DOCSLIB.ORG

Reassessing Roosevelt

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Reassessing Roosevelt Dennis J. Dunn. Caught Between Roosevelt & Stalin: America's Ambassadors to Moscow. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1998. xii + 349 pp. $29.95, cloth, ISBN 978-0-8131-2023-2. Reviewed by Laura A. Belmonte Published on H-Pol (March, 1999) For over ffty years, historians have debated former USSR have only complicated scholarly dis‐ the legacy of President Franklin D. Roosevelt. putes about FDR. While critical of Roosevelt's poli‐ While many scholars praise Roosevelt's domestic cies in Central and Eastern Europe, Edward Ben‐ policies,[1] analyses of FDR's foreign policies are nett praises FDR for defeating fascism and laying less laudatory. As early as 1947, journalists and the groundwork for an enduring postwar peace. former FDR advisors assailed Roosevelt's naivety Remi Nadeau and Amos Perlmutter, however, use in failing to counter Soviet expansionism.[2] similar Soviet sources to blast Roosevelt for sub‐ Through the late 1960s, Cold War political reali‐ mitting to the ruthless Stalin and consigning mil‐ ties compelled even defenders of FDR's wartime lions to decades of repression.[6] diplomacy to criticize his dealings with Soviet pre‐ Dennis J. Dunn's Caught Between Roosevelt mier Josef Stalin.[3] In the past twenty years, and Stalin: America's Ambassadors to Moscow more nuanced interpretations of Roosevelt's polit‐ continues this assault on Roosevelt's diplomacy. ical principles and foreign policies have ap‐ Dunn, a professor of history at Southwest Texas peared. While still critical of Roosevelt's accom‐ State University, has drawn upon Soviet, British, modation of the Soviets, these works stress the and American sources to produce a well-written enormous domestic and international constraints account of Roosevelt's policies toward the Soviet impeding FDR's diplomatic and strategic initia‐ Union and his relationships with U.S. diplomatic tives.[4] envoys in Moscow.[7] While Dunn's treatments of Despite this abundant literature, no consen‐ Eastern European politics, wartime conferences, sus on Roosevelt's foreign policy has emerged. In and American diplomats are thoughtful and per‐ the late 1980s, Frederick Marks and Robert Nisbet suasive, his analysis of FDR is often unfair. Care‐ released scathing critiques of Roosevelt's charac‐ less use of secondary literature, unsupported ter and attempts to cooperation with the Soviet claims, and omissions of newer approaches to for‐ Union.[5] Recently-released documents from the eign policy also weaken Dunn's argument. H-Net Reviews Throughout the text, Dunn views Roosevelt's poli‐ other Americans who visited Stalinist Russia (p. cies through the prism of the Cold War rather xiii). One gains no sense of how U.S. journalists, than assessing them within their own historical workers, businesspeople, or tourists viewed the context. USSR. Did the impressions of these individuals dif‐ The book is organized into fve parts. Each fer from those of the American diplomatic core? section examines the relationship between Roo‐ Did their opinions affect U.S. foreign policy? Dunn sevelt and an American ambassador to Moscow: leaves such questions unanswered.[9] William Bullitt (1933-36); Joseph E. Davies Dunn frames his analysis with a clash be‐ (1936-38); Laurence A. Steinhardt (1939-41); tween "Rooseveltians" and "Traditionalists." Roo‐ William C. Standley (1942-43); and W. Averell Har‐ seveltians accepted Wilsonian tenets of democra‐ riman (1943-1946). Dunn also includes material cy, human rights, self-determination, and collec‐ on chief diplomatic advisors including George F. tive security, but they "added a revolutionary and Kennan, Loy Henderson, Charles Bohlen, and paradoxical twist to Wilsonianism when dealing Philip Faymonville. In the preface, Dunn briefly with the Soviet Union." Adopting the "pseudopro‐ surveys the historiography on FDR's foreign poli‐ found theory of convergence," Rooseveltians cy. He disputes notions that Roosevelt's deteriorat‐ claimed that the Soviet Union "was moving in‐ ing health prompted him to appease Stalin. He eluctably toward democracy" (pp. 3-4). The author challenges those who argue that the imperative of alleges that "moral relativism" prompted Roo‐ defeating Nazi Germany overshadowed America's sevelt to mislead the American public and ignore wartime relationship with the USSR. Dismissing his foreign policy advisors in order to prove that the idea that Roosevelt was merely naive, Dunn Stalin was an evolving democrat, not "a genocidal asserts that FDR actively and consciously courted megalomaniac guided by the higher power of rev‐ the "evil" Stalin (pp. ix-x). olutionary inevitability ..." (p. 4, 6). Dunn accords special significance to the U.S. In contrast, "Traditionalists" rejected the theo‐ Embassy in Moscow. Ambassadors in this post, ry of convergence. Although they shared Roo‐ Dunn claims, did far more than their colleagues sevelt's hope of improved U.S.