Pacific Islands Autobiography: Personal History and Diplomacy in the

Clive Moore

URING 2007 AND 2008, I edited the autobiography of Sir Peter D Kenilorea, Solomon Islands’ first prime minister and leading statesman. His final public position was as Speaker of the National Parliament for ten years, 2000-2010.1 The book was produced to co- incide with the thirtieth anniversary of Independence on 7 July 1978. Autobiography is a relatively new literary form in the Pacific Islands, but in other ways what the islands have produced is typical of the genre internationally. Most Pacific autobiographies have been written by male political or Christian leaders, and proceed chronologically. There are two differences between Pacific biographies and those pro- duced elsewhere. The first relates to the role of editors: most Pacific autobiographies have been heavily edited, usually by male non- Pacific Islander academics. These collaborations make Pacific auto- biography different. These area specialists see it as their duty to assist the autobiographers—prominent citizens of newly independent Pa-

Clive Moore, “Pacific Islands Autobiography: Personal History and Diplo- macy in the Solomon Islands,’” Journal of Historical Biography 10 (Au- tumn 2011): 1-33, www.ufv.ca/jhb. © Journal of Historical Biography 2011. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons 3.0 License

2 JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL BIOGRAPHY cific nations—to get their messages across to the widest possible public, particularly other Pacific Islanders. The two most influential Pacific historians and political scien- tists have been Jim Davidson and Ron Crocombe. Jim Davidson, the first Professor of Pacific History at Australian National University, made a point of developing island-centred, rather than empire- centred, Pacific history. Ron Crocombe was Director of the Institute of Pacific Studies at the University of the South Pacific, a multi- campus, multi-nation university centred at Suva, Fiji. Crocombe pub- lished histories of all Pacific nations, and encouraged autobiography as well. Pacific historians have accepted and expanded this David- son-Crocombe approach over the last fifty years, an essential part of which has been to assist Pacific Islanders in writing histories. The Kenilorea autobiography is part of this tradition. Reviewers have ap- preciated Tell It As It Is as an important piece of Pacific autobio- graphical writing and history.2 However, none have dealt with the editing process which accompanied the final product, nor have they understood the complexities of dealing with a significant leader, without doubt the most important statesman of the nation. The litera- ture on contemporary autobiographical writing does not dwell on the role of editors, which has been so crucial in the Pacific. This article uses the autobiography of Sir to dissect the editing process and throw light on autobiography as a way of knowing Pa- cific history. The second distinctive aspect of autobiography in the Pacific islands relates to the many Pacific cultures and the relationship within them of cultural forms. While no one would argue that Pacific cultures have remained unchanged since first contact with the outside world, most Islanders today positively avow at least some aspects of indigenous culture in fluid negotiation with Christianity, capitalist economics, or parliamentary politics. In the Solomon Islands, where literacy levels are still low, dance, songs, and oral history remain strong cultural forms. Personal mana (an impersonal force or quality) also remains strong. Kenilorea’s mana as the first prime minister, a long-serving public servant and statesman, places him high in the na-

PACIFIC ISLANDS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 3 tional esteem. Tell It As It Is will be regarded locally as history, not just as autobiography.

The Kenilorea autobiography is not unique, but it is rare. No other indigenous Pacific head of government has ever written such a sub- stantial autobiography, although several inaugural prime ministers have published biographic works.3 Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, prime minister of Fiji (1970–1992) and president of the Republic of Fiji (1993–2000) published a memoir in 1997, which was “ghosted” un- acknowledged by Sir Robert Saunders.4 Sitiveni Rabuka, Fijian coup leader and prime minister (1987–1999) told his story to Eddie Dean and Stan Ritova.5 At the time of Papua New Guinea’s independence, Sir Michael Somare, who was prime minister during 1975-1980, 1982-1985, and 2007-2011, wrote an autobiography of his early years.6 Walter Lini, Vanuatu’s founding prime minister, also wrote an early biography.7 Two Papua New Guinea governors-general, Sir Ignatius Kilage and Sir Paulius Matane, have published autobiogra- phies, and others heads of governments have published speeches and other writings.8 The closest equivalent to Sir Peter’s book is probably a memoir by Sir Tom Davis, prime minister of the Cook Islands be- tween 1978 and 1987 (with a break of a few months in 1983), and later high commissioner to New Zealand.9 Several other Pacific poli- ticians have published their speeches, journalism, and other writ- ings.10 Sir Peter Kenilorea’s autobiography also sits within the small number of biographies and autobiographies written by and about Solomon Islanders. Many Solomon Islands politicians and leaders have talked about writing autobiographies, but few have actually done so. Three biographies have been written, two by missionary George Carter, one a booklet on Ranongga Island missionary David Voeta, and another more substantial one on Reverend Belshazzar

4 JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL BIOGRAPHY

Gina. Guadalcanal academic Tarcisius Tara Kabutaulaka wrote a fine book on his grandfather Dominiko Alebua.11 Sir Frederick Osifelo appears to be the only one who has written an autobiography un- aided; or at least there is no acknowledgement of an editor. All other autobiographies have been written with the assistance of academic editors. Dr. Gideon Zoleveke wrote with the help of political scientist John Chick. Anthropologist Roger Keesing assisted 'Elota and Jona- than Fifi`i from Kwaio in , and Noel Fatnowna, an Australian Solomon Islander, to write autobiographies. Historian Judith Bennett and Khyla Russell assisted Sir Lloyd Maepeza Gina in the same way, and anthropologist Ben Burt has similarly helped Samuel Alasa`a and Michael Kwa`ioloa to write autobiographies.12 All have added to the meagre biographical literature from Solomon Islands, but Sir Peter’s contribution is unique, because he is the father of the modern nation, and because he prepared the draft himself. I knew how much work had been involved when Bennett and Russell laboriously taped inter- views with Sir Lloyd Maepeza Gina and turned them into a book. The same occurred when Keesing pieced together and edited self- recorded tapes by Noel Fatnowna in the 1980s. Kenilorea was differ- ent: he taught himself to type, and produced the most substantial and genuinely self-authored book ever written by a Pacific Islands head of government or state. Even so, the editorial process was arduous, and editing the autobiography of a Pacific statesman is an unusual exercise, involv- ing what is now called life writing, but also social, political, and, in this case, religious history. Biography and autobiography is popular with readers because it reveals much about the individual, or at least as much as they wish to reveal. The literature suggests that readers appreciate not just the facts about a life, but the revelations of the truth as viewed by an individual. Autobiography is retrospective, and its fascination is that the mind does not record experiences with com- plete objectivity. What we read is the manner in which an individual with an interesting life wants to be remembered for posterity.13 In Tell It As It Is, the editor is clearly part of the process, and brings skills to the project beyond what would be expected of an

PACIFIC ISLANDS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 5 anonymous professional editor. The Kenilorea project was gener- ously sponsored by the government of Taiwan, which meant that in- ternational diplomacy was involved. I also found that diplomacy was needed in the relationship between writer and editor. In the process, I got to know Sir Peter and his family, and was able to use my own thirty-five-year knowledge of Solomon Islands. It is a confronting experience for a historian to take the position of editor of a political autobiography—at the same time a powerful and powerless position. The reader expects the author to speak freely, and an editor has to re- spect his or her autonomy. The editing process made me think about my long relationship with Solomon Islands and with leading political figures there, and about how a historian deals with playing an ancil- lary role when high level knowledge is needed, but there is little space for choice or control. I also saw the project as part of the Davidson-Crocombe style that has shaped Pacific history. This article will endeavour to grapple with the complex proc- ess of editing, and, through the discussion of the biographical proc- ess, to help readers understand something of the Solomon Islands, forty years of the political process, and also the life of the father of the nation. It will first sketch the life of Sir Peter Kenilorea, then deal with issues central to biographical and autobiographical writing, be- fore ending with analysis of three issues: his role in achieving inde- pendence for Solomon Islands; his role in the Rara cyclone rehabili- tation pledge from the French government in 1986, which lost him his prime ministership; and the place of Christianity in Sir Peter’s life and decision-making. There have been three distinct phases in the life of Peter Kenilorea.

