—NEED FOR A NEW APPROACH

MALYALA S. S. KAMARAJU AND K. V. RAMANA

The problem of untouchability has been dealt with extensively by anthropologists and sociologists of various persuasions. In the past, social-structural and religio-ethical principles have been emphasised to show the stranglehold of the system on the Hindu mind. The emergence of new modes of thought on the relationship between Hindu spiritual principles, and the laws or codes of conduct, is noteworthy. In recent times, the problem of untouchability has become multi-dimensional due to the political mobilisation of the Harijans and changes in the status and power relations in the hierarchical order consequent upon the redistribution of economic resources.

Such changes in the political and economic spheres have adumbrated caste identities. Linking of economic and political incentives, to changes in social and institutional structures, tends to perpetuate the very system they seek to change. Those who advocate egalitarian Indian society should direct their energies, not merely towards economic and political transformations but also towards the religious and valuational spheres. Education of the masses on the real issues involved becomes necessary.

Dr. Malyala S. S. KamaRaju is Head of the Department of Philosophy, Maharajah's College, Vizianagaram, Andhra Pradesh.

Dr. K. V. Ramana is Professor and Head of the Department of Social Work, Andhra University, Waltair, Visakhapatnam.

Introduction

The classification of a whole section of people as untouchable has very few parallels in the stratification systems of other cultures and societies. Perhaps, the untouchable in India shares some of his social disabilities with the barber or washerman of Swat, the Hutu or Twa of Ruanda, the Burakumin of Japan and the black in South Africa and the United States of America (cf: Berreman, 1972; 385-414). While the social and economic discrimination, against the untouchable in India, has been sought to be enforced on purported religious grounds, it does not appear to be so in the case of other societies.

Anthropologists and sociologists of various persuasions, from the west and the east, have dwelt extensively on the Indian caste system. Dumont (1970) believes that the caste system is a unique feature of India, buttressed by its cultural values, and contrasts extensively its essential inegalitarian characteristics with those of the egalitarian systems of the west. According to Marriot and Inden (1977), the essential characteristic of each of the 'Jatis' is a particular substance shared by the members of these groups, which embody its 'dharma' or code of conduct. The particles or the substances are transmitted from one generation to the other through birth and marriage. The caste relationships 362 Malyala S. S. KamaRaju and K. V. Ramana are not governed by the substances derived from their respective heredities but externally. The intrinsic nature of the caste is maintained or altered according to its reception, or otherwise, of bodily substances, taking or refusing food, exchange of services with other and so on.

The Religious and Ethical Base Since the Indian caste system is seemingly based upon religious sanction, the notions of purity/pollution are taken as frames of reference for understanding the interaction between the different jatis. The Indian caste system has its origin in the Varnashramadharma, the fourfold division, viz., Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra, while the fifth category, Panchama, later known as untouchable, has been lumped together among the fourth Varna by earlier writers. Others treated this class of people as Avarnas or outside the pale of the Varna system. In the purity/ pollution syndrome, the jatis, who originate from the higher varnas, have their ritual purity in a hierarchical order. While the Brahmins stand for all purity in the hierarchical order of varnas, the panchamas or untouchables have all the pollution, and the intermediary varnas represent various shades of purity and pollution. Commensality and marriage have been strictly forbidden between the varnas, and more so, in the case of panchanams or untouchables. However, transgressions of caste regulations were rampant even during the time of Manu, the Hindu law-giver, and the offspring from 'anuloma' or 'pratiloma' marriages, based upon the ascending or descending order of castes of the fathers, were given separate caste names. The chandalas, who were considered as untouchables, were once regarded as persons belonging to the pratiloma marriage of a sudra male and brahmin female (cf: Kane, 1974:171). While the vedic literature has little or no reference to the fifth varna of un­ touchables, the concept of untouchability has been evolved in medieval and modern times. Even during the times of Chandogya upanishad, the 'Chandala' was regarded as a sudra and not as a distinct untouchable varna. "Gradually, however, a distinction was made between the sudras and castes like Chandalas. Fresh castes were then added to the list of untouchables by custom and usage and the spirit of exclusiveness, though there is no warrant of the sastras for such a procedure" (Kane, 1974).