-Soviet relations, elsewhere. Their "stature and independence of they viewed Stalin as "a murderer, a liar, and a vi‐ mind allowed them to go beyond policy execution cious opponent of the United States and of plural‐ and political reporting to actually affect [sic] poli‐ ism generally." Imbued with "absolute morality," cy ..." (p. xi). The implication is that other ambas‐ Traditionalists wanted Roosevelt to compel the So‐ sadors achieved little--an assertion belied by the viets to adopt democracy and "the minimum stan‐ experiences of Josephus Daniels and Sumner dards of moral behavior that were outlined in the Welles, among others. FDR's ambassadors to Mex‐ world's principal religions and moral codes." ico and Cuba respectively, both Daniels and These pleas, however, went unheeded as Roo‐ Welles instituted substantial changes in their pre‐ sevelt remained intent on pursuing "his policy of decessors' policies. uncritical friendship toward Stalin" (pp. 8-9). By focusing mainly on ambassadors, Dunn Such Manichean constructs demonstrate the obscures the importance of other participants in lack of subtlety marring Dunn's narrative. The foreign relations. He does not examine the role of book's overriding theme is that Roosevelt was im‐ mid-level bureaucrats in the implementation of moral --a rather disturbing and inaccurate allega‐ foreign policy.[8] In addition to distorting the rela‐ tion that does not square with many of FDR's do‐ tive importance of U.S. high-level diplomats in mestic policies. Because Dunn does not address Moscow, Dunn also excludes the perspectives of Roosevelt's attempts to alleviate the Great Depres‐ 2 H-Net Reviews sion, one gains little sense of the esteem in which an imminent Soviet democracy. In 1934, Bullitt large sectors of the U.S. population held FDR. and his new staff hoped to resolve quickly con‐ Americans who placed their portraits of Roosevelt flicts over debts, housing for diplomats, money ex‐ alongside pictures of Christ will not recognize the changes, and restrictions on air travel. But the So‐ Roosevelt portrayed here. viets rudely dismissed Bullitt's overtures. Dumb‐ Dunn is on more solid ground when tracing founded, Bullitt searched for explanations and f‐ the events in U.S.-Soviet relations. After briefly de‐ nally blamed Commissar of Foreign Affairs Max‐ scribing the aftermath of World War I and the on‐ im Litvinov. Dunn writes, "Bullitt suspected that set of the Great Depression, Dunn explores Roo‐ Litvinov's Jewishness made him obstinate. He sevelt's decision to pursue diplomatic recognition similarly viewed the head of press relations for of the USSR. In 1933, an exploratory committee the Soviet Foreign Ministry, Constantine Ouman‐ recommended that America recognize the Soviet sky, who was also Jewish and who eventually took Union only if the Soviets frst agreed to a number Alexander Troyanovsky's place as Soviet ambas‐ of conditions including compensation for default‐ sador in Washington in 1939" (p. 43). ed loans and expropriated property, cessation of Lest one get the impression that only Ameri‐ communist propaganda activities in the United cans voiced anti-Semitic complaints, Dunn later States, and guaranteed civil and religious rights includes a Soviet evaluation of U.S. Ambassador for Americans residing in the USSR. Significantly, Laurence Steinhardt as "a wealthy, bourgeoisie the committee did not comment upon the Ukrani‐ Jew ... permeated with the foul smell of Zionism" an purges. But Roosevelt, hoping to foster eco‐ (p. 107). Racism also factored into U.S.-Soviet rela‐ nomic opportunities and to stymie Japanese ag‐ tions. Remarking upon the "Oriental" racial make‐ gression, did not insist that the Soviets comply up of the Soviet authorities, Steinhardt wrote, with the committee's recommendations prior to "They are utterly indifferent to outside opinion recognition. On November 16, 1933, Roosevelt es‐ and do not follow the lines of reasoning of the tablished relations with the Soviet Union. He left west. Their standards of ethics are diametrically resolution of outstanding Soviet-American con‐ the opposite of those which prevail in occidental flicts to his new Moscow-based diplomats (pp. countries. As a result it is impossible to deal with 1-37). them