Kenirorea Kau`ona Keninaraiso’ona Kenirorea Kau`ona Keninaraiso`ona was born 19 May 1943 in the `Are`Are district on Malaita Island, part of the British Solomon Is- lands Protectorate declared in 1893. His father, Ezra Toi`mae Ara- haimou, a South Sea Evangelical Mission pastor, was the son of

6 JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL BIOGRAPHY

Mairaro and Isiha`a, from To`roni descent group in east `Are`Are, Malaita. His mother was Esther Hoirao, of the nearby Wauruha de- scent group. This all sounds complex enough, but needs unpacking, to begin to give some idea of the different world in which Sir Peter grew up. `Are`Are is a large isolated southern language area on Malaita where there are still no roads of any consequence. Malaita is actually two islands, cut through by narrow Maramasike Passage. The Kenilorea village, Rara, sits on this divide, sharing maritime and land resources. The name `Are`Are roughly translates as “our soci- ety.” `Are`Are is the second-largest language group in the Solomon Islands, exceeded only by the Kwara`ae of central Malaita. Kenirorea was the seventh child and the third son in the family, which gives an impression of the large size of Malaitan families in this period. His three names mean “the girls love to play with” (Kenirorea); “a dan- gerous hook” (Kau`ona); and “the girls cry after him” (Kenina- raiso`ona). Today, at sixty-eight years old, he smiles at his names, and says that he never lived up to them, happily married to Margaret Rachel Kwanairara since 1971, with eight children, seven surviving. Later, he dropped use of two of his names, and changed Kenirorea to Kenilorea, a spelling in line with modern `Are`Are usage.

Peter Kenilorea From his school days onward, Kenirorea Kau`ona Keninaraiso`ona has been known as Peter Kenilorea, with an official birthday on 13 September 1943. Like many Solomon Islanders of the same era, he never knew the exact date of his birth. The September day is the date he first arrived at King George VI School, Auki, where he was edu- cated from 1956 to 1963, leaving with a Cambridge School Certifi- cate at the end of Form IV. This is also deceptively straightforward. He was taken from his village to school by the district government when he knew no English and was illiterate, then subjected to an ac- celerated education through the primary and secondary system. He completed seven years of primary school education in three years and four months, and five years of high school in four years. It was all a

PACIFIC ISLANDS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 7 matter of luck, and, if he had not been selected, he would have re- mained a villager, dependant on subsistence crops, and possibly still illiterate. King George VI School was a central government experi- ment to accelerate education in the protectorate, and was positioned at Auki, the district headquarters on Malaita, as a partial sop to Malaitans who had protested long and hard during the nationalist Maasina Rule years (1944-1952) to gain a larger say in their own governance and development.14 In 1963, he received a Commonwealth Colombo Plan Schol- arship, which enabled him to attend Wesley College in 1963-1964, Wanganui Boys College in 1965, and then Ardmore Teachers’ Col- lege, at Papakura, south of Auckland, all in New Zealand. He gradu- ated from Ardmore with a diploma, and returned to in 1968 to teach at King George VI School, at that time still the only govern- ment high school in the islands. In 1971, he moved to the public ser- vice as part of the localization process, and became an assistant sec- retary, then secretary, in the department of finance, before accepting a posting as district officer on Isabel Island. He requested a transfer to the South Malaita district in late 1972, but was sent to North Malaita instead, which undoubtedly cost him election to the Legisla- tive Council when he stood for the `Are`Are Seat. During 1973-1974, he was based in Honiara as urban senior lands officer responsible for all urban land in the country, before he transferred to the position of deputy secretary to the cabinet and secretary to the chief minister. In 1975, he was appointed district commissioner for the Eastern district. While a school teacher, Kenilorea began to develop political interests, and became president of the Civil Servants’ Association, an organization that provided the basis for the later Solomon Islands United Party (SIUP) he helped found. He also made an important submission to the Osifelo Constitutional Review Committee in 1974- 1975. His first ventures into national politics were when he failed to gain the Honiara seat in 1970, and in 1973 when he failed to gain the `Are`Are seat, his home electorate. Three years later, unopposed, he won the East `Are`Are seat, which he held until his resignation from Parliament in 1991.

8 JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL BIOGRAPHY

Kenilorea was a keen sportsman in his youth. Intensely Chris- tian, he is a lay preacher in the South Sea Evangelical Church and a fervent family man.

Rt. Hon. Dr. Sir Peter Kenilorea, K.B.E., P.C., Doctor of the University, Honoris Causa University of Queensland In 1976, Peter Kenilorea became the second chief minister of the Solomon Islands, and the first prime minister at independence on 7 July 1978. Kenilorea was prime minister until August 1980, returning again from October 1984 until he resigned in December 1986 after he lost the confidence of his cabinet due to his handling of French relief funds. He continued as deputy prime minister from 1987 to 1989, and also served as foreign minister for seven years of this period. In 1991, he resigned from Parliament to take up a three-year appointment as director of the South Pacific Forum Fisheries Agency, a regional diplomatic position based in Honiara. He then took a year off before becoming ombudsman for five years from 1996, and was intimately involved in negotiating the peace process during the political crisis years, 1998 to 2003. He became speaker of the National Parliament in 2000, and served two terms until Septem- ber 2010. Sir Peter was awarded the Queen Elizabeth’s Silver Jubilee Medal in 1977, conferred a member of the Privy Council in 1979, and knighted by Queen Elizabeth II in 1982. He received the Solo- mon Islands Independence Medal in 1978, and, ten years later, was awarded the 10th Solomon Islands Independence Anniversary Medal. In 1994, he was awarded the World War II 50th Anniversary Medal in his capacity as a resident diplomat. In 1984, he was awarded a Cer- tificate for an International Leader of Distinction by the State of Ha- wai`i, USA, and in 1985 was decorated by the Republic of China with the highest award for any foreign citizen, “The Order of Bril- liant Star with Grand Cordon.” In 2008, he was awarded an honorary doctorate by the University of Queensland to note his contribution to

PACIFIC ISLANDS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 9 his nation and the region, and as recognition of the thirtieth anniver- sary of Solomon Islands independence. This is the complex character to whom I became editor.

Editing a Solomon Islands Autobiography My own connections with Solomon Islands go back to 1976.15 In 2005, when I received a Cross of Solomon Islands, Sir Peter was the acting governor-general who made the award. At the time, as I al- ways do when speaking with any of the older generation of politi- cians, I asked him to consider writing an autobiography, and offered my assistance. I left it at that, never thinking that a manuscript would emerge. As I said in the Editor’s Preface to the book, I was first in- troduced to Sir Peter in 1976 by my friend John Maetia Kaliuae, and had met him on one other occasion when he was strolling down by Auki market on Malaita, but, beyond that, he was a Big Man (the Melanesian phrase that signifies a significant leader) and well out of my usual orbit. I received an indirect approach from another friend, one of Sir Peter’s distant nephews, who had been badgering him for years to write his autobiography. He asked if I would help. I said yes, but was wary of being a ghost editor. The Australian tertiary system for rank- ing academics counts editing for very little in publication statistics, a serious anomaly, but I certainly wanted to have my work recognised. I said that I would be honoured to write Sir Peter’s biography, and explained my reticence to provide invisible large-scale support for an autobiography. Then, in 2006, Sir Peter wrote to me that he was well advanced on writing his autobiography, and asked me to help him. I was excited at the prospect, and immediately accepted, relieved that the main work would already have been done. Sir Peter is the great survivor of Solomon Islands politics and the nation’s elder statesman. He is an old-school national leader who survived only on his salary, rare in modern Solomon Islands politics. He guided the birth of the nation, but says that he was an unwilling politician and entered politics out of a sense of duty as a member of

