at the women and even the legal profession/professionals to pornographic aspects of Bangladeshi action film in suggest otherwise [see 9]. The western society tends her analysis of cut-pieces. If the rape scenes are to pride itself in being a very modern society in terms sexualized and explicit, they are cut from films and of exploring sexual and/or promiscuous relationships become part of cut-piece collection. Cut-pieces are between unmarried people, gays and lesbians, and has censored portions of films that are not considered no problem with premarital sex and multiple sexual suitable for viewing by the Bangladeshi audience. partners before marriage. Despite their openness Bangladesh Film Censor Board (BFCB) makes the towards sexual orientation, they had and to a certain

Proceedings of 2nd Research World International Conference, New York, USA, 26th December 2015, ISBN: 978-93-85832-76-5 15 Discursive Legitimization Of Rape-Discourse In Bangladeshi Popular Cinema extent still have a collective consciousness towards Rape is quite prevalent in Bangladesh, whether it is rape, virtue, celibacy and abstinence. The attitude of rape by an individual or by a gang. One has to merely societies towards rape is a complex phenomenon and open the newspaper to find one or more rape reports cannot and/or should not be merely reduced to ‘men almost every day. Delhi may unofficially be vs. women’, ‘patriarchy vs. matriarchy’, ‘feminism considered as the rape city/capital of the world, but vs. patriarchy’ terms and phrases. The sentiment that they also protest such a heinous crime as a death is better than rape or the stigma of rape runs community and as a nation. Unlike India, deep and has an explicit and/or implicit connection to Bangladeshis as a nation do not seem to be so vigilant virtue, celibacy and abstinence in various societies. and do not protest against the social system that The story of Maria Goretti [see 9] in the early 20th disrespects and sexually abuses not only women and century has had tremendous influence in how teenagers, but also children as young as five-year old. society—men, women and lawmakers—perceive rape For instance, after the gang rape of the Garo girl in and virtue: May 2015, only the Garo community, a minority In 1902, Alessandro Serenelli, an Italian farmhand, group, came out to protest [see 34, 35]. Where was tried to rape his neighbor Maria Goretti. She refused the rest of Bangladesh? Certain groups in Bangladesh his attempts and he responded by stabbing her protested against the Delhi bus gang-rape that fourteen times with a knife. On her way to the occurred in 2012, but showed no reaction to the rape hospital, before she died, Goretti forgave her attacker. of a girl from a minority community. Rape is Because she died rather than allow her chastity to be occurring so rampantly in this country that it has violated by a rapist and she forgave her assailant, the become an everyday occurrence—hardly anyone Roman Catholic Church canonized St. Maria Goretti. seems to pay attention regarding how this heinous ... In 1994, when the Pennsylvania Supreme Court crime may be curbed. The reflection of rampant upheld the traditional standard that women must occurrences of rape in society seems to be a common show physical signs of resistance in order to prove a phenomenon in Bangladeshi commercial cinema. rape occurred, it was termed the "St. Maria Goretti Law" by some commentators [9]. VIII. METHODOLOGY Media has highlighted a number of rape cases in India1 [see 29, 1, 2], Turkey [see 30, 31], and other This paper adopted critical discourse analysis (CDA) places, where mass demonstrations took place in as a qualitative research approach and method [see order to apprehend the culprits and give them 28, 36, 37] to study cinematic discourse of rape from maximum punishment. In Bangladesh, there has critical dimensions. Data was gathered from 14 hardly been such a situation. Does that mean that rape Bangladeshi commercial films—Ora 11 Jon, does not take place in Bangladesh or is it such a Roktakto Bangla, Arunodoyer Agni Shakkhi, tabooed topic that people and media will shy away Sangram, Alor Michhil, Megher Anek Rong, from this sensitive issue for the fear of being Kalmilata, Megher Pore Megh, Bastir Rani Suriya, stigmatized? According to the United Nations, this Ammajan, Ms. Diana, Police Officer, Meyrao could be a reality2. There seems to be hardly any Mastan, and Guerrilla. These Bangladeshi popular social protest by the masses or feminist groups in films range from 1971-2014. To be considered Bangladesh, despite the fact that rape is a prevalent eligible for analysis, a film had to have a rape scene scenario3. A rapist may even be rewarded by being and/or have rape as main or sub-theme. allowed to marry the victim instead of being punished Alternative/art films, short-films and telefilms were for the despicable act [32]. In fact, in Bangladesh if a not considered in this study. Purposive sampling was high ranking police officer blames the victim for employed to gather the data from Bangladeshi Bangla being raped because of indecent attire [33], there is films because it enabled the researcher to not only no protest or media highlight; whereas when a choose particular films with rape, but also analyze constable in Canada made a similar remark, there was rape scenes in order to gather specific information international media highlight and global protest and from those films. demonstrations resulting in the SlutWalk Movement [see 3]. Haque’s [27] Three-dimensional Discursive Model (TDM) and Hall’s [38, 39] cultural representation VII. RAPE IN BANGLADESH were considered as the theoretical framework for looking at the discourse of rape and how it is legitimized in Bangladeshi popular cinema. TDM has 1 http://www.dailymail.co.uk/wires/afp/article- 2996677/Thousands-rally-India-nun-gang-rape-archbishop.html; three analytical phases: http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-31902013;  Stage 1: Discourse Analysis—Dissection http://www.reuters.com/article/2015/03/18/us-india-rape- and Correlation idUSKBN0ME1TU20150318 2  Stage 2: Ideological analysis—apparent and https://news.vice.com/video/bangladeshi-gang-rape 3 http://www.thedailystar.net/9-raped-in-last-3-months-none- aberrant ideologies punished-19230; http://www.thedailystar.net/woman-killed-after-  Stage 3: Societal analysis—discourse- failed-rape-bid-50248; https://news.vice.com/video/bangladeshi- ideological and consumer-oriented practices gang-rape