as one would deal with westerners (p. 106). Dunn asserts that Roosevelt was entranced by Amazingly, Dunn does not analyze these Stalin and consistently overlooked the Soviets' ab‐ provocative statements. Throughout the text, he horrent human rights violations. But even Dunn's consistently fails to assess how cultural assump‐ "moral" Traditionalists engaged in this myopia. tions and distortions affected American-Soviet re‐ The author does not explore the fact that the com‐ lations. One is left wondering how factors of race, mittee overlooking the Ukranian purges included gender, religion, and culture influenced U.S. per‐ Robert Kelley, the head of the State Department's ceptions of the Soviets. Dunn also could have ex‐ East European Division. The notoriously anti-Sovi‐ amined the provincialism imbued in the ambas‐ et Kelley trained most of the "Traditionalist" Sovi‐ sadors' assumption that they could recreate their et specialists for whom Dunn evinces such admi‐ comfortable American lifestyles in the USSR.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • University of Oklahoma Libraries Western History Collections Ralph
    University of Oklahoma Libraries Western History Collections Ralph H. Records Collection Records, Ralph Hayden. Papers, 1871–1968. 2 feet. Professor. Magazine and journal articles (1946–1968) regarding historiography, along with a typewritten manuscript (1871–1899) by L. S. Records, entitled “The Recollections of a Cowboy of the Seventies and Eighties,” regarding the lives of cowboys and ranchers in frontier-era Kansas and in the Cherokee Strip of Oklahoma Territory, including a detailed account of Records’s participation in the land run of 1893. ___________________ Box 1 Folder 1: Beyond The American Revolutionary War, articles and excerpts from the following: Wilbur C. Abbott, Charles Francis Adams, Randolph Greenfields Adams, Charles M. Andrews, T. Jefferson Coolidge, Jr., Thomas Anburey, Clarence Walroth Alvord, C.E. Ayres, Robert E. Brown, Fred C. Bruhns, Charles A. Beard and Mary R. Beard, Benjamin Franklin, Carl Lotus Belcher, Henry Belcher, Adolph B. Benson, S.L. Blake, Charles Knowles Bolton, Catherine Drinker Bowen, Julian P. Boyd, Carl and Jessica Bridenbaugh, Sanborn C. Brown, William Hand Browne, Jane Bryce, Edmund C. Burnett, Alice M. Baldwin, Viola F. Barnes, Jacques Barzun, Carl Lotus Becker, Ruth Benedict, Charles Borgeaud, Crane Brinton, Roger Butterfield, Edwin L. Bynner, Carl Bridenbaugh Folder 2: Douglas Campbell, A.F. Pollard, G.G. Coulton, Clarence Edwin Carter, Harry J. Armen and Rexford G. Tugwell, Edward S. Corwin, R. Coupland, Earl of Cromer, Harr Alonzo Cushing, Marquis De Shastelluz, Zechariah Chafee, Jr. Mellen Chamberlain, Dora Mae Clark, Felix S. Cohen, Verner W. Crane, Thomas Carlyle, Thomas Cromwell, Arthur yon Cross, Nellis M. Crouso, Russell Davenport Wallace Evan Daview, Katherine B.
    [Show full text]
  • Bibliography
    Bibliography [I] Dean Acheson, Present at the Creation: nry Years in the State Department (New York, 1969). An elegantly written account by Truman's last Secretary of State, who was the chief architect of containment. [2] G.M. Alexander, The Prelude to the Truman Doctrine: British Policy in Greece 1944-1947 (Oxford, 1982). The Truman Doctrine was the first overt expression ofAmerican support for Western security. This book examines the background of Britain's intervention in the Greek civil war. [3] Richard A. Asiano, American Defense Policy from Eisenhower to Kennedy: the Politics of Changing Military Requirements (Ohio, 1975). A comprehensive account ofthe vicissitudes ofAmerican defence policy from Sputnik to the presidential election of John F. Kennedy. [4] Gar Alperovitz, Atomic Diplomacy: Hiroshima and Potsdam (New York, 1965). A 'New Left' historian who believes that the atomic bomb was intended as much to blackmail the Soviet Union into making concessions as to serve as an instrument to defeat Japan. [5] Stephen E. Ambrose, Rise to Globalism: American Foreign Policy 193~1970 (Baltimore, 1970). A useful textbook by one of the leading historians of the Cold War. [6] Stephen E. Ambrose, Eisenhower: the President 1952-1969, vol. II (London, 1984). An account ofEisenhower's internal and foreign policy based on his letters and papers. This is a sympathetic approach to the President's achievements. [7] Stephen E. Ambrose, Nixon: 1913-1962 (New York, 1982). The first volume of a biography of Richard M. Nixon dealing with his earlier years as US Senator and Vice-President of the USA. It tries hard to be objective and to show that Nixon was not as black as he was painted by his contemporaries.