10 JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL BIOGRAPHY the new educated elite. Since he resigned from Parliament in 1991 he has held a string of influential positions and has been constant in holding the nation to the letter of the National Constitution. With the help of the Public Solicitor’s office, he has mounted many important private court cases against the government when it has abused its au- thority under the Constitution. How could I refuse? As an historian of the Solomon Islands since the mid-1970s, it was the sort of prize I had always wanted, and it might also encourage other leaders to fol- low his steps. I was relieved to hear that a manuscript was on the way, and foolishly imagined myself tidying it up to ready it for pub- lication. The timing was fortuitous. Between January and March 2007, I decided to take some of my annual and long service leave in the Solomon Islands, which gave me time to begin to edit the first draft of Sir Peter’s autobiography. I had arranged to stay with a friend, Gideon Sukumana, up at Skyline, a Honiara suburb on the way to the American Second World War memorial. I arranged the loan of a small office desk, then, equipped with my trusty laptop, was ready for action. Sir Peter provided his manuscript on disk, and, in his usual polite, almost self-deprecating style, asked for my opinion. He ex- plained how he had accomplished the task. He is an old-fashioned public servant and politician who never learned to type because he always had a secretary. He had borrowed a second-hand laptop, taught himself to type, and began writing. Two hundred and twenty thousand words later, the torrent was still pouring out; it had become his obsession. I said that I would get back to him, which I did about three weeks later. I prefer to work on paper, not directly on a computer, but, with limited facilities, I had no choice. My University of Queensland col- leagues always taunt me about my research time spent constantly sit- ting under palm trees by the sandy beaches in the Pacific: I suspect their vision comes from watching the musical South Pacific as chil- dren. The idyllic picture is far from reality. One never sits under palm trees, for fear of falling coconuts, and Honiara is always hot and sticky with humidity. It is a rambunctious town that one grows to like

PACIFIC ISLANDS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 11 over decades, and life is a struggle for many low-income earners. The Skyline house was comfortable, but poorly insulated, and no breezes stirred in my room, so I sweltered and sweated, day and night, with- out a fan. Water was plentiful, from the sky, but not the pipes. Honi- ara has a long-term problem with reticulated water distribution, par- ticularly in hilly suburbs like Skyline. The house was often without water for up to twenty-four hours. I became adept at collecting rain water as it poured off the roof, and bought a new big water storage container to supplement existing storage. Daily life begins early in the Solomons, and once the children of the house were off to school and the bread-winner went to work, all by eight o’clock, I was ready to work until about eleven when, in the heat of the day, I would walk down the hill to the main town area, and catch a bus or taxi to Point Cruz, the centre of town, to pick up a newspaper and supplies, perhaps stopping at the Main market on the return trip. Meanwhile, George, the house boy and companion to Gideon, guarded the house, smoked, and supervised the constant stream of visitors, who always arrive unannounced at Solomon Is- landers’ homes, feeding them with rice and tinned fish and a few green vegetables. I worked my way through the manuscript, and reported back that there was a book lurking within, but there was far too much repe- tition in the text, and around sixty thousand words would have to be edited out, particularly as the final chapters were still to be written. I explained to Sir Peter the difficulties in finding a publisher, and the cost and limited market potential of such a book. I suggested that we explore the University of the South Pacific as a possible publisher. The deadline that we had in mind was 7 July 2008, the thirtieth anni- versary of independence, which was then only about fifteen months away, almost too short a time for a commercial publisher to be inter- ested. The manuscript also needed more detail and context in places, to explain to non-Solomons readers the circumstances of various de- velopments. However, I told Sir Peter that he had put together a fine autobiography, arguably the best ever written by a Solomon Islander.

12 JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL BIOGRAPHY

He was quietly elated, but showed little feeling, guarded as he always is about displays of emotion. Sir Peter is a busy man. As Speaker, he managed the Parlia- ment and served on numerous committees. I saw little of him while I was working on his text, and we communicated by phone. He caused consternation among the neighbours on one occasion when the mo- bile phone network was at its erratic worst, by calling to see me un- announced. During this visit I had two meals with him, a lunch at the Mendana Hotel, and a Chinese meal with Sir Peter and Lady Kenilorea (always called Lady Margaret, Solomons-style), during which I suspect I was inspected to see if I was suitable for the grand endeavour. Sir Peter gave me free rein to shape the book, and asked only that I not cut back the Biblical quotations that peppered the manuscript. I did my best to oblige. There are still sixty-seven textual quotations from the Bible in the final book, by far the most refer- enced single source in the autobiography. I continued to work on the manuscript while I was in Honiara, along with other projects, and then from late March to June while back in Brisbane. I returned to teaching in the second half of the year, and kept working on the draft, cutting it back, expanding sections which needed amplification, and moving sections around. I was able to add details, fix dates, standardise names, and clarify sections that would puzzle outsiders. The final manuscript consisted of one hun- dred and eighty thousand words, with twenty-three chapters, two ap- pendices, 135 photographs and eight maps. Along the way, I proba- bly added five thousand words of historical context in the text, foot- notes, and appendixes. While Sir Peter had never kept a diary or press cuttings, he did have copies of some crucial correspondence and a good store of photographs from his public life in Solomon Is- lands and around the world. We also raided the government photo- graphic archives. His best historical asset was his memory, which proved remarkably accurate, aided I suspect by a lifetime as a teeto- taller, but also fairly typical of Solomon Islanders of the older gen- eration who remember details easily.

PACIFIC ISLANDS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 13

Before the final product was ready, I had to visit Honiara two more times, and had the pleasure of staying with Sir Peter and his family at their Kola`a Ridge home. Their close immediate family flows constantly through the house, as does the extended family, mainly relatives on Sir Peter’s side and, less frequently, those of Lady Margaret. In Malaita, a woman marries into her husband’s fam- ily, largely cutting her ties with her own kin. This pattern is observed in the Kenilorea household. On my first visit in December 2007, I was very frank with him that we needed to pin down a wealthy benefactor very quickly, and suggested that he approach the embassies. I also wanted a reputable publisher, to give prestige to the book and to ensure that there was sufficient editorial assistance. He nodded and went out to work, com- ing back that evening to say that he had been to see Taiwan’s ambas- sador, George Chan, and that he thought everything would be all right. This was followed up with an official letter and a favourable response. Taiwan has few diplomatic friends in the world, most of them Pacific nations, and the Solomon Islands is one of the most steadfast. In 1984, Sir Peter, against the advice of his cabinet, up-graded 1983 consular level recognition to full diplomatic relations with the Re- public of China, instead of aligning his nation with the People’s Re- public of China.16 Taiwan has always been a generous aid and devel- opment partner, and Sir Peter was in a position to call in favours. It was also too good a chance for the Taiwanese to miss: there was no doubting the importance of the book, and it was to be launched at the national ceremony for the thirtieth anniversary of independence, which placed the Taiwanese at centre stage. The publisher, the Centre for Asia-Pacific Studies at Academia Sinica, Taiwan’s key academic academy, was arranged through my Taiwanese colleague, Dr. Pei-yi Guo, an anthropologist working on Malaita. This pleased me im- mensely, and set the right tone of seriousness and quality. The em- bassy obtained substantial funding for the project, which appeared to be more than enough to cover all eventualities. There would be two thousand copies produced, all to be given away, with a preface by the