Proceedings of 2nd Research World International Conference, New York, USA, 26th December 2015, ISBN: 978-93-85832-76-5 16 Discursive Legitimization Of Rape-Discourse In Bangladeshi Popular Cinema During the Societal Analysis Phase (i.e. Stage 3), Hall’s [38, 39] cultural representation is incorporated to explain how the discursive representation of rape is a construct of the consumer-culture practice.

IX. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

During the third stage of Haque’s [27] TDM framework, Hall’s [38, 39] cultural representation framework is incorporated. Hall says that language is “one of the ‘media’ through which thoughts, ideas and feelings are represented in a culture” [38].

In this respect, we can comprehend that even though physical violence of rape is oppressive, what is more damaging is the language associated with the aftermath of the gruesome act as is quite apparent from many of the Bangla films. For instance, the following words and expressions are all related to rape and stigma associated with rape: opobitro (impure, unholy, unchaste), olokkhi (bad omen, sinister), noshto (ruined, rotten, spoiled, unchaste, fallen, degraded), nichu (low, inferior), joghonno (disgusting, abominable), jaroj shontan (illegitimate child, bastard), upojukto noy (unworthy, inappropriate, undeserving), choritro hina (characterless, unchaste, licentious, immoral), baishya britti (prostitution), baishya (prostitute), kulute mey (loose woman, loose character), kolongko (stigma, disgrace, scandal, shame, infamy), lanchhito [abused, (s)exploit], opoya (bad omen, ill-omened, unlucky), kolongkini bou (stained bride/wife, unchaste bride/wife).

Such language is quite prevalent and more apparent From a more complex perspective, rape can be in following films than others: Ora 11 Jon (1972), perceived in terms of what Hall [39] categorizes as Roktakto Bangla (1972), Arunodoyer Agni Shakkhi the two processes or systems of representation— (1972), Megher Anek Rong (1976), Kalmilata (1981), concepts or mental representations and language. Megher Pore Megh (2004), Bastir Rani Suriya They help to facilitate the construction of meaning (2004), Ammajan (1999), and Ms. Diana (2003). And via signs, through which meanings of spoken and the uncanny thing is that such language is a cultural written words, sounds and/or images are representation of rape where the victims are comprehended [39]. Among the sounds of rape, physically abused first by the rapists (villains, following are quite prevalent in Bangladeshi popular Pakistani soldiers, rajakars in the 14 films), and then cinema: loud heinous laughter (of Pakistani soldier or victimized again and again by society, culture, villain), “no, no, noooooooooo,” “save me, save me,” misinterpretation of religion and themselves. Such “don’t ruin me,” intense music, pathetic music, victimization never lets them forget what has sombre/grave music, shrill heart wrenching music, happened, and the synonymous words, when included crying, weeping, sobbing, screaming or screams, in everyday discourse, reinforce the stigma that was grunts of struggle, grunts of protest. When the two forced upon them by the rapists. systems of representation correspond with each other to form a connection between ‘things’, ‘concepts’ and Hall says that representation is a process that involves ‘signs’ to produce meaning in language, this is what “the use of language, of signs and images which stand Hall calls ‘representation’ in terms of culture, which for or represent things” [39]. Rape in Bangladeshi is a very complex phenomenon [39]. popular cinema is in fact not depicted explicitly. In a It is the cultural representation in films and in society simplistic way, rape in Bangladeshi commercial films that are operationalized through the discourse- is made apparent in line with Hall’s definition of ideological and consumer-oriented practices. representation, that is, initially through signs and Consequently, rape is projected from a very myopic images, as discussed earlier (e.g. Figures 1-3), and lens. A consumer-oriented society thinks, functions, then through language (e.g. see rape-expressions). and operates from a purely capitalist perspective.