    [Show full text]
  • Title Items-In-American Association for the United Nations, 11 November 1963
    UN Secretariat Item Scan - Barcode - Record Title Page Date 15/05/2006 Time 10:05:32 AM S-0885-0001-08-00001 Expanded Number S-0885-0001 -08-00001 Title items-in-American Association for the United Nations, 11 November 1963 Date Created 11/11/1963 Record Type Archival Item Container S-0885-0001: Operational Files of the Secretary-General: U Thant: Speeches, Messages, Statements, and Addresses - not issued as press releases Print Name of Person Submit Image Signature of Person Submit CR.13 (4-59) ROUTING SLIP Comments for the record should not be written on this slip. REFERRAL SHEET PT.108 should be used instead. TO: : APPROVAL >*? VOUR INFORMATION MAY WE CONFER? AS REQUESTED YOUR SIGNATURE FOR ACTION NOTE AND FILE REPLY FOR MY SIGNATURE NOTE AND RETURN PREPARE DRAFT YOUR COMMENTS ATTACH RELATED PAPERS CHINESE NEWS SERVICE An 1270 Sixth Avenue ft ^formation Agency Telephone: Circle 6-5240 New York 20, N. Y. of the Republic of China Cable Address: SINONEWS This material is fried with the Department of Justice, where the required registration statement of Chinese News Service under 56 Stat. 248-258 as an agency of the Government of the Republic of China is available for inspection. Registration does not indicate approval or disapproval of this material by the United States Government. p 01 a A FOR IM-ffiDIATE_RELEASE November 15, 1963 Taipei (Chinese News Service) — Commenting on U.N. Secretary-General U Thant's recent remarks on the Chinese Communists, Patrick Pichi Sun, spokesman of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of China,
    [Show full text]
  • America's Decision to Drop the Atomic Bomb on Japan Joseph H
    Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Master's Theses Graduate School 2007 America's decision to drop the atomic bomb on Japan Joseph H. Paulin Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Recommended Citation Paulin, Joseph H., "America's decision to drop the atomic bomb on Japan" (2007). LSU Master's Theses. 3079. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses/3079 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Master's Theses by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. AMERICA’S DECISION TO DROP THE ATOMIC BOMB ON JAPAN A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College In partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Arts in The Inter-Departmental Program in Liberal Arts By Joseph H. Paulin B.A., Kent State University, 1994 May 2007 TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT……………………………………………………...………………...…….iii CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION……………………………………...………………….1 CHAPTER 2. JAPANESE RESISTANCE………………………………..…………...…5 CHAPTER 3. AMERICA’S OPTIONS IN DEFEATING THE JAPANESE EMPIRE...18 CHAPTER 4. THE DEBATE……………………………………………………………38 CHAPTER 5. THE DECISION………………………………………………………….49 CHAPTER 6. CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………..64 REFERENCES.………………………………………………………………………….68 VITA……………………………………………………………………………………..70 ii ABSTRACT During the time President Truman authorized the use of the atomic bomb against Japan, the United States was preparing to invade the Japanese homeland. The brutality and the suicidal defenses of the Japanese military had shown American planners that there was plenty of fight left in a supposedly defeated enemy.