14 JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL BIOGRAPHY then President of the Republic of China, Chen Shi-bian. The stars had all aligned, and now it was time for a sprint to the finish line. Looking back on the first half of 2008, I still can barely com- prehend how hard I worked. Tell It As It Is is twice the length of a standard modern book. I had to re-order almost every sentence, to improve the flow of words, to cut repetition, and to moderate the rhe- torical style of a preacher and politician. At the same time, the words had to retain his flavour and stylistically be those of a Solomon Is- lander. One review of the book said that “The language used in the book is at times laborious, tedious and repetitious with quite awk- ward sentence construction.”17 I laughed when I read this, thinking back to what had been deleted and altered, but I also thought that the reviewer was unfair, considering that he had once worked in Solo- mon Islands. I made a deliberate attempt to maintain Sir Peter’s writ- ing style, and my most basic premise was that it was Sir Peter’s book, not mine, and in the long term my name would not be remembered. I also chose not to control what Sir Peter included or left out. This was his chance to set down his views for the historical record. If readers felt he was unfair in his memory of events, then it was up to them to join the debate. I did severely prune chapter twenty on Financial Misdealing, because it was so complex that I could not follow it, and I knew that others would have the same problem. I warned Sir Peter to check with the two lawyers amongst his children over one section of chapter twenty-one, and I challenged him over his justification of the 1986 Rara affair that lost him his prime ministership, which he took with good grace. Apart from that, he chose what went in and the emphasis in the book. Collecting the photographs was accomplished on the second trip, and we also discussed how to turn the manuscript into a book. As I have said, Sir Peter is old-fashioned when it comes to technol- ogy; he regards email and attachments as beyond his expertise. We had to invent an alternative communication path between Brisbane and Honiara. Phone calls were out of the question, except on rare oc- casions, as the Solomon Islands government foolishly entered into a long-term monopoly with one phone company, and calls cost about

PACIFIC ISLANDS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 15

A$1.70 per minute. Communications were accomplished through his executive secretary, who passed on email messages, and his daughter May, who had email at home and at work. May was our saviour and deserves the highest praise for her dedication: hundreds of email messages full of fiddly questions over the spelling of names and mi- nor details passed back and forth. The book could never have been completed in such a short time without her. I learned a few truths about diplomacy and status in dealing with Ambassador Chen. He had no appreciation of the size of the task, and after a month or two asked if the job had been completed, surprised to be told that we were a long way off. Then, early in 2008, staggering under the load, I assessed that we could not meet the 7 July deadline, and asked to be allowed to slow down. The ambassa- dor’s answer was no, not under any circumstances. The pride of Tai- wan was at stake, not to mention the reputation of the ambassador and president. In fact, the book project involved the ex-president: he had written the foreword while he was president, and then there was a change at the top. The ambassador would not consider asking the new president for a new foreword. It mattered not one jot that part of the reason for the proposed delay was that the transfer of funds be- tween the government, the embassy and Academia Sinica had taken an inordinate amount of time, nor that the assistance that I had re- quested right from the start—a good copy editor—had not been forthcoming. The publishing process was remarkably efficient in many ways, and editor Hsinyi Chien was a joy to work with, but the Centre for Asia-Pacific Studies, despite the huge finances available, had not engaged an independent copy editor. The manuscript had moved too fast not to have mistakes in it, and it needed eyes other than Sir Peter’s and mine to remove errors. Eventually, some other readers were arranged, at the last minute, and the text is actually re- markably clean in its final form. One of the last decisions was over the cover, which exposed a culture clash. Sir Peter and his family wanted to use a rather splendid black-and-white photograph from 1978 as the centre piece, a request met with horror from Taiwan. They said that only dead people were shown in this way, and that we

16 JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL BIOGRAPHY must use a colour photograph. In the end, the wisdom of Solomons and Australia prevailed, and we got the cover we wanted; after all, it had to be attractive to Solomon Islanders, not Taiwanese. The book went to press in the second half of June—the 20th if my memory is correct. The final run through the printing press and the transport to Honiara was accomplished by commandeering a press in Taipei, and then sending all copies express air freight to Honiara. We all watched a series of email messages that tracked pro- gress, fingers crossed, until the two thousand copies reached Honiara two days before the 7th of July celebration. I was there at the cere- mony to see it launched, and Ambassador Chen was centre stage in it all, as was Sir Peter. I was in the crowd.

Recent literature on autobiographical writing places stress on gender and race.18 Tell It As It Is was a classic exercise in male biography. Sir Peter is a patriarchal figure in politics, his family, and church, and makes no pretence to be otherwise. He wears his knighthood like a first name and, out of politeness and respect, I have never called him other than Sir Peter. His church is fundamentalist, and in it males di- rect their families. His second-to-last chapter, “Raising a Christian Family,” is in many ways the most interesting in the book in the way that it identifies the conservative nature of the man. Whiteness Stud- ies would suggest that issues related to race might have an impact on the author/editor relationship.19 I will leave others to ponder this, but I do not believe this to be relevant. I felt that I was only the facilitator of this book, and did little to shape it, other than moving some sec- tions around. The working relationship was harmonious, and grew out of the Davidson-Crocombe admonition that academics have a re- sponsibility to assist.20 Yet there were issues relating to the editorial process that are worth discussing. Three issues tested me as editor. First of these was

PACIFIC ISLANDS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 17 his role in negotiating independence in 1978: was he as central to the process as he believed? The second was his decision to step down as prime minister in 1986, still the most contentious issue in his long career. The third was my need to come to terms with his Christian persona. In the first two of these areas, I needed to make my own as- sessment of Sir Peter’s account, and decide how much I should inter- fere and question his version of events. The third, Christianity, is an area where I accepted his right to assert views that were basic to his personality and modus operandi. As his editor, I was subservient to his interpretation, yet on occasions I also had to act as devil’s advo- cate, to ensure that his perspective could stand up to rigorous criti- cisms from his readers.

Negotiating Independence What did the British make of the young Peter Kenilorea, chief minis- ter of the Solomon Islands at thirty-four years old, who visited Lon- don twice to negotiate his nation’s financial severance package, the new Constitution and the final relationship between Britain and its far away Pacific protectorate? He had to deal with Lord Goronwy- Roberts, minister for foreign affairs, and his senior staff. Chapter ten, entitled “A Rather Reluctant Politician,” provides details of the nego- tiations. Only one other person involved has ever written on the topic, Yash Ghai, a Kenyan citizen of ethnic Indian descent, who was the constitutional advisor provided by the British.21 Ghai wrote in the 1980s and was careful not to give any strong opinions, merely re- cording events in detail. Sir Peter had slowed down by a year the timing for independ- ence accepted by , his predecessor as chief minis- ter,22 much to the frustration of the British and Governor Sir . New in the job, reliant on his public service skills, prayer, and determination to do his best by his country, Kenilorea wanted to en- sure that all thirty-eight Members of the Legislative Assembly under- stood and felt they had ownership of the independence Constitution. In confidential foreign affairs reports back in London, the Pacific

18 JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL BIOGRAPHY

Territories department was not sure that Kenilorea had enough politi- cal cunning to survive as chief minister, let alone prime minister. Sir Donald Luddington, governor until mid-1976, reported that “Kenilorea himself is politically naive and lacks the experience and ability to quote back speeches that Mamaloni and Ulufa`alu23 have made in the past.”24 When Mamaloni and Ulufa`alu supported Kenilorea in delaying the independence date, the British conclusion was that they had done so to allow time to strengthen their power base “inside and outside the Assembly with a view to overthrowing the present Government and themselves leading the Solomons into independence.”25 The British saw Kenilorea as slow and boring, with no imagination, yet he has survived and served in many public posi- tions, perhaps showing that the British assessments were wrong, or at least did not understand what Solomon Islanders wanted from a leader. Fred Osifelo, speaker of the Legislative Assembly, was an- other important figure in the 1970s. Unhappy about the prospects of Mamaloni becoming prime minister, Osifelo was flying kites about standing for election himself. He was quoted very revealingly, in re- lation to political power in Solomon Islands, in a conversation with the deputy governor in 1976:

But Trevor, that is the Melanesian Way! We are dictators. This why there is now plenty of talk about Chiefs. We un- derstand that. We do what Big Men tell us to do. We are not ready for democracy. We need more experience. We like to talk but we agree to what someone strong tells us. We shall have a dictatorship.