The practice of invoking religion in support of the codes of conduct for people of this country is in vogue for a long time. A re-examination of the relationship between religion and laws or the codes of conduct, is necessary in view of the changed circumstances. In recent years, the emergence of new modes of thought on these lines is noteworthy. It is shown that the practices and codes of conduct of a religious group could be shown as separated from the spiritual principle of religion. It is being realised by several forward thinking people, within the Hindu fold, that the laws and codes of conduct governing the caste system, which had a stranglehold on the Hindu mind, are far removed from the spiritual principles of the Hindu religion.

The Elaya Perumal Committee (1969,1) decried that: Untouchability—Need for A New Approach 363

The basic principles of the Hindu religion do not form the governing part of our life and society. It is really the law or codes of rules and regulations that has been mistaken as religion. Hence, actually, the abolition of the caste system involves only a notional change and not a change of the spiritual principles of the religion. A clear realisation of this fact, on the part of the people, is the pre-condition for any steps towards social reconstruction resulting in the removal of untouchability for scheduled castes in this country.

Recent press reports indicate some degree of relenting on the part of the religious leaders who were formerly the bastions of orthodox Hinduism with its espousal of casteism (cf: Sri Sankaracharya, 1983).

Social justice denied to a large mass of people, on the basis of the caste system, has been justified by the twin doctrines of karma and rebirth. Since the ethos of the people is determined to a large extent by philosophical and religious principles, it becomes necessary to interpret them to overcome the stranglehold of the caste system. The law of karma enhanced the inequalitarian treatment of the different segments of society. The law of karma is supposed to be unchange­ able. The hypothesis, that the average Hindu bears his fate unflinchingly and accepts it as unchangeable, is derived from the western scholars' encounter with elitist Hinduism. It is necessary to ask how far the notions of karma and dharma are adhered to by the average Hindu. Dube (1965) also deplored the tendency to equate contemporary Hindu society with its conceptualization in the classical texts.

Dimensions of the Problem

The Harijan problem has several ramifications like the proverbial octopus. The unwary could be easily enmeshed in its huge tentacles. The problem has assumed several dimensions which include the political, economic, socio-structural and religious. A dimensional analysis will be needed to focus on the real issues involved. In the following paragraphs, a brief exercise is undertaken on these lines.

The Political Dimension

Due to the relentless campaign of leaders like Ambedkar, some modicum of progress has been achieved towards the political mobilization of the Harijans. However, as Singh (1979; 14-15) pointed out, the political arrival of the Harijans is paradoxical. While the political participation of Harijans at the national and state level is significant, their representation in Panchayats and Municipal Corporations is far from satisfactory. The earlier patron-client relationship, through which the rich and powerful caste Hindu leadership used to dominate the Harijan leaders of the early fifties on the national scene, has shifted its venue to rural areas. In recent times, independent political leadership among the educated Harijans has been emerging, particularly the Dalit Panthers who 364 Malyala S. S. KamaRaju and K. V. Ramana constitute the young rebels against the traditional values of Hindu society. Such a political and social mobilization is to a large extent, confined to the urban centres. Such mobilization of the Harijans has also certain repercussions, creating social tensions and the recent atrocities against Harijans bear testimony to such a mobilization. Apart from the militant organizations of Harijan youth, several political parties, including the Bharatiya Janata Party which was the bastion of Hindu society, have adopted programmes for the removal of social, political and economic disabilities of Harijans. Such programmes may, however, serve as vote-catching devices for the political parties. Again, among the politically oriented Harijan leadership, the elitist cliques of caste Hindus become operative. The elitist Harijans tend to exploit the masses. Some of them amassed wealth and power at the expense of the illiterate masses.