    [Show full text]
  • Before the Plaza: the Exchange Rate Stabilization Attempts of 1925, 1933, 1936 and 1971
    Working Paper Before the Plaza: The Exchange Rate Stabilization Attempts of 1925, 1933, 1936 and 1971 Barry Eichengreen, Ph.D. George C. Pardee and Helen N. Pardee Professor of Economics and Political Science, University of California, Berkeley © 2015 by the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy of Rice University This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy. Wherever feasible, papers are reviewed by outside experts before they are released. However, the research and views expressed in this paper are those of the individual researcher(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy. This paper is a work in progress and has not been submitted for editorial review. 1. Introduction The Plaza Accord is controversial.1 One the one hand it is hailed as “perhaps the high- water mark of international economic co-operation over the past 40 years” (in the words of Beattie 2010). On the other it is impugned as having had little effect on currency values, as heightening instability rather than reducing it (by causing the dollar to overshoot in the opposite direction), and even as having been indirectly responsible for the Japanese crisis and lost decade (as recounted if not exactly endorsed in IMF 2011). Exchange rate stabilization negotiations and agreements are always controversial. They are economically complex and politically fraught, since rhetoric is easy to offer while commitments are difficult to keep. They tap into deep-seated beliefs about whether markets produce desirable equilibria and, if not, whether intervention can improve observed outcomes.
    [Show full text]
  • 301 MAKALE 01 Kilinc.Qxd
    Keeping the Door Open at Lausanne Conference: The U.S. Open Door Policy in the Near East during 1920’s Aykut K›l›nç University of New Hampshire ÖZET Birinci Dünya Savafl›’ ndan sonra Amerika Birleflik Devletleri Ortado¤u’da Aç›k Kap› politikas› uygulad›. Türk kurtulufl mücadelesi veren liderler de bu politikan›n beklenmedik savunucusu oldular. 1922 ve 1923 y›llar›nda Lozan Konferans› sürerken Ankara Hükûmeti Amerika’l› Chester grubuna Mu- sul ve cevresindeki yeralt› kaynaklar›n› doksan-dokuz y›l kullanma imtiyaz›n› verdi. Bu sayede Anka- ra Hükûmeti Musul üzerinde egemenlik hakk› kurma amac›n› güttü. Buna karfl›l›k olarak da Amerikan Hükûmeti oluflmakta olan yeni Türkiye’nin tam ba¤›ms›zl›k talebini Lozan Konferans›’ nda destekle- di. Yeni Türk hükümeti Amerika’n›n Ac›k Kap› politikas›n› Avrupa emperyalizminden daha hazmedi- lebilir buldu. Bu yüzden Amerika’n›n Ortado¤u Aç›k Kap› politikas› bölgede zor kullanarak de¤il, tam tersine Avrupa emperyalizminden çekinen Ankara Hükûmeti’nin iste¤i ve deste¤iyle uyguland›. Anka- ra Hükûmeti tam siyasal ba¤›ms›zl›k kazanmak u¤runa Amerika’ya ekonomik imtiyaz vermeye gönül- lüydü. ANAHTAR KEL‹MELER Lozan Konferans›, Amerika Birleflik Devletleri, Chester ‹mtiyaz›, Ortado¤u, Aç›k Kap› politikas›, Musul ABSTRACT The United States vigorously promoted an Open Door policy in the Near East in the aftermath of World War I. The Turkish nationalists who were fighting for independence became an unlikely ally of this policy. During the Lausanne Conference in 1922 and 1923 the nationalist government in Ankara granted the Chester concessions which permitted the United States to exploit the mineral resources in and around Mosul.
    [Show full text]
  • Fearey, Robert A
    The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project ROBERT A. FEAREY Interviewed by: Self Initial interview date: 1991 Copyright 1998 ADST TABLE OF CONTENTS Background Born and raised in New York Harvard University Entered the Foreign Service in 1942 Tokyo, Japan; Private Secretary to US Ambassador 1941-1942 Ambassador Joseph C. Grew Embassy Staff Environment Duties Proposal for Roosevelt-Konoye Talks 1941 Japan-China issue Problem of venue Washington does not approve meeting proposal US demands to Japan re China US embargo and economic pressure Japan attacks Pearl Harbor 12/9/1941 Japanese “War Declaration” Note Contents describing relationship and obligations Burning of codes and papers Embassy operations during internment 1941-1942 Food and supplies rationing Local employees Sports Environment Doolittle raid Grew’s report of Konoyo talks proposal 1942 Japan’s obligations and commitments 1 US and Allies commitments Future of Manchuria Departure aboard the Asama Maru and Gripsholm 1942 Voyage to New York Welcome home 1942 Grew’s meeting with Secretary of State Hull 1942 Hull’s reaction to Grew’s Konoyo Talks Report Search for “lost” Talks Report 1970s/1980s Grew’s “Pearl Harbor: From the Perspective of Ten Years 1952 Turbulent Era – Volume II The Road to Pearl Harbor , by Herbert Feis Fearey’s conclusions re Konoye’s proposed meeting with Roosevelt US should have agreed to the meeting It could have produced agreement Grew’s views Prince Fumimaro Konoye’s views Possible Roosevelt views re inevitability of war with Germany Tokyo; Special Assistant to Political Advisor to General MacArthur 1945 Report: “Trial and Punishment of Japanese War Criminals” Arrest of Japanese designated “war criminals” Arrest and suicide of Konoye Konoye’s final message Addendum; Letter from Ambassador Joseph C.