Trevor Clark added to his report: “Fred would be a benign, wise, pig- headed old dictator, but I doubt his chances.”26 Kenilorea was the modern Solomon Big Man: he had a sense of what was right and necessary in the circumstances. Kenilorea’s slow pace was very frustrating to the governor and the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, but from the judgement of history it was the correct tactic. The various British officials who came to Honiara to negotiate did not have enough authority to make

PACIFIC ISLANDS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 19 final decisions, which all had to be made by Foreign Affairs in Lon- don. In May 1977, the Solomons sent a bipartisan seven-man delega- tion to London, headed by Kenilorea. They came back with a £23 million package, which was £3 million more than the British had proposed. In the next London meeting, in September 1977, the tactics were quite different: the delegation consisted of twenty-nine mem- bers, twenty-four of them MPs, which left only a small number at home to run all government portfolios. The main points of contention were finances (which had been dealt with initially in May), enabling future development of provincial government, land issues, the rights of Gilbert and Ellice Islander migrants in the new nation, and “Be- longer’s Status” for foreign residents and their rights to citizenship. The British were most concerned to safeguard the rights of present and future investors in Solomon Islands and to ensure fair purchase terms for any lands resumed. As the protectorate had 999 years leases over plantation lands, there was every reason to be concerned. Sir Peter says that the size of the delegation was part of his strategy, as it allowed the majority of Members to be involved, and was expensive. Usually, British territories were expected to meet their own costs of representatives at an independence conference. Kenilorea proposed that the British come to Honiara for the confer- ence because the reverse trip was too expensive for his government. This sent the British into a tailspin: the “logistic nightmare”27 of dif- ferent time zones and inadequate communications would have left their delegation cut off from London, and Honiara’s hotels were judged to be primitive.28 There was also the advantage of bringing the supplicant protectorate to the metropolis, with all its pomp and ceremony. The British decided that the political risk of travelling to the islands was too great.29 In the end, an agreement was reached that the Solomons government pay the air fares, but with the British gov- ernment breaking with precedent and paying the accommodation costs in London. Negotiations took longer than expected, and the British were not keen to pay for an extra week. All of this seemed to speed their deliberations on some issues. Kenilorea was correct in this strategy.

20 JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL BIOGRAPHY

Another strategy, after a rather shambolic first day, was that the delegation agreed to communicate only through designated spokesmen, and by the third day communication was solely through Kenilorea. In the end, it was his private negotiations with Lord Goronwy-Roberts that shaped the final agreement. The Foreign Of- fice had been aware that direct negotiations with the foreign minister might well be necessary, which was one reason for not holding the conference in Honiara. The final sticking point was the British insis- tence on recognition of “Belonger’s Status,” which would have al- lowed any foreigner of more than seven years residence automatic citizenship at independence, with land rights equal to those of in- digenous Solomon Islanders. This affected British residents, but also Chinese,30 and the Gilbertese and Ellice Islands migrants who had arrived since the 1950s.31 Kenilorea refused to accept this, which was no surprise. In a meeting of key officials from London and Honiara at Government House on 26-27 June 1976, this issue was listed as likely to be the most serious difficulty.

On present proposals there would be no certainty at inde- pendence who would be a Solomon Islands citizen. This would have a direct effect on UK citizenship law—a highly sensitive subject.32

The private negotiation with Lord Goronwy-Roberts and Dr. David Owen, secretary of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, is de- scribed in detail in Sir Peter’s book.33 He told Goronwy-Roberts and Owen that:

To Westerners, land is an economic commodity, while to Solomon Islanders land is our mother and an integral part of our total being and existence—culture, taboos, values, wealth, social worth, religion and soul. It can never be bought or sold in the modern sense of the word. It follows therefore that, to a Solomon Islander, it is not possible com- pletely to sever the sense of belonging between mother earth (land) and its human inhabitants.34

PACIFIC ISLANDS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 21

Kenilorea told Goronwy-Roberts and Owen that he would rather re- turn home without concluding the negotiations than agree to non- indigenous Solomon Islanders having the same rights to land as in- digenous Solomon Islanders. Although this brinkmanship was a risky strategy, Kenilorea meant what he said. Owen was forced to make this significant concession and to recognise the sanctity of Solomon Islands customary land rights over land alienated to foreigners. A be- leaguered Goronwy-Roberts also agreed. The Gilbert and Ellice Is- landers were safeguarded under the 1977 Land Act, which allowed them to have perpetual title to areas on which they had been settled, without further commitment to their descendants. An innocent David went to Goliath’s lair to negotiate a com- plex deal that set his nation on its track for the next thirty years. With the hindsight of the wider British decolonisation process, the Solo- mon Islanders managed well in their negotiations, and have a lot for which to thank their young chief minister. His assessment of his role stood up to all scrutiny.

Resigning as Prime Minister, 1986 Sir Peter served as prime minister until 1981, when he lost to Solo- mon Mamaloni, and from 19 November 1984 until 1 December 1986, when he felt that he had no option but to resign, continuing as deputy prime minister under . One of the longest segments of his autobiography discusses the incident that led to his resignation: the Rara Cyclone rehabilitation pledge by the French government.35 It is Sir Peter’s Achilles’ heel and the section that took the greatest diplomatic skill on my part to get right. I played devil’s advocate with him, which I don’t think he liked much, but I knew that it would be the section read avidly by his detractors. There re- mains a general belief, vaguely remembered, that he had done some- thing wrong and been forced to resign. People said that he had taken money from the French to help his own village, Rara, which had been damaged by Cyclone Namu. In the end, I was satisfied that he had explained things well enough, exonerated himself, and was guilty

22 JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL BIOGRAPHY only of naivety, which in itself is not a good quality in a prime minis- ter. Cyclone Namu arrived at a time when the French were very unpopular in the Pacific. Decolonisation was almost complete, but the French government claimed that their three Pacific territories were an integral part of domestic France, which was nonsensical po- litically. They were conducting nuclear tests in French Polynesia, and the Kanak in New Caledonia were agitating for independence, all of which made France unwelcome in many quarters of the Pacific. France established diplomatic relations with Solomon Islands just one year after independence, and when France offered to send a plane equipped with medical supplies, temporary shelters, and water purifi- cation gear, Prime Minister Kenilorea was immensely grateful. Gas- ton Flosse, president of French Polynesia and minister for the South Pacific, arrived just after Kenilorea had been on a trip to see the dev- astation on Malaita, and offered, amongst other assistance, to help rehabilitate the Provincial Primary School at Oteiora near Rara. This was all very public and above board, and Kenilorea stayed at arm’s length from the funds. No money was spent on his family home in the village, although his extended family lived in the area given assis- tance. Sir Peter remains very hurt by the allegations that he person- ally benefitted from the French money, asking why his own people, who were in need, should be punished because he was prime minis- ter. It was a true test of his prime ministership in an emergency situation, and, although he instituted mechanisms to keep himself well away from the funding, he probably should have relied on his own government services to rehabilitate his local community. The French wanted to buy influence and were not just being good neighbours. They dangled funds in front of the prime minister that he should have used in some other way, and it was his undoing. His po- litical opponents pressed the matter and, after several members of his cabinet resigned, he lost his majority, and resigned his office. His own explanation was carefully worded:

PACIFIC ISLANDS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 23

Perhaps President Flosse had political purposes in making his offer, but I never saw it that way. Perhaps I was politi- cally naive and too trusting, or had been blinded by my Christian conviction that this was a straightforward cyclone rehabilitation assistance pledge and was God’s special bless- ing to my people in the circumstances. Whatever the reason, I have no guilty conscience about it in the slightest, nor did I have any reason to consider it in any other way.36

His reaction to the debacle showed the character of the man: a little naive perhaps, but principled.