Economic Aspects

The economic dimension, though linked to the political, has far reaching consequences as it envisages changes in status and power relations in the hierarchical order. Structural changes in the occupations and services, and the redistribution of economic resources, are included in this dimension. Opinions are sharply divided on the rapid economic development of Harijans. Conflicts between caste Hindus and Harijans revolve around economic issues such as reservation in recruitment and promotions, allotment of surplus land to Harijans, allotment of house-sites, the provision of loans, and preference in self- employment schemes. In the economic sphere, opinions are sharply divided on the policy of positive discrimination towards Harijans and other disadvantaged groups. In the midst of the appalling poverty of a large mass of people, favouring a few with economic benefits only complicates the issues. On the issue of reservation of seats in the educational institutions and jobs in governmental establishments, a number of caste conflicts, at times violent, have taken place. Some rethinking may be necessary in this regard. In the opinion of writers like Beteille (1981; 13):

it (job reservation) has diverted attention from the masses of Harijans and Adivasis who are too poor and too lowly even to be candidates for the jobs that are reserved in their names. Job reservation can attend only to the problems of middle class Harijans and Adivasis. The overwhelming majority of Adivasis and Harijans, like the majority of the Indian people, are outside this class and will remain outside it for the next several generations.

In the reservation of jobs, the elitist groups among Harijans grab a large chunk and the illiterate masses remain as they were during the past several centuries. It is necessary to keep in mind, not only the economic disparities between the scheduled castes and the general population, but also between the various scheduled castes and among the schedule castes in a particular region (cf: Sharma, 1979:25). Untouchability—Need for A New Approach 365

Structural Constraints

Economic issues will have their repercussions on the caste-structures. In the purity/pollution scale of caste hierarchy, the scheduled castes occupy the lowest rung. Classwise also, the scheduled castes form the poorest strata of our society. Economic advantages given to the scheduled castes would not be in the best interests of the higher castes, who control the economic life of the masses. Also, the economic and political considerations shown to Harijans may keep alive the dilemma of backwardness. To quote Beteille again (1967; 109);

A Harijan must assert that he is Harijan if he is to mobilize the support necessary for his political advancement. And it is here that the demands of power and status come into conflict. Whereas the backward classes are prompted to merge their identify with the higher strata to enhance their status, considerations of power and economic advantage lead them to define their identity in opposition to the advanced sections of society. This is the dilemma of backwardness.

Such a redefinition of caste identity, based upon considerations of power and economic advantage, may accentuate caste differences rather than integrate the various castes. However, the other side of the picture also cannot be ignored. Backward class people with economic status and power are able to defy caste regulations. Singh (1977; 148) remarked:

It may follow that wherever the lower castes had moved upward in social hierarchy through acquisition of either wealth or power, there would be a tendency on their part to attempt to rise up in the caste and ritual hierarchy.

Whether the newly acquired economic and political power of the Harijans has raised their ritual status in the caste hierarchy is a moot point. Socio-economic investigators on the problems of Harijans had to face a barrage of questions from the non-Harijans regarding the relative deprivation of the economic incentives faced by them as they are given to Harijans under the positive discrimi­ nation policy. The non-Harijans also would like to claim those economic incentives like the provision of land and house-sites by the government, since they are also poor. The economic benefits, real or imaginary, accruing to the Harijans have led to tensions among different caste groups. Very often such tensions were engineered by caste Hindus whose vested interests are disturbed by governmental policies. In the rural regions, where the patron-client relation­ ships are still in currency, demand for fair wages to Harijan labourers may lead to tensions. Inadvertence on the part of government officials while allotting lands which are not unencumbered to Harijans, may lead to prolonged litigation and tension between the land owning castes and Harijans.

Dube (1955; 162) observed that : in a predominantly agricultural society, it is natural to expect that possession 366 Malyala S. S. KamaRaju and K. V. Ramana

of land and cattle would contribute greatly to an individual's social status. Birth into a family of land owners ensures that a person will grow up to be a respected member of the village community. Acquisition of land would very naturally affect the social position even of a person of humble birth, and if he does not behave tactlessly it would greatly enhance his prestige.

Srinivas (1972; 12) also made similar observations: land ownership confers not only power but prestige, so much so that individuals who have made good in any walk of life tend to invest in land. If ownership is not always an indispensable passport to high rank, it certainly facilitates upward mobility. . . .