    [Show full text]
  • Berlin and the Cold War
    BERLIN AND THE COLD WAR BEACH, EDWARD L. AND EVAN P. AURAND: Records, 1953-61 Series I: Presidential Trips Box 2 President Eisenhower’s Trip to United Kingdom, Aug 27-Sept 7, 1959 [Topics of discussion between Eisenhower and DeGaulle; meeting between President Eisenhower and Chancellor Adenauer] BENEDICT, STEPHEN: Papers, 1952-1960 Box 2 9-22-52 Evansville, Indiana [Berlin airlift] Box 10 Teletype Messages, September-October 1952 [Germany and Berlin] BULL, HAROLD R.: Papers, 1943-68 Box 2 Correspondence (1) (2) [John Toland re The Last 100 Days] BURNS, ARTHUR F. Papers, 1928-1969 Box 90 Germany, 1965--(State Department Correspondence) COMBINED CHIEFS OF STAFF: Conference Proceedings, 1941-1945 Box 3 Argonaut Conference, January-February 1945, Papers and Minutes of meetings Box 3 Terminal Conference, July 1945: Papers and Minutes of Meetings DULLES, ELEANOR L.: Papers, 1880-1984 Box 12 Germany and Berlin, 1950-53 Box 12 Germany and Berlin, 1954-56 Box 13 Germany and Berlin, 1957-59 Box 13 Briefing Book on Germany (1)–(4) – 1946-57 Box 13 Congress Hall, Berlin, 1957 (1) (2) Box 13 Congress Hall Scrapbook, Sept. 1957 (1) (2) Box 13 Congress Hall Booklets, 1957-58 Box 13 Congress Hall Clippings, 1955-58 Box 13 Berlin Medical Teaching Center, 1959 Box 14 Berlin Medical Center Dedication, 1968 Box 14 Reports on Berlin, 1970-73 Box 14 Notes re Berlin, 1972 Box 19 ELD Correspondence, 1971 (1) (2) Berlin Box 19 ELD Correspondence, 1972 (1) (2) Berlin Box 20 ELD Correspondence, 1973 (1) (2) –Berlin Box 20 ELD Correspondence, 1974 (1) (2) – Willy
    [Show full text]
  • There Is No Doubt That Cold War Considers As an Important Incident
    IOSR Journal of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 26, Issue 3, Series 5 (March. 2021) 14-18 e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845. www.iosrjournals.org The Origin of the Cold War: A Historiography Supad Kumar Ghose1 and Anjan Kumar Nath2 1. Assistant Professor, Department of Bangladesh and Liberation War Studies (BLWS), Noakhali Science and Technology University (NSTU), Noakhali-3814, Bangladesh. 2. Lecturer, Department of Bangladesh and Liberation War Studies (BLWS), Noakhali Science and Technology University (NSTU), Noakhali-3814, Bangladesh. Abstract This modest paper argues that the Cold War not only determined the contours of international relations between 1945 and 1991 but also shaped our lives in a variety of ways. The Cold War which is generally regarded as a power rivalry short of direct military confrontation between the two superpowers, the United States of America (USA) and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in the post-World War II period in world politics, was also a geopolitical, political, economic, ideological and cultural competition between them. Divided into three schools of thought such as the Orthodox or Traditional School, the Revisionist School and the Post- Revisionist or Realist School, historians are still involved in a never-ending debate about the origin of the Cold War. The Traditional School lays the blame for the origin of the Cold War on the USSR and its leader, Joseph Stalin. On the other hand, the Revisionist School blames both the USA and the USSR for the origin of the Cold War but this school blames the USA more significantly in this regard since the USA, a capitalist- imperial power, wanted a global market for its post-World War II industries.