Christian Principles This brings us neatly to Sir Peter’s Christian upbringing and convic- tions, which have permeated his life and career. Since I edited the book I have written two major papers on Solomon Islands. One was on the political and constitutional processes that developed in the 1960s and 1970s, leading to independence in 1978. I did this because I felt that I did not totally understand the process.37 I have also writ- ten on the Queensland Kanaka Mission, which became the South Sea Evangelical Mission and finally an independent Church. In my earlier dealings with Sir Peter, I was always puzzled by the origins of this unique Church. He is the son of a pastor, and is himself a lay preacher in his local SSEC branch. In the 1999 Solomon Islands cen- sus there were 69,651 members of the South Sea Evangelical Church.38 Today, adherents number around eighty-five thousand, making up eleven percent of Christians in the nation. The SSEC grew out of the South Sea Evangelical Mission, which began in 1907 as an islands-based continuation of the Queensland Kanaka Mission that operated in Australia between 1886 and 1906 and in Solomon Islands after 1895. The SSEM expanded into Papua New Guinea after the Second World War, where there are now around twenty thousand members. In 1964, the SSEC was inaugurated as an indigenous Church in the Solomon Islands, in which national leaders took total responsibility.39

24 JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL BIOGRAPHY

Figuratively heir to Puritan and Baptist traditions, steeped in the beliefs of the Open Brethren, influenced by the Keswick Conven- tion and the wider evangelical movement, the SSEC has maintained an uncompromising doctrinal stance centred on a literal interpretation of scripture. Church members are Trinitarians in the great Puritan tradition. They pray directly to God the Father from the heart, through Jesus Christ, in the power of the Holy Spirit, and do not use set liturgy or clergy. They believe that they have direct access to God’s grace in Jesus Christ, through the Holy Spirit. Adult baptism has remained a central tenet of the Church. Sir Peter is a passionate and committed SSEC Christian, which gives him his perspective on life. I have a Low Church Angli- can upbringing, and in adulthood I have professed no Christian faith at all. Every decision Sir Peter makes is guided by prayer, and he is a forgiving man who carries no grudges. As I said in my preface to the book, I am always inclined to look for administrative and economic logic and political gamesmanship in decision-making. While I am sure that Sir Peter makes rational administrative decisions, the extra spiritual dimension is constantly present. It is refreshing, and a useful reminder to Pacific historians and political scientists, that Christianity is a crucial motivation for many Pacific Islanders. While many world leaders profess to be Christians and regularly attend church, few are as dedicated as Sir Peter, nor do they come from a denomination with such unbending adherence to belief in its doctrine. The first dedication in the acknowledgements section of Tell It As It Is is to God, and the text is full of Biblical textual references. After thirty-five years of living with and dealing with Solomon Is- landers, I still find this issue one of the most confronting. At core, they are a religious people, originally through ancestor worship and animism, and since the nineteenth century mainly through Christian- ity. As an outsider, I feel welcomed in all ways, and regard Solomon Islands as my second home, and I am part of a large extended family there. Yet, there will always be a gap when it comes to Christianity, just as there will always be a gap in my understanding of their rela- tionship with land and ancestors. When he was negotiating independ-

PACIFIC ISLANDS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 25 ence in 1977 and the issues of “Belonger’s Status” and citizenship, Sir Peter voiced an example for a British official who was trying to understand the issues. He said that, however much the man wished to be Kenilorea, he never could be, and Kenilorea could never be the British man. He told the official that only an indigenous Solomon Is- lander can feel and appreciate the relationship that exists between them and their land.40 This applies just as well to my relationship with Sir Peter and other Solomon Islanders. There is also a lesson here for any of us who try to write about the lives and cultures of others. No matter how much we try to understand and have empathy, we are not them. Even after questioning the autobiographer we can only guess at real moti- vations and why certain decisions were made. Historians as editors need to reveal their relationship to the subject and motivations. After the book is produced and enough time passes to allow some perspective on events, we need to place our roles on the record, as the book is ours as well.41 I feel privileged in being able to share knowledge of Sir Peter’s life and of his nation. I hope that in my small way I have helped to create a book that will be remembered and important. Books other than the Bible are actually rare commodities in Solomon Islands’ homes and schools. Thanks to the Taiwanese embassy, Tell It As It Is has now been placed in every school and institution in the country. The book will become an ongo- ing source of historical knowledge for the nation, not just an autobi- ography. It has been more widely distributed than any other book ever published on Solomon Islands. As Jeremy D. Popkin suggests, historians are ambivalent about their relationship with autobiography. The drive to write more “scientific” history that began in the nine- teenth century is undoubtedly a factor. Nevertheless, historians rec- ognize that autobiography, although interdisciplinary in nature and dominated by those whose primary interest is literary, can be a rele- vant field to history.42 In the Pacific, where segmented academic boundaries are not relevant to indigenous cultures, the memoirs of a leader will be regarded as an important source of national history. Kenilorea’s book is a personal history of the late colonial years and

26 JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL BIOGRAPHY up to 2008. Given that histories of the Solomons are in short supply, Kenilorea’s book, distributed free of charge widely, and available for purchase at a subsidised price, will in effect be the main history book that Solomon Islanders read for the next ten years. Historians, anthropologists, political scientists, and Christian Church personnel have been intimately involved in aiding the pro- duction of Pacific autobiographies, an indication of the closeness be- tween Pacific autobiography and history. The Kenilorea book is typi- cal of this genre, and challenges some of the best-practice advice in the international literature on autobiography. Perhaps the difference is inherent in the nature of Pacific cultures and Pacific Studies as an academic discipline, which concentrates on understanding the region, not on disciplinary boundaries. For me, the production of Tell It as It Is has offered the opportunity to reflect on the issues associated with autobiography and, more particularly, with Pacific Islands political history.