Proceedings of 2nd Research World International Conference, New York, USA, 26th December 2015, ISBN: 978-93-85832-76-5 17 Discursive Legitimization Of Rape-Discourse In Bangladeshi Popular Cinema Capitalism exploits apparent and aberrant ideologies in order to make profit at the end of the day. Bangladeshi commercial films tend to serve the interest of the majority of people in order to be accepted. If the majority wants to see a certain perception of rape victim in films, they are not disappointed, as filmmakers of a consumerist society will endeavour to fulfil those desires. These are done through the cultural representations in commercial Bangla films by discursively recreating rape on the silver screen in accordance to Hall’s [38, 39] definition, that is, language (written and spoken), sounds and images, which produce meaning by connecting ‘things’, ‘concepts’ and ‘signs’. CONCLUSION

X. LEGITIMIZATION OF RAPE-DISCOURSE It is difficult to find physically vulgar seductive

scenes during rape in Bangladeshi popular cinema The legitimization of cinematic rape-discourse in because such scenes would be censored by Bangladeshi popular cinema occurs through the Bangladesh Film Censor Board (BFCB). As already realization of discursive formation of rape (see Figure mentioned above, the Code for Censorship of Films 4) in Bangladeshi popular cinema. 4 in Bangladesh, 1985 , under the ‘Immorality and

Obscenity’ clause clearly prohibits explicit sexual scenes. The hardcore rape scenes can be found in the cut pieces [see 24]. Even though rape-commerce seems to be prevalent in western films, particularly in Hollywood movies where heterosexual/homosexual rape, and incest are exploited on the silver screen, due to strict rules and regulations of BFCB as well as social and religious reservations rape cannot be explicitly exploited and/or portrayed in Bangladeshi mainstream cinema. Hence, a cinematic discourse of rape operates in Bangladeshi popular cinema within the cultural and censor-regulatory norms of our

Figure 4: Discursive formation of rape in Bangladeshi popular society, which has a deeper connotative cinema representation. It is the discursive formation, which operates through the signs of rape in the forms of The discursive formation can be realized in different image, sound and language that legitimizes this combinations. Sometimes, only an ‘image’ can be heinous and tabooed act on the silver screen in shown as in one of the opening scenes of Alor Bangladesh. Michhil (1974) where a woman is shown clutching her thick long hair with both hands (see Figure 1) to [NOTE: This paper is part of my thesis which was represent rape of individuals as well as a nation; submitted to Independent University Bangladesh in sometimes, it could be only sounds, as in one of the November 2015, as a requirement for the MSS in rape scenes in Guerrilla (2011) where we hear sounds Media and Communication degree] of a major enjoying himself and a girl crying, coming from inside of a room. Sometimes you get all the REFERENCES signs of rape, that is, ‘images’, ‘sounds’ and ‘language’ which illustrates the discursive formation [1] S. Rao, “Covering Rape in Shame Culture: Studying of rape in its entirety in Bangladeshi popular cinema, Journalism Ethics in India’s New Television News Media,” Journal of Mass Media Ethics, vol. 29, issue. 3, pp. 153–167, as in Ms. Diana (2003). 2014. The discursive formation (of rape) through the [2] R. Kaur, “Representation of Crime against Women in Print various signs (of rape)—image, sound, language— Media: A Case Study of Delhi Gang Rape,” Anthropol, vol. contributes to the explicit or implicit (re)construction 2, issue. 1. Accessed on 24.03.2015, Retrieved from: http://dx.doi.org/10.4172/2332-0915.1000115, 2013. of rape. It is through this mechanism that rape is [3] J. L. Carr, “The SlutWalk Movement: A Study in acclimatized and legitimized in Bangladeshi popular Transnational Feminist Activism,” Journal of Feminist cinema. In the (re)construction of rape, partial or full- Scholarship, issue. 4, pp. 24-38, 2013. frontal nudity is prohibited by culture and Bangladesh

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