    [Show full text]
  • Perspectives in American History
    Perspectives in American History VOLUME II · 1968 PUBLISHED BY THE Charles Warren Center for Studies ·in A1nerican History HARVARD UNIVERSITY Perspectives in A111erica11 History, an annual review published by the Charles Warren Center for Studies in American History and edited by Donald Fleming and Bernard Bailyn, is devoted to Am.erican history from. the age of discoveries to the present. Each issue is a substantial volume-consisting either of a small number of monographs or of a group of essays on a unified them.e. When space permits, review essays are included on important publications in the field of American history. American history is defmed broadly to include the history of litera­ ture, science, philosophy, the arts, economics, and demography as well as the n1orc usual subjects. Particular ini.portancc is attached to the com­ parative history of Europe and America and to the contacts between America and the rest of the world. Throughout, the effort is made to open new areas of American his­ tory to investigation, to suggest new viewpoints and new approaches, and to pose new questions. Perspectives IS SOLD ONLY IN ADVANCE OF PUBLICATION. Checks, payable to Harvard University, must accompany subscriptions. They should be mailed to the Charles Warren Center for Studies in American History, 53 Church Street, Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138. The price of individual issues is $5.00. Five-year subscriptions are $22.00. Perspectives in American History VOLUME II · 1968 THE INTELLECTUAL MIGRATION: EUROPE AND AMERICA, 1930-19 60 The second issue of Perspectives in American History will contain a collec­ tion of essays and memoirs dealing with the effect on American intellec­ tual and cultural life of the migration to America ofleading European intellectuals, scholars, and artists during the Hitler years.
    [Show full text]
  • Dde Diary Series
    EISENHOWER, DWIGHT D.: Papers as President DDE DIARY SERIES SCOPE AND CONTENT NOTE The Dwight D. Eisenhower Diaries series consists of an estimated 28,800 pages and is arranged chronologically by month and year. This is a rich and varied body of manuscripts which contains several categories of material. These are described as follows: An estimated 5,200 pages consist of diary entries and dictated correspondence. This material is filed in folders entitled “DDE Diary,” “Personal Diary,” or “DDE Dictation.” Found here are not only diary entries but also copies of letters from the President to government and political associates, and to personal friends. Periodically the President dictated notes for his diary and on other occasions his personal secretary, Mrs. Ann Whitman, recorded appointments and summarized events. The diary was not systematically maintained, however. The bulk of the actual diary entries falls into the years 1953-56. These so-called diary folders were also used as a convenient file for copies of letters dictated by the President. During the later years of the Administration this dictated correspondence was filed in folders labeled “DDE Dictation.” Most issues of concern to President Eisenhower are covered in his diary and letters. These reveal much about the President’s political philosophy in general, as well as his private views on more specific issues such as McCarthyism, the Bricker Amendment, or civil rights. Another prominent category consists of approximately 3,000 pages of memos of telephone conversations. Most of the more detailed conversations are dated prior to 1959. Much, although not all, of the material after that date consists merely of telephone logs or brief entries regarding phone calls.
    [Show full text]
  • THE BERLIN CRISIS of 1961 the Origins and Management of a Crisis
    THE BERLIN CRISIS OF 1961 The Origins and Management of a Crisis David G. Coleman Submitted as partial requirement for the degree of B.A. Honours, The University of Queensland 1995 I declare that this thesis is my own work and has not been submitted ui any form for another degree or diploma at any university or other institute of tertiary education. Information derived from the published or unpubhshed work of others has been acknowledged and a Hst of references is given. David G. Coleman October 1995 A cknowledgement I would like to thank Dr. Joseph M. Siracusa for assistance in the preparation of this thesis. His guidance and insights into United States foreign policy have been greatly appreciated. Contents CONTENTS Preface 1 Chapter One The Partition of Germany Chapter Two Eisenhower and Berlin 23 Chapter Three The Crisis of 1961: January - July 40 Chapter Four The Crisis of 1961: Resolution 54 Conclusion 69 Bibliography 74 Maps Partition of Germany 16 The Berlin Wall 57 Preface PREFACE In December 1961, former President Dwight D. Eisenhower reflected that "Berlin is not so much a beleaguered city or threatened city as it is a symbol - for the West, of principle, of good faith, of determination; for the Soviets, a thorn in their flesh, a wound to their pride, an impediment to their designs."' He had played an integral part in the development of the German situation, firstly as Supreme Commander of the AlHed Forces in Europe, and later as President of the United States. During this period Beriin was one issue around which many others were gathered.
    [Show full text]