PACIFIC ISLANDS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 27

Notes

1 Peter Kenilorea, Tell It As It Is: Autobiography of Rt. Hon. Sir Peter Kenilorea, K.B.E., P.C., Solomon Islands’ First Prime Minister, ed. Clive Moore (Taipei: Centre for Asia-Pacific Area Studies, Academia Sinica, 2008), xxxvi. 2 Mark Otter, review of Tell It As It Is, by Peter Kenilorea, Australian Jour- nal of Politics and History 55:1 (2009):137-138; Judith Bennett, review, New Zealand International Review XXXIV:5 (2009): 26-27; Debra McDougall, review, Journal of Pacific History 44: 2 (2009): 229-230; Jaap Timmer, review, Pacific Affairs 82:4 (2009/2010): 760-762; Michael W. Scott, review, New Zealand Journal of History 43:1 (2009): 110-111; An- drew Podger, review, Australian Journal of International Affairs 63: 4 (2009): 596-598. 3 I am indebted to my colleagues Michael Goldsmith, Robert Kiste, Brij V. Lal, Adrian Muckle, Doug Munro and Edward Wolfers for their advice on the references in this paragraph. 4 Kamisese Mara, The Pacific Way: A Memoir (Honolulu: University of Hawai`i Press, 1997). 5 Sitiveni Rabuka, Rabuka: No Other Way. His Own Story of the Fijian Coup as told to Eddie Dean and Stan Ritova (Sydney: Doubleday, 1988). 6 Michael T. Somare, Sana: An Autobiography (Port Moresby: Niugini Press, 1975). 7 Walter Lini, Beyond Pandemonium: From the New Hebrides to Vanuatu (Wellington: Asia Pacific Books, 1980). 8 Ignatius Kilage, My Mother Calls me Yaltep (Port Moresby: Institute of Pa- pua New Guinea Studies, 2000); Paulias Matane, My Childhood in New Guinea (London and New York: Oxford University Press, 1972); Paulias Matane, To Serve With Love (Mt. Waverley, Vic.: Dellasta Pacific, 1992); Timoci U. Bavarda, Bavadra, Prime Minister, Statesman, man of the Peo- ple: Selection of Speeches and Writings, 1985-1989, ed. `Atu Bain and Tupeni Baba (Nadi: Sunrise Press, 1990). 9 Tom Davis, Island Boy: An Autobiography (Suva: Institute of Pacific Stud- ies, University of the South Pacific, 1992). Sir Tom and Lydia Davis also wrote Doctor to the Islands (Boston: Little, Brown, 1954). 10 Jérôme Cazaumayou and Thomas De Dekker, eds., Gabriel Païta: Témoignage Kanak. D’Opao au Pays de la Nouvelle-Calédonie, 1929-1999 (Paris: Hartmattan, 2000); Vijay R. Singh, Speaking Out: Commentary on Political, Social and Economic Issues in Fiji during the Decade 1995-2005 (Brisbane: Knightsbrook Publications, 2006); Tomasi R. Vakatora, From the Mangrove Swamps (Suva: University of the South Pacific, 1998); An-

28 JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL BIOGRAPHY

thony Siaguru, In-house in Papua New Guinea with Anthony Siaguru (Can- berra: Asia Pacific Press, 2001). 11 George G. Carter, David Voeta: The Story of a Pioneer Missionary, Pro- ceedings of the Wesley Historical Society, (New Zealand), 28, no. 5 (Auck- land: Wesley Historical Society, New Zealand, 1973); George G. Carter, Yours in Service: A Reflection on the Life and Times of Reverend Belshaz- zar Gina of Solomon Islands, ed. Esau Tuza (Honiara: University of the South Pacific Centre, 1990); Tarcisius Tara Kabutaulaka, Footprints in the Tasimauri Sea: A Biography of Dominiko Alebua (Suva: Institute of Pacific Studies, University of the South Pacific, 2002). 12 Frederick Osifelo, Kanaka Boy: An Autobiography (Suva: Institute of Pacif- ic Studies and the Solomon Islands Extension Centre, University of the South Pacific, 1985); Gideon Zoleveke, Zoleveke: A Man from Choiseul, ed. John Chick (Suva: Institute of Pacific Studies, University of the South Pacific, 1980); `Elota, `Elota’s Story: The Life and Times of a Solomon Is- lands Big Man, ed. Roger M. Keesing (Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, 1978); Jonathon Fifi`i, From Pig-Theft to Parliament: My Life Be- tween Two Worlds, ed. and trans. Roger M. Keesing (Honiara and Suva: Solomon Islands College of Higher Education and Institute of Pacific Stud- ies, University of the South Pacific, 1989); Noel Fatnowna, Fragments of a Lost Heritage, ed. Roger Keesing (Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1989); Ben Burt and Michael Kwa`ioloa, eds., A Solomon Islands Chronicle: As Told by Samuel Alasa`a (London: British Museum Press, 2001); Lloyd Ma- epeza Gina, Journeys in a Small Canoe: The Life and Times of a Solomon Islander, eds. Judith A. Bennett and Khyla J. Russell (Suva; Canberra: In- stitute of Pacific Studies, University of the South Pacific; Pandanus Books, 2003). 13 Susan Magarey, “Three Questions for Biographers: Public or Private? Indi- vidual or Society? Truth or Beauty?,” Journal of Historical Biography, 4 (2008): 1-26; Jill Kerr Conway, When Memory Speaks: Reflections on Autobiography (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1998); James Goodwin, Autobiography: The Self Made Text (New York and Toronto: Twayne Pub- lishers, Maxwell Macmillan Canada and Maxwell Macmillan International, 1993); A.O.J. Cockshut, The Art of Autobiography in 19th and 20th Century England (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1984); Robert Folkenflik, ed., The Culture of Autobiography: Constructions of Self- Representation (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993); Jeremy D. Popkin, “Coordinated Lives: Between Autobiography and Scholarship,” Biography 24, no.4 (2001): 781-805. 14 Maasina (brotherhood) Rule (also known as Marching Rule) began during 1944 while Malaitans were members of the wartime Labour Corps on Gua-

PACIFIC ISLANDS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 29

dalcanal. The movement continued until 1952. Nori and Aliki Nono`ohimae from `Are`Are, joined later by Timothy George from South Malaita, began to conduct meetings on Malaita that expressed independent and anti-British sentiments. They were influenced by American service- men, particularly African-Americans whose humane treatment of them and advice on action against colonialism encouraged them to make a stand against British authority after the war. The trio spread a message of inde- pendence amongst Malaitan ex-Scouts and labourers, who began a cam- paign of non-compliance and civil disobedience. They were also influenced by earlier movements, such as the Fallows Movement in the 1930s. The Maasina Rule movement advocated a policy of improved agriculture, con- centration into larger villages, and non-co-operation with the protectorate government and missions. These teachings were coupled at some stages with millenarian ideas of an earthly paradise to come. With the movement spreading to all areas of Malaita, for eight years Maasina Rule leaders en- deavoured to dominate affairs on the island, and their influence spread to other parts of the protectorate. It was an indigenous proto-nationalist movement based on civil disobedience, and expressed a desire for self- government and self-determination. The British tried to destroy Maasina Rule and imprison its leaders, ultimately failing in their endeavour. Maas- ina Rule was the most significant opposition to British administration in the Pacific Islands, and rates highly as an important civil disobedience move- ment in the British Empire. Hugh M. Laracy, Pacific Protest: The Maasina Rule Movement, Solomon Islands, 1944-1952 (Suva: Institute of Pacific Studies, University of the South Pacific, 1983); David Akin, Colonialism, Maasina Rule, and the Origins of Malaitan Kastom (Honolulu: University of Hawai`i Press, 2012). 15 Clive Moore, “Rakwane,” in Pacific Places, Histories: Essays in Honour of Robert C. Kiste, ed. B. V. Lal (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004), 242-266; Clive Moore, “Noel Fatnowna and His Book: The Making of Fragments of a Lost Heritage,” Journal of Pacific Studies 18 (1994- 1995): 137-150. 16 Kenilorea, Tell It As It Is, 286-288. 17 Mark Otter, Review of Tell It As It Is, 138. 18 Gillian Whitlock, The Intimate Empire: Reading Women’s Autobiography (London and New York: Cassell, 2000); and Soft Weapons: Autobiography in Transit (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2007); Helen M. Buss, Repossessing the World: Reading Memoirs by Contemporary Women (Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2002). 19 Steve Garner, Whiteness: An Introduction (Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon and New York: Routledge, 2007); Aileen Moreton-Robinson, ed., Whiten-