The formation of caste associations have opened new vistas of political and economic achievements for the scheduled castes. In the process of mobilization, "caste organized activism, in other words, promotes economic and political consolidation and mobilization while serving as the primary interpretative filter by which members experience important social change." (cf: Kidder, 1974: 178). The economic achievements of scheduled castes have altered the earlier Sanskritization orientations, emulating the norms and customs of the so called higher castes. Their objectives are trained on 'interest articulation' and 'political participation (cf. Lynch, 1969). It may be pointed out that since the interest groups are formed on caste lines, a redefinition of caste identity becomes the order of the day.

"Conflicts arise between the various caste groups for ownership of [and and positions in the administration. All along, the upper castes have had vested interests in the possession of land and other traditional assets of rural economy. Since independence, their dependence upon land became less in view of their diversification of occupations mainly towards industrial and service sectors (cf: Datta, 1981; 149).

Datta (1981) observed thus: A dominant class is often supposed to cling to its vested interests as a class. This is more likely to be true when it has no options open. But, at critical points in history, there are quite often possibilities of adjustment or readjustment along alternative lines. The landed aristocracy of a feudal society may find a new position of leadership in the government in an era of capitalistic development. Advance sectors of the middle class in a capitalistic society may get merged in the managerial stratum under a socialistic regime.

Thus, as the upper castes go out of the pale of traditional occupations, based upon land, and become free from the reciprocal caste obligations, they may even advocate radical changes in the traditional social systems, fortuitously supporting the abolition or modification of caste structures.

But as things stand, such readjustments in the social structures may be delayed or stultified, in view of the antagonism of the upper castes towards the struggle Untouchability—Need for A New Approach 367 of the backward classes to wrest power and positions of the upper castes through reservation and other political devices. In defence of their position and power, the upper castes, pitted gainst backward classes, may become reactionists and stall the processes of adjustment and integration in the Indian society.

Need for New Directions

Linking of economic and political incentives to changes in the social and institutional structures have obvious disadvantages. Quite often, they perpetuate the very system they seek to change or modify. The scheduled castes and backward classes would like to cling to their caste identity for securing the economic and political benefits, while the upper castes who also form the upper classes (there are bound to be exceptions), tend to promote their castes. Transformation of the social structure through the reallocation of political and economic structures is difficult to achieve, at least in the present situation. Historically, occupations have been used as the main principle for the division of Indian society on caste lines. Only at a later period, the division of society into various castes on the basis of occupations received religious sanction. Paradoxically, changes in the occupational backgrounds of individuals have not always obliterated their caste identity. Such a situation brings to light one point. Changes in the economy and polity may not always bring about the desired transformation. Changes in religious beliefs and value systems becomes • necessary for such transformation.

Therefore, those who espouse the integration of Indian society should direct their energies not merely to the economic and political transformation but also to religious and valuational spheres. It could be an exercise in futility, if an entire mass of people are asked to give up their belief systems in toto. What is needed is a reinterpretation of the belief systems and values, and instilling in young minds a scientific and rational spirit through education.

It is also true that, sometimes, education may become dysfunctional to change: Dube (1971: 508) pointed out:

While education can project new images and help in the inculcation of new values, it can also be turned into an instrument for the perpetuation of certain traditional values that run counter to the objectives of modernisation. Education does not produce only modernisers, it produces traditionalists also.

The problems are compounded if the persons in charge of imparting knowledge to young as well as mature minds, based upon rational and empirical criteria, themselves support irrational and unscientific attitudes towards castes other than their own. A wedge between knowledge and behaviour is being driven. and the young minds are left in a vacuum for some time, to later on join the bandwagon of their elders. 368 Malyala S. S. Kama Raju and K. V. Ramana

An objective analysis of the historical processes which gave rise to the caste system in India must be undertaken. Results of such studies should not be confined to academic circles only but should be disseminated to the village level worker who could communicate the messages in simple and lucid languages of the region. While Goebbels could convince the whole of the German nation with untruths, it would not be too much to expect from our propaganda machinery to convince our people with the truth about the social injustice meted out to the scheduled castes in India through the ages and the need for rectification of past mistakes. Apart from the official channels, voluntary organizations should play a significant role in eradication of untouchability. Thus, while the problem of untouchability is multidimensional, quite often the dimensions of religious and value systems are relegated to the background by most of the advocates of change in the attitudes of the so-called upper castes towards the scheduled castes. A refocusing on the real issues involved becomes necessary. Sometimes blind pursuit of ideals, however laudable, may become counter-productive when a large segment of society is opposed to changes in their traditional values and belief systems. Such opposition may be engendered due to the ignorance of the masses, misinformation and misdirection by vested interest groups. A concerted effort from well-meaning persons, in all walks of life, will be needed to dispel prejudices and blind beliefs among the people towards the Harijans. Such a programme of action may appear a tall order. But, education and communication have altered our lives to a great extent, and we can still hope to usher in modern democratic values as a way of life for every single individual of Indian society through the above channels.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

Berreman, Gerald 'Race, Caste and Other Invidious Distinctions in ', 1972 RACE, 13.

Beteille, Andre 'The Future of Backward Class: The Competing Demands of Status 1967 and Power' in India and Ceylon: Unity and Diversity: (Ed.) Phillip Mason, Oxford University Press, London.

'The Problem' in Seminar, No. 268. December, 1981

Datta, Amlan 'Social Conflict in India Today', Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XV. No. 4. January, 26. 1981

Dube, S. C. Indian Village: Routledge and Kegan Paul Ltd.. London 1955

'Cultural Problems in the Economic Development of India', in Religion and Progress in Modern Asia: (Ed.) R. N. Bellah, The Free 1965 Press, New York.

'Modernization and Education', in Essays on Modernization of Under-developed Societies : (Ed.) A. R. Desai, Vol. II, Thacker & Co., 1971 Ltd., Bombay. Untouchability—Need for A New Approach 369

Dumont, Louis Homo Hierarchicus, Vikas Publications, Delhi. 1970 Kane, P. V. History of Dharma Sastras : Vol. II, Bhandarkar Oriental Research 1974 Institute, Pune. Kidder, Robert L. 'Litigation as a Strategy for Personal Mobility: The Case of Urban February, 1974 Caste Association Leaders' in Journal of Asian Studies: Vol. XXXIII, No. 2.

Lynch, Owen The Politics of Untouchability: and Social Change in a 1969 City of India: Columbia University Press, New York.

Marriot, McKim and 'Caste Systems' in Encyclopedia Brittannica, Vol. 3. Inden, R. B. 1977

Perumal, L. Elya Report of the Committee on Untouchability, Economic and Educational Development of the Scheduled Castes: Government of India, Department of Social Welfare, 1969, Part-I.

Sankaracharya's Appeal Against Untouchability: The Times of India: Madras, April 3 (PTI): The Sankaracharya of Kanchi Kamakoti Peetam, Sri Jayendra Saraswathi, yesterday called upon Hindus not to practice untouchability towards Harijans, since they also belonged to the Hindu religion.

The ill-treatment meted out to them, led Harijans to think of religious conversions, he said, addressing the five day Hindu religious and arts festivals, which commenced here on Wednesday. Yesterday was observed as Harijan day.

' The Sankaracharya said the differences between Harijans and other Hindus were of recent origin and it could be settled if both treated each other with respect and dignity. Religious leaders, he said, never approved any division in the religion. "By birth everybody is same and there is no need for any division" he said.

The Sankaracharya wanted Harijans to practice religious rituals vigorously to claim their rightful place in the society.

Sharma, K. L. 'Class Stratification and Atrocities', in Seminar:, No. 243. November, 1979

Singh, Mahendra Prasad 'Political Arrival', Seminar, No. 243. 1979

Singh, Yogendra 'The Changing Pattern of Social Stratification in India', in Dimensions 1977 of Social Change in India (Eds.), M. N. Srinivas, S. Seshiah and V. S. Parthasarathy, Allied Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi.

Srinivas, M. N. Social Change in Modern India : Orient Longmans, New Delhi. 1972

The Indian Journal of Social Work, Vol. XLV, No. 3, (October 1984)