30 JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL BIOGRAPHY

ing Race: Essays on Social and Cultural Criticism (Canberra: Aboriginal Studies Press, 2004). 20 For instance, I moved the Kenilorea family genealogy from the front of the book to Appendix One and joined some chapters together. 21 Yash H. Ghai, “Constitution Making and Decolonisation,” in Law, Politics and Government in Pacific Islands States, ed. Yash H. Ghai (Suva: Institute of Pacific Studies, University of the South Pacific, 1988); and “The Making of the Independence Constitution,” in Solomon Islands Politics, ed. Peter Larmour with Sue Tarua (Suva: Institute of Pacific Studies, University of the South Pacific, 1983), 9-52. 22 Solomon Suna`one Mamaloni (1943–2000), prime minister and business- man, was born in January 1943, at Rumahui village, Arosi district Makira Island, son of Jaash Stephanus Suna`one. He was educated at Church of Melanesia (Anglican) Pawa School and at King George VI School for four years, before completing his secondary education at Te Aute Maori College in Hawkes Bay, New Zealand from 1964-1966. The first chief minister of Solomon Islands (1974-1976), he served as prime minister three times (1981-1984, 1989-1993, 1994-1997) and three times as leader of the oppo- sition. Universally known as Solo, he was a colourful political figure, a great nationalist who believed that his people should break away from Western paradigms. Foreign governments found him unpredictable, wily and corrupt in his financial dealings, as he never separated his personal business from political gains. He was the shrewdest politician the Solomon Islands have known, always willing to take risks and regularly trouncing his political opponents. He died on 11 January 2000 when kidney problems, exacerbated by diabetes and gout, finally overwhelmed him. 23 Bartholomew Ulufa`alu was born in Alite`e Village, Langalanga Lagoon, Malaita in 1950 and received his secondary education at Catholic schools. He attended UPNG in 1970, where he became President of the Students Representative Council and graduated with a BA in Economics in 1974. After returning to the Solomons, he worked to set up Rafea and Kwakuna Co-operative Development Society. In February 1975, he founded and be- came President of the Solomon Islands General Workers Union. He set up the Nationalists Party to fight the June 1976 General Election, in which he became a member of the Legislative Assembly. He formed the Coalition Opposition Group, which later became the Nationalists Democratic Party, and published a weekly newspaper during 1977. He also was elected a Member of the Honiara Town Council. Ulufa`alu was leader of the opposition for two years leading up to inde- pendence, and became finance minister in the 1981–1984 Mamaloni gov- ernment. He spent the next few years involved in various business ventures

PACIFIC ISLANDS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 31

of little success. He returned to Parliament in 1988, only to resign his East Honiara seat in 1990 to join the Prime Minister’s Office in order to estab- lish a pool of local business and development advisers to replace expatriate consultants. Prime Minister Mamaloni then claimed that the new scheme was too expensive and abolished it, leaving Ulufa`alu as a private consult- ant and low-profile businessman. He still did some work for the govern- ment and, on his own initiative, set up the Solomon Islands Farmers’ Asso- ciation. Then, at Mamaloni’s urging, he ran unsuccessfully against his arch- political rival Francis Saemala in a bitter and heated contest for the Central Malaita seat. In 1996, he formed the Liberal Party, which became his po- litical come-back vehicle in 1997. He served as prime minister from June 1997 until deposed by a coup in June 2000. He became an embittered leader of the opposition. Returned again in the 2000 elections, after the April 2006 elections he was finance minister in the Sogavare government from May until October 2006. He died on 25 May 2007 after a long battle with diabetes. 24 Governor Sir Donald Luddington, 20 September 1976 to H. S. G. Stanley, Assistant Under Secretary, Foreign and Commonwealth office, Solomon Is- lands Constitutional Conference 1976—Administrative Arrangements, , FCO32/1356, The National Archives, Kew. 25 C. A. Holmes, Pacific Dependent Territories Department, 21 October 1976 to Messrs E. A. W. Bullock and H. S. G. Stanley and Lord Goronwy- Roberts, Constitutional and Political Development—Solomon Islands, FCO32/1357. 26 Deputy Governor A. T. Clark, 6 May 1976 to E. A. W. Bullock, PDTD, FCO, Constitutional and Political Development—Solomon Islands, FCO32/1357. Born on 15 October 1928 near A`anangali village in east Baegu, Malaita, Frederick Osifelo was the son of a police station sergeant who later became district headman, court president in East Baegu`u and a member of the Malaita council. With only a basic education, Frederick Osifelo began work as a messenger for the administration at Auki in 1945, and was quickly promoted to assistant clerical officer (1951) and assistant administrative officer (1954) by District Commissioners Stanley Master- man and Tom Russell, who both admired his dedication and hard work. He travelled to Port Moresby in June 1961 with Tom Russell, by then senior assistant secretary (personnel), to attend a study group on the problems of urban youth. In September 1964, he left to attend an eight-month local gov- ernment training course at the South Devon Technical College, Torquay, Great Britain. As a senior executive officer, level B, from 1965, he com- pleted a variety of government tasks, from returning officer at a Yandina by-election in 1966, to his work as a magistrate.

32 JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL BIOGRAPHY

He went on to become a long-term senior public servant, appointed district commissioner of Eastern District in 1972, and in 1974 became chairman of the governing council and first speaker of the Legislative Assembly later that year. At independence in 1978, Osifelo remained chairman of the Pub- lic Service Board and it was not possible under the Constitution for him to continue in both positions. Awarded an M.B.E. in 1972, in 1977 he was the first Solomon Islander to be knighted. He died on 26 March 2001. 27 F. S. E. Trew, Pacific Dependent Territories Department, 25 August 1976, to H. S. G. Stanley, Solomon Islands Constitutional Conference 1976— Administrative Arrangements, FCO32/1356. 28 Crossland to Government House, Honiara, Telegram 10 September 1976, Solomon Islands Constitutional Conference 1976—Administrative Ar- rangements, FCO32/1356. 29 H. S. G. Stanley to Governor Sir Donald Luddington, 31 August 1976, Sol- omon Islands Constitutional Conference 1976—Administrative Arrange- ments, FCO32/1356. 30 Clive Moore, “No More Walkabout in Chinatown: Asian Involvement in the Solomon Islands Economic and Political Processes,” in Politics and State Building in Solomon Islands, ed. Sinclair Dinnen and Stewart Firth (Canberra: Asia Pacific Press, 2008), 64-95. 31 Kenneth E. Knudson, “Sydney Island, Titiana, and Kamamleai: Southern Gilbertese in the Phoenix and Solomon Islands,” in Exiles and Migrants in Oceania, ed. Michael D. Lieber (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1977), 195-241; Kenneth E. Knudson, Titiana: A Gilbertese Community in the Solomon Islands, Department of Anthropology Project for the Compar- ative Study of Cultural Change and Stability in Displaced Communities in the Pacific No. 1 (Eugene, Oregon, USA: Department of Anthropology, University of Oregon, 1965). 32 Note on a Meeting held at Government House, Honiara on Thursday 24 June, Saturday 26 June and Sunday 27 June 1976, Item 2, 3, Solomon Is- lands Constitutional Conference 1976—Administrative Arrangements, , FCO32/1356. 33 Kenilorea, Tell It As It Is, 224-228. 34 Ibid., 225. 35 Ibid., 271-285. 36 Ibid., 282. 37 Clive Moore, “Decolonising Solomon Islands: British Theory and Melane- sian Practice,” Working Paper No. 8, (Geelong: Alfred Deakin Research Institute, Deakin University, 2010). http://www.deakin.edu.au/alfred- deakin-research-institute/assets/resources/publications/workingpapers/adri- working-paper-08.pdf.

PACIFIC ISLANDS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 33

38 The full analysis of the 2009 census has not been released. 39 Clive Moore, “Florence Young and the Queensland Kanaka Mission, 1886- 1906: Beginnings of an Indigenous Pacific Church,” Solomon Islands Na- tional Museum Occasional Paper No. 2 (December 2009). 40 Kenilorea, Tell It As It Is, 225-226. 41 Richard Vinen, “The Poisoned Madeleine: The Autobiographical Turn in Historical Writing,” Journal of Contemporary History 46:3 (2011): 531- 554. 42 Jeremy D. Popkin, History, Historians, and Autobiography (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2005), 